新羅 上ㆍ中代 中央行政制度 硏究

정덕기 연세대학교 대학원 2019 국내박사

This dissertation aims to reassess the general administrative characteristic in Silla's Chǒnhahwa(Sinization), to name it as Yi Tang infuse, and to reinterpret the political implication in the context of the structural change of the central administration. Chǒnhahwa here designates obtaining universality in the course of developing national history, and is literally equivalent to what is known as Globalization in modern age. Silla kingdom came to obtain the universal justification in the East asian historial context, in the way of proceeding the reorganization of the administrative system based on its own cultural and historical identity. The history of Silla can provide a meaningful implication to modern scholarship in that Silla's historical trajectory represents the role model for Korean-style globalization as it launched a strategic attempt to infuse Chinese external influence and its own originality. In this regard, this paper seeks to unravel how exactly administrative system in Sang(Early) and Jung(Middle) period was succeeded to the later period with a special focus on the reorganization of Jǒn and Bu. In so doing, one can draw an insightful conclusion that the development of Silla's central administration differs qualitatively to the earlier government as the government endeavored to establish its own mechanism, while adopting to the Chinese-led world order. Under this light, this thesis shed a new light on the current scholarship which failed to construe the meaning of Silla history for the contemporary readers. Specifically, in order to closely examine the reorganization process of Jǒn and Bu, this paper assessed the cases of yusa·sosa and dongsijǒn·byungbu in the Early period. In a strict sense, Jǒn was first created through the managing experience in Sang-go(Upper Early) period as implied in the relationship between yusa, sosa or fudo which took charge of mul jang go sa jǒn and mul jang jǒn. It is revealed in the close reading of the document, Jikwan Sang that the order and name of Jǒn office naturally follows Korean alphabet. Interestingly, however, the order of Jǒn's class cannot be organized by its last word. Furthermore, a similar case is not observed in Song and Tang dynasty. Therefore, it is concluded that the heritage of Jǒn can only be traced back to Upper Early Silla history, and is, therefore, related to its own unique tradition. Gamjǒn whose governor in charge is Gam level officer is to be showcased because it bears the most similar aspect of the offices of Sang go period. Particularly, among diverse gamjǒn, dongsijǒn was chosen because this particular gamjǒn(dongsijǒn) is known for its clear establishment period. Also, this office is an appropriate case to be compared with other jǒn and bu as they all bear some degree of similarities and differences. Dongsijǒn was established in the ninth year of King Jijeung(508) and took the general task of regulating market. Once created as Do gam which is equivalent to committee in modern age, dongsijǒn's function was later crystallized, and thus turned out to be a regulating institute or supervisory office. Its task was mainly governing the capital, which is also a primary job of a central administration. The office was composed of Jǒn-Daisa-sa and sǒseng which reflect a special trait of regulating market. In this light, it can be said that dongsijǒn is a slight modification of Gamjǒn. Indeed, the basic organization of Dongsijǒn conveys an interesting organizational feature in which the administrative process in reorganizing Jǒn and Gamjǒn is revealed. Therefore, I claim that Upper Early Silla's traditional administrative system is succeeded to the later period. By the same token, Byungbu was found as a sort of a byproduct of the reorganizing process of military department(nae wae byung ma sa). Military affairs in Yisaguem period is distinguishable in a sense that the commandership of the battle field and the military administration could have been simultaneously held. In Ma lip gan period, the territory of Silla Kingdom was exponentially expanded and, in consequence, shared borders with other kingdoms. Struggling to win over the governorship of the newly conquered territory, Silla forged a somewhat different strategy from other kingdoms nearby; it sought to reinvent and reorganize its administration system because the expanded territory required an increasing number of officers and a large amount of capitals to control the region. Generals or ministers as Jang gun first came into history in this narrative. They were first institutionalized to become permanent military officers. Multiple approving authorities coexisted in times of peace. That the post of military General who has a tremendous power was institutionalized meant that the government now had a lot of things to take care of to control these generals. With manpower and resource in restraint, the military office played a critical role in central government and as a result, its task outgrew. Therefore, Silla clawed General's power back, in some degree and endeavored to set an explicit criteria to control military department. Byungbu was created for this purpose. Nonetheless, Byungbu is not an original invention of Silla because Bu reflects its Chinese heritage in its name. In this regard, when Silla government faced the need to reorganize its military department, it can be argued that Silla took a reference of similar Chinese case. However, the protocol of Byungbu reorganization was fathomed in Silla's unique way so that the realigning process took a long period of time. Allegedly, it was told that Byungbu's administration was characterized to be a reference of other kingdoms and was itself referring to other cases as well. What is more, this military office took the longest period of time to be reorganized among four offices in Jikwan Sang, which reveals that they were some sort of power struggles between Silla government and the military department. However, most important fact is that they finally came to feature the unique Silla's trait. This fact recapitulates the overall process of administrative reorganization of Silla Kingdom. According to Byungbu's own protocol of the reorganization, its management development can be classified into four phases. In the first phase, two ryung level officers and 12 sa level officers were affiliated to Byungbu. They took charge of general administrative work, meanwhile slowly beginning to face the plight of withdrawal of wartime operational control from the generals which would eventually lead to a strong resistance from them. So that the main task for the military department in its first phase was to look for measures to appease the opposition of established Generals. In the seventh year of King Bup Heung(520), a concrete mandate was promulgated to help these Byungbu public officers in charge and in this manner the reorganization had to be slowly proceeded. In its second phase, the military department grounded the foundation of the organization. I consider that the second phase of Byungbu set the model for the later phases. Especially, it created its branch to control the navy so that Byungbu took command of constructing the battleships and building harbors, infrastructure, transportation and etc. In some extent, bearing in mind that in the fourth phase of the military government, King Mun Mu split the office in charge of constructing the battleships in its 18th year(678), it is safe to draw a conclusion that Byungbu was larger in its second phase than its fourth phase. In the third phase, Byungbu held three ryung level officers, three dae gam level officers, two dasa level officers, one no sa ji level officer, 17 sa level officers, and one no dang level officer. A crossbow(no) was invented and prepared for the battle in the 19th year of King Jinheung(558), and was widely used in the three kingdom unification wars. As far as the crossbow(no) was a military weapon, the first phase byungbu was responsible for its management. On the other hand, the third phase byungbu newly established a post, nosaji or nodang, to manage the account book of the crossbows which were increasingly used; this is largely the reason why nosaji level officer was needed. Figuratively, nosaji level public officer is an accountant in the defense ministry. By creating this post, the officers of crossbow accounting became more and more specialized. This specialization in military management significantly helped prepare the Silla-Tang war, as the crossbow was efficiently produced and thus, technology was improved. In aforementioned Dongsijǒn and Byungbu analysis, traditional administration in Sang-go period(Upper Early) continued to play an important role in the actual reorganization process of the Jung period. While the current academic universe doesn't turn the eyes on juk bu, jukbu cannot go unnotified because it clearly shows the strategic decision making process of the Silla elites. In other words, jukbu is differentiated from jukjǒn in spite of their resemblance in their business. A thorough analyse of the historical document, Jikwan Sang supports this claim. The administrative document, Jikwan Sang was written with the historial reference point in King Hye gong in Middle period of Silla. At this time, the central administration in Middle period consisted of 44 offices, 207+@ posts and 785+@ officers. The qualification for each office was accordingly set to the criteria of the main six offices. Silla's central administration system is, therefore, operated mainly with 19 gwan wui and the main six offices. Among 207 offices in Jikwan sang, only 99 offices can be, whether directly or indirectly, examined in an clear-cut analysis; the proportion, statistically, takes up only 47.8%. Nevertheless, qualifications for 26 posts can be estimated by two criteria. One of which is the period of time when a particular office once existed and changed its role with the creation of an office with similar task. Another is the similarity of business characteristic and structure and they continue to resemble in the trajectory of history. I note here the definition of Sangdangwi can vary, however, coarsely translated, it means a qualification, or a condition for the designated position. According to these two criteria, such a conclusion is drawn; Sangdangwi of the 125 posts represents a majority of the posts because it takes up to 60.4% in total. These 124 posts are then classified into 17 patterns in which each characteristic of 6 main posts(Ryung, kyung, gam, daisa, saji and sa) can be explained. A detailed assessment is as follows; Ryung is a general of Bu, Fu and Sǒngjǒn or Jakjǒn; Ryung level officer is equivalent to jung si and geumgasin in the hierarchy. Its lowest Sangdangwi is Dae A chan and its highest status condition is Taedaigakgan, Daigakgan, gakgan, yichan and japchan. There are some discrepancies found here but this fact represents the actual difference in treatment, the classes of the offices to which the Ryung is affiliated. In addition, Ryung level qualification can be classified into what is stipulated in bisangwi and sangwi. Bisangwi is written as 'many gyul suk-held,' however, in reality, seldom the case is found. Thus, I concluded that what is stipulated in bisangwi for the highest sangdangwi is not the real rule for the officers but rather shows the classes and ranks of the offices so that Silla elites distinguished themselves from each other by these sangdangwi. The highest sangdangwi for the Byungbu, Ryebu(the office in charge of ritual and what is equivalent to the Department of State) and Joburung is bi tai dai gak gan, meaning that these three offices bear the highest honor in the class. The highest sang dang wi for gyung sǒng ju jak jǒn, chang bu, wi hwa bu rung is dai gak gan, meaning that these three departments are the next highest in rank. The departments with the preset Sang dang wi condition are ranked, from the top to the bottom, five Fu, five Sǒng jǒn, Jip sa bu, and Li bang fu. Ryung's highest sangdangwi is related to the military affairs, rituals(state affairs), engineering and etc, which are all under the control of the main six offices. This characteristic leads us to draw a conclusion that central administrative system in the Middle Silla is not a typical Juk jǒn, but went toward Juk jǒn style orientation. Gyung is a minister or an assistant minister in Bu, Fu and Sǒng jǒn, and is equivalent to Dai gam, Sang dang, Dai jǒng, Jǒn dai deng and Jang. They were not permitted to wear purple colored official costume so that they were visually distinguished from ryung level officers. According to their rank, the name of their official position is given as gyung or sang dang. Generally, gyung is placed in Bu, Fu and Sǒ, while sangdang is displaced in sǒng jǒn. Sang dang wi of gyung is byung bu dai gam, and that of sang dang is jip sa bu jǒng dai deung. Therefore, Gyung is classified as Daigam level Gyung, which is Gyung and Dai deung level Gyung which is Sang dang. The position of Dai deung level Gyung is placed in Sǒnjǒn which is responsible for yǒngsǒn and joyǒng. A majority of them are high ranking officials. In this light, Sǒng jǒn is different from general officers. Also, the affairs were proceeded in a traditional way due to the strictness and conservatism of the Dai deung level Gyung. Dai gam level Gyung, on the other hand, is placed in the general offices. It first appeared in the process of a slow administrative reform, as jegam, which is dai sa became gam and later changed to dai gam, which is gyung; these process can be explained as a diversification heading upward. All these three names used gam in the basic name format, and added je or dai to show the size of power that they exercised. Dai gam can be abbreviated to Gam. According to Jikwan Sang, it is written that Gam was upgraded to Gyung. Dai 'Deung' level Gyung is the formal name and model of Dai Gam level Gyung. When adapting to the external influences in Silla administration, Dai gam also went through the reformation. While taking reference of Silla government's previous administrative experience, by establishing Dai gam level Gyung, the power and class were finally explicitly stipulated, thereby being limited in its power. As a result, Bu, Fu and Sǒ which all referred to the external elements, now got rid of Sangdangwi of Gam in general offices and instead established Gyung. Gam is a minister of Sǒ, Jǒn, Guan and Fu. The same class for Gam is Jwa and Jǒk wi. The former, Jwa is an officer to the Gyung in Sǒ and Fu. The latter, Jǒk wi is the de facto minister of Si Sǒng Jǒn. Gam and Jwa's Sangdangwi is from 11th na ma to 10th Dai na ma. Jǒk wi's Sangdangwi is from 10th Dai Na ma to 9th Geup Chan. Taking a reference of Dai Sa as a former model, Gam turned out to be the minister of Jǒn office, being responsible for controlling, regulating and making a decision. Jwa came from Seung and is a secretary to assist the minister in decision making. Gam holds power to approve, however, Jwa, as an assistance, does not withhold such an approving authority. The difference in their names and the clear distinction in their function assume that Gam was administered in the Early period but later diversified to have a different name to meet the diverse administrative needs. Dai sa level officers were figuratively speaking, middle managers or negotiators who widely exercised their power in each office at the central government. The same position of Dai sa is chǒngwi, zhusǒ, daidosa and daisayup and the qualification condition for Dai sa is from 13th sa ji to 11th na ma. Daisa's fuction is to arrange official documents and governmental accounting books, and also a supervisor to sa level officers. Sa ji level officers are in the same class with sodosa, jungdosa and sosayup. Sandangwi of Saji is from 13th sa ji to 12th dai sa. Sa ji level positions are placed in Bu, Fu and some other general offices and yukbu related departments, though the number is not high. Sa ji is very intriguing in that the governmental position(gwan-wi) existed from the Upper Early period was later changed to the post(gwan jik). Saji was established more in yukbu related offices than in general offices. Some portion of sa ji in Bu and Fu is established in the early Middle period. Its general office was responsible for the world affairs, by which it means the general affairs in the confinement of the territory of the country, and yukbu related offices took the charge of the capital administration. In Tang dynasty, central government represented its world view, and, vice versa, its world view is projected to the administrative system. In this respect, in the early Middle period, in three Bu(部) and one Fu(府) new posts such as 4 jik 5 yin were created to better represent the relationship between capital administration and the world governorship. Sa ji is not used widely in the central administrative system, and more often than not, compared to Dai sa, is not placed more. This contrast can not be easily fathomed because typical bureaucratic system bears a pyramid structure with less quota in lower ranks. That is to say, sa ji should have been more widely and extensively used because they were lower and junior officers. This contrast in their utilization comes from the difference in their functions and tasks. Dai sa's name was officially changed in King Gyung dǒk to zhu sǒ and zhu bak, which mean that they are in charge of(zhu) the documents(sǒ). Their general task(bak) was arranging official documents and these officers were not only used for such librarian business but also managed general affairs in the offices. In comparison, Sa ji is more specialized position. Sa ji level officers also took charge of the government documents but a slight difference lies in the fact that they mainly treated special type of documents in contrast to the general documents that Dai sa treated. Sa ji's official name of the position was changed to the 'won we rang' or to the name format of Sa and Jǒn in addition to their designated task. The latter is found more extensively in the document than the former. Aforementioned historical development is exemplified in the 'quota' of the central government in Middle period. Statistically counted, the graph shows all the quotas of the offices resemble in two-spine system. 207 posts and 785 officers were placed in 44 offices according to Jikwan sang. The main six posts were placed in 44 offices with 202 posts and 678 officers, while other posts were placed in the 3 offices with 5 posts and 107 officers. The ratio of the main six posts to other posts was 1:6.3, which implies there was a sharp discrepancy in the proportion. Further examination is needed to explain this difference In contrast to the typical bureaucratic model which shows pyramid-shaped structure, Silla's central administrative structure is indeed unique. Each office held two directors and the number of officials affiliated to the office depended on the ranking of the minister in charge; moreover, the higher office took authority to adjust the quota of officials in the lower office. It shows that the prototype of the general administration after the reform in Middle period was Dai sa and Gam office. It is critical to note that the latter was innovated with the former as a proto-model in mind; similarly gyung and ryung level office benchmarked the gam level. To sum up, the structural change in the administrative system referred back to the proto-office in the earlier age. Moreover, if you can look at the quota structure formed by statistically counting Ryung, gyung, daesa and sa, it not only resembles in a typical model, but also an extremely stratified structure with two spines; with gam and sa ji representing the pivot point. However, in the de facto management of the central government, Gam and Sa ji's position and task can be distinguishable. Although the two spine structure holds the same origin, the specific cause of it is different. Since the data on the utilization of Saji are scarce, the cause of the second spine is a task that is left to be further research. However, as far as I am concerned, the problem causing from the 'second waist' that can be thought of in the existing data implies the increase in administrative efficiency through cost reduction. In essence, Sa ji or Sa's task is managing the accounts. In this regard, it is believed that by appointing more tasks to the sa level officers, the government sought to reduce management cost. In other words, to reduce the cost of administrative operation, Sa officer was prepared since the Sa ji officer's rank was so high that they required different treatment which was more costly. The first spine in Gam was produced when the Gam jǒn level offices went through wide reorganization process. Through examining this kind of a thorough rearrangement of systems and ranks of the offices, I have sorted out five classifications in arithmetic scale: 40 offices or more, 22 to 39 officers, 15 to 21 officers, 7 to 14 officers and 7 or less. In the estimation of each group, yukbu related departments convey certain characteristics as follows; First, yukbu related offices are abnormally large in size. They held additional posts, and their organization is comparatively subdivided. Second, bu and fu's minimul quota is, at minimum 15 and at maximum 40. Third, most important, Silla exercised strong force to establish a centralized bureaucratic country because the number of officers who were placed in jukbu is equal to that of Bu and Fu. Fourth, contrast to the common sense, Sǒng jǒn was small in size. In sum, 44 offices in the central government system in the Middle Silla are categorized into three patterns: general office, sǒngjǒn, and yukbu related offices. Silla's general administration office in the Middle period is composed of the superior authority(ryung level·kyung level) and the subordinate authority(gam level·dae-sa level). This is an intriguing fact in that it doesn't reflect a typical bureaucratic structure but demonstrates, for which I name, 'two-spine system.' This historical trait informs us that the central government was developed under the principles 'From the bottom to the Top', and 'From the small amount to the large amount'. It is critical to observe that the historical characteristic is found ubiquitously throughout the Korean history, therefore I claim that Silla has set the standard for the Korean historical development. This two-spine system was first seen in the history as a by-product of governmental alignment in Silla's early period when the public office was differentiated by its function and origin with the intent of improving the efficiency in the government functioning. So to say, the functioning of this administration system in Middle period is sharply decreased in the Gam and Sa level and that's why it represents the reform process in the administration because if it were not for this case, the bureaucratic structure would have remained in pyramid shape. In this realignment of the departmental units, lower offices and smaller offices became the target of the reorganizing process. As late as King Jijeung's times, Dongsijǒn shows some modifications and moderations of Gamjǒn, so that the development of upper offices in the administration well overlaps with the Gamjǒn's reform. In this regard, 'two-spine system' was the fulcrum of the government which planned to reduce expenditures. To be specific, the first spine was created as a result of Gam level office reorganization, whereas the second spine was formulated in the government level. First spine appeared in the alignment process of Gamjǒn. In addition to the existing membership of Gamjǒn, high ranking official posts such as Ryung and kyung were inserted; it means that two different bureaucratic models were overlapped in one office. This dual bureaucratic structure, if not adjusted, causes troubles because three same posts which share the same task coexist in one office. The problem lies in the administrative process in which there are multiple official documents and have a number of conflicting authorities. Consequently, this dual structure seriously undermined the administrative efficiency. In order to figure this problem out, multiple approving authorities got disposed of. It was necessary to improve the administrative efficiency by adjusting the position of the offices. By exploring the creation of departmental units in the Silla government, it can be found that the offices are in relation to the overall characteristic of the origin of the general administrative organization. In so doing, the succession of the state administration from Early period to Middle period of Silla kingdom is examined. By the same token, Tang dynasty underwent similar administrative reform and successfully systematized Bu(Jo) office that Rang officer took in charge of. It was from late Han that this Bu(Jo) was placed, however, in tumultuous North and South dynasties the offices were flooded without a clear task mission. It was, therefore, in 581 that Su emperor Wei settled this matter out and reorganized the government structure to form six Jo and 24 Sa. In long-durée, if we take a look at the long-term administrative history, Tang dynasty's Sang Sǒ Six offices were developed and realigned to become 6 Jo and 24 Sa. Silla's central administrative history is similar to this Tang dynasty's administrative development. In this regard, Silla's history bears significance in East Asian context. From the Early period, Silla underwent a diversity of reform and advancement in terms of government management and this administrative transformation meant there was an urgent need to meet the expansion of the territory and the improvement in the efficiency of the government functioning. Jǒn, which is equivalent to the committee in modern age, was a flexible government unit so that it is seen in the large number of documents that somewhat conflicting existence of multiple Jǒn mattered to the governors. To have a resolution for this conundrum, Bu was created but it was merely a tentative solution which only skirts around and evades to face the reality. Therefore, after having created Bu office, a number of mandates were still promulgated and continued to reorganized the government structure. It was not until King Jin pyung that the government dramatically transformed the departments and offices. However, if it were not for the previous government's realigning experience, the systematization of the government structure in this period would not have come into light. Presumably, Silla's government system resembles in that of Tang dynasty. However, it is mainly due to the benchmarking characteristic of the governmental office reform in the Middle period and yet, benchmarking itself doesn't suffice to claim that Silla has solely bequeathed from Tang dynasty. We can claim that Silla conveys a unique and singular characteristic, different from Chinese, in that a certain success in the administration operation in the Sang period played a critical role in the formation of the government system and its reform of the later period. That is to say, Silla's departmental reform is a positively active attempt to identify itself as an independent being. It was a slow process, yet was indeed a progress; King Ji jeung first started it and King Jinheung set the project outline and then King Jinpyǒng implemented it. Later on, Unified Silla also adopted and continued this reform project. Therefore, I argue that the ultimate goal of the project that the regime in the Early and Middle period has outlined, was finally realized and came into existence in the Unified Silla. By the same token, I maintain that Unified Silla is the de facto ultimate regime model for the Silla in the Early and Middle age. That is the reason why I insist that Early and Middle Silla is when the prototype of the Korean administration is set and prepared. The early period's adventurous project was set in motion in the Middle period, when the heritage of this previous generation was actively reinterpreted as a proto-model for the regime. In sixth century, more specifically after 581, Korea and China confronted with similar reality and administrative problems. Each came up with its own solution but the sharing strand is that they took reference from the past experience and systematically classified and organized the government management; it was 4 Bu 9 Fu and 6 Sǒ for Koreans, whereas 6 Bu and 24 Sa for Chinese. The product of this process is so called Unified Silla administration and Tang administration. In summary, Silla's administrative history of the development of central government system is based on the reinterpretation of its own tradition, while taking advantage of the external elements. Its plight and vicissitude clearly show how a government system can obtain the universality as a mode of justification for changes. In this light, Silla's administrative history has significant implications as it set a role model for Korean-style globalization, therefore the study of it should be highly appreciated. 본고는 신라 上代 天下化의 정책적 기조를 ‘夷ㆍ唐相雜’으로 평가하고, 신라 중앙행정제도의 정비과정과 그 함의를 논의하였다. 상ㆍ중대 신라는 자국 전통(夷)을 근본으로 동아시아의 보편성(唐)을 참고하며, 중앙행정제도의 재편을 진행하였다. 이에 상ㆍ중대 典ㆍ部의 재편, 중대 중앙행정제도의 운영양상과 조직체계, 상ㆍ중대 중앙행정제도의 계승관계 및 그 함의를 밝히고자 하였다. 典은 상고기 관청운영에서 기원하였고, 典의 명칭과 담당업무는 한국어순으로 자연스럽다. 그러나 典은 관청의 格을 末字로 분류하기 어렵고, 隋ㆍ唐까지의 중국 관청에서 유사한 사례를 찾기 어렵다. 직관 上에 수록된 典 중 ‘監이 장관인 典’, 즉 ‘監典’이 상고기 典의 原形에 가까우므로, ‘監典’의 사례로 동시전을 분석하였다. 이를 통해 典은 후대의 도감ㆍ현대의 위원회처럼 활동했다가 관리기구로 굳어진 관청이며, 상고기 國事ㆍ京都事ㆍ王室事 등의 재편과정을 보여주는 관청이었다. 部는 兵部처럼 상고기 중요 國事를 재편한 상급 관청이었다. 部는 중국에서도 활용되었지만, 신라의 部는 전통적 요소를 기반으로, 외래적 요소를 참용하면서 발생하였다. 部의 조직은 ‘監典’의 조직을 하부구조로 삼고, 令ㆍ卿 등의 고관 조직을 더하여 정비되었다. 典ㆍ部는 자국 전통의 행정운영방식을 토대로 신라 上代에 京都事ㆍ國事를 재편하는 과정을 보여준다. 신라 중대의 중앙행정제도가 唐制 등 전형적인 육전과 달랐던 것은 자국 전통의 행정운영경험이 반영된 결과이다. 이것은 전수조사를 통해 직관 上의 관직-상당위체계와 정원구조를 분석하면 파악된다. 직관 上은 중대 말 신라의 중앙행정제도가 44개 관청ㆍ207+ɑ개 관직ㆍ785人+若干人으로 구성되었음을 전한다. 직관 上의 전수조사를 통해 중앙행정관직의 相當位體系를 분석하면, ‘令-卿-監-大舍-舍知-史’의 ‘주요 6관직’과 ‘대사→감→경’ㆍ‘사→사지’의 계통별 상향 분화를 파악할 수 있다. 令은 部ㆍ府ㆍ成(作)典에 둔 최고의 행정장관이며, 상당위 하한은 대아찬이다. 관청별 령의 상당위 상한은 관청 格의 고하를 나타내며, 상당위 상한이 非常位에 설정된 령은 六典 하 兵ㆍ禮ㆍ戶ㆍ工ㆍ吏의 업무분담과 연계된다. 卿은 部ㆍ府ㆍ成(作)典의 차관ㆍ署의 장관이자 大判官이며, 급찬~아찬ㆍ나마~아찬의 상당위를 갖는 大監系ㆍ大等系의 두 계통으로 구분된다. 監은 署ㆍ典ㆍ館ㆍ府의 장관이며, 동급관직인 佐는 署ㆍ府의 佐官, 赤位는 寺成典의 실질적 장관이다. 감ㆍ좌는 나마~대나마, 赤位는 대나마~급찬이 상당위이다. 감은 ‘감독ㆍ관리ㆍ판단’하는 判官, 좌는 율령사무 관계관청에서 경의 判을 輔佐하는 佐官이다. 大舍는 각급 중앙행정관청의 중간관리자ㆍ하급 관청의 장관이자 弟判官으로서 사를 감독했고, 상당위는 사지~나마이다. 舍知는 部ㆍ府 등 상급 일반관청ㆍ육부사무 관계관청에 설치되며, 전문적인 장부를 담당했고, 상당위는 사지~대사이다. 사는 ‘官書의 草記’ 같은 기초적인 문서ㆍ장부 정리와 말단행정잡무를 담당했고, 상당위는 선저지~대사이다. 상고기의 전통적 행정운영경험은 중고기 監典의 성립ㆍ재편을 거쳐 중대 중앙행정제도에 계승되었다. 이것은 중대 중앙행정제도의 정원 구조인 ‘두 개의 허리구조’를 통해 관청 조직의 原形을 분석하면 파악된다. ‘두 개의 허리구조’는 신라의 중앙행정관청이 ‘아래에서 위로’ㆍ‘소규모에서 대규모로’란 방향에서, 행정적 효율성의 제고문제를 고려하며 정비되었음을 보여준다. 직관 上의 상급 관청은 상고기 監典ㆍ大舍典을 재편해 하관조직으로 삼고, 고관을 둘 때 사의 비율을 조정하면서 필요한 관직을 추가해 만들어졌다. 사의 비율조정을 주목하면, 실질적 原形은 감전이다. 감전은 대사전이 원형이지만, 령급ㆍ경급 관청은 감전이 원형이기 때문이다. 즉 중대 중앙행정관청은 후대 하급 관청으로 남은 監典ㆍ大舍典을 규모ㆍ직급을 따라 재편한 결과이다. 감전의 재편을 통한 중대 중앙행정제도의 형성과정은 당 상서 6부의 발달과정과 본질적으로 같다. 중국은 남북조시기 ‘낭이 관장하는 部(曹)’가 난립하였고, 581년부터 이를 分司統職하여 당제를 만들었다. 신라는 상고기 多種ㆍ多量의 大舍典ㆍ監典이 병존하였고, 581년부터 이들의 재정비와 행정의 계통화를 본격화하며 통일신라체제를 만들었다. 6세기 말부터 한ㆍ중이 구축한 천하국가 행정체계가 통일신라체제ㆍ당제이다. 따라서 신라의 중앙행정제도는 ‘夷ㆍ唐相雜’ 기조 아래 세계사적 보편성을 획득하는 과정의 결과물이었다. 신라 중앙행정제도 발달사는 한국적 세계화의 원형으로서 높이 평가해야 한다.

監査效果增進方案의 硏究

김사도 서울大學校 行政大學院 1968 국내석사

행정입법의 민주적 정당성 및 적법성 제고방안에 관한 연구

조연수 연세대학교 대학원 2015 국내석사

With growing importance of characteristics of today's welfare state, the administrative function is qualitatively and quantitatively expanded and professionalized and technicalized, so the principal of legislation by the National Assembly is no longer able to be adhered. Korean law also accepts administrative rulemaking. Administrative rulemaking affects actual people's rights and obligation indirectly and directly, so the need of controlling it is required. Korean administrative rulemaking procedures have many problems such as the lack of democratic legitimacy, people's participation in the legislative warning system, and fuctional limits of the Legislative Office. To enhance democratic legitimacy of administrative rulemaking, control by National Assembly should be strengthened and people's participation in administrative rulemaking procedure also should be strengthened. Due to the limits of post-control of administrative rulemaking, pre-control by the Administration is more important. The position of the Legislative Office and the management and the control function of the office of legislative affairs needs to be emphasized. 오늘날 행정입법의 수와 영향력은 법률의 그것을 능가하는 정도에 이르렀다. 사회적 변화에 대응하여 전문적, 기술적인 입법사항이 증대됨에 따라 행정입법이 급격하게 증가하게 된 것이다. 행정입법이 가지는 민주적 정당성의 근거는 국회가 제정한 법률에 비하여 미약한 데 비해 그 영향력의 크기는 날이 갈수록 증가함에 따라 행정입법의 민주적 정당성을 어떻게 제고할 것인지가 문제된다. 그와 더불어 법령이 제정, 시행되면 국민에게 영향을 미치고 이미 법령이 시행된 이후 이를 사후에 시정하는 것은 법적 안정성 및 신뢰보호 측면에서 여러 문제와 비용을 초래하기 때문에 사전에 행정입법의 적법성을 어떻게 제고할 것인지가 중요한 문제가 된다. 그와 더불어 법령이 제정, 시행되면 국민에게 영향을 미치고 이미 법령이 시행된 이후 이를 사후에 시정하는 것은 법적 안정성 및 신뢰보호 측면에서 여러 문제와 비용을 초래하기 때문에 사전에 행정입법의 적법성을 어떻게 제고할 것인지가 중요한 문제가 된다. 이제까지 행정입법의 적법성 통제는 사법부에 의한 통제에 중점을 두고 논의되어 왔으나 사법적 통제는 사후적, 소극적 성격 때문에 행정작용에 의한 국민의 권리침해를 신속하고 효율적으로 구제한다는 측면에서 행정부의 사전적 통제보다 미흡한 점이 있다. 이 논문에서는 행정입법의 민주적 정당성을 제고하기 위한 방안으로 행정입법에 대한 국회의 통제를 어떻게 강화할 것인가와 입법예고, 의견수렴 등 절차적 통제를 어떻게 개선할 것인가에 초점을 맞추어 검토하였고, 더불어 행정입법의 적법성을 사전적으로 확보하기 위한 방안으로서 행정부에 의한 통제 중 법제처의 기능에 초점을 맞추어 검토하였다.

공공기관의 광고가 보도에 미치는 영향 : 경인 지역 신문사를 중심으로

전시언 서울대학교 대학원 2021 국내석사

언론은 공공성 확보 및 공익실현의 사명을 지닌다. 공공기관이 공권력을 남용하지 않도록 감시하는 역할을 수행하며 정치, 경제, 정책 서비스 등이 최악의 위기 상황에 놓이지 않도록 사전에 개선을 촉구한다. 또한 정책 의제설정을 하는 동시에 대안의 실효성까지 검증한다. 이를 통해 공중에게 대표자의 활동을 간접 체험하며 이를 평가할 수 있는 기회를 제공한다. 나아가 견제와 균형을 주도하며 민주주의 성숙에 이바지 한다. 대신 공공기관에 출입할 수 있는 권한을 부여받으며, 법령에 의해 법원의 경매 광고 등 공공기관의 광고를 받을 수 있는 권리를 지닌다. 대통령의 해외 방문 등 필요 시 공공기관이 취재 경비를 전부 또는 일부 부담하기도 한다. 최근 신문의 구독자 수가 줄어 지면인쇄 광고 수익 급감하면서 신문사가 언론으로서의 제 기능을 하지 못하고 있다. 특히 무선인터넷의 보급과 SNS의 확산으로 공중이 정보를 획득할 수 있는 채널이 많아지자, 신문사의 경영 위기는 더욱 심각해졌다. 생존에 급급한 신문사들은 독자 중심의 보도보다는 광고주의 입맛에 맞는 보도에 치우친 모습을 보이고 있다. 광고주가 감시의 대상인 공공기관의 경우에도 마찬가지다. 신문사는 공공기관의 광고 예산 집행에 상당 부분 의존하게 됐고, 보도의 광고 종속화 현상을 보이기 시작했다. 신문사에게 공공기관은 더 이상 감시의 대상이라기보다는 차라리 사업 파트너, 동업자에 가까워지고 있다는 지적이 나오고 있다. 연구결과, 전·현직 기자, 공직자 등 본 연구의 진술자들은 모두 공공기관의 광고가 언론사의 보도에 미치는 영향이 상당하다고 진술했다. 물리적 지역경계가 사실상 사라지면서 국민의 정보 취득이 쉬워지고 코로나-19 감염증 확산 등 경영상 악재가 겹치면서 ‘공공기관이 없으면 지역신문사도 없다’는 진술이 나올 정도로 공공기관은 지역신문사의 가장 중요하고 거대한 광고주였다. 심지어 예산을 편성하는 시기에는 언론사가 먼저 나서서 공공기관에 우호적인 보도를 하거나 아예 취재조차 하지 않는 이른바 ‘애완견(lap-dog)’을 자처하는 행태를 보였다. 이는 비단 언론사만의 문제로 치부하기엔 무리가 있었다. 공공기관도 언론사의 상황을 적극 활용해 본인들에게 유리한 방향으로 보도가 거듭되도록 유도하고 있었으며, 예산을 심의하는 의회도 동참하는 것으로 나타났다. 심지어 광역지자체와 기초지자체가 각각의 예산을 하나의 언론사에게 ‘매칭’해 모아주거나, 광역지자체가 특별조정교부금을 언론사의 광고용으로 내려주는 행태도 확인할 수 있었다. 심지어 광고가 보도에 영향을 미쳐서는 안 된다는 의지를 지닌 기자들조차 보도에 앞서 광고로 인해 자기검열을 하는 결과를 낳았다. 지방자치제도의 건전한 성숙을 위해 국민이 지자체에 쥐어준 예산 편성 및 활용의 자율성을 공공기관 스스로 본래의 목적과 달리 활용하고 있었다. 권언유착의 카르텔 속에서 악순환이 반복되는 것이다. 언론사는 이러한 부적합한 ‘거래’를 고발해야 하는 사명을 지녔음에도, 오히려 공공기관의 예산 확보 여부에 따라 인사평가를 하고 인센티브 지급 여부 및 지급액을 결정하는 등 적극적으로 가담하고 있었다. 의회의 소속 의원들도 치적을 선전하고 향후 선거에 활용할 목적으로 기꺼이 동참하고 있었다. 지역예산 확보 및 호의적인 보도를 축적을 위해서는 공공기관과 언론의 협조가 필요하기 때문이었다. 본 연구는 그동안 감시의 사각지대에 있어 노출되지 않았던 언론사의 수익구조를 수면 위로 드러내는 한편, 이러한 구조 속에서 공공기관, 언론사 경영진, 기자 등 개별 행위주체가 각각 어떠한 방식으로 보도에 영향을 미치는지 살펴봤다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 나아가 공공기관 예산이 보다 적절히 쓰이고, 언론사는 본연의 역할인 감시견 역할을 충실히 수행할 수 있도록 하는 대안을 제시함으로써 보다 현실적인 언론정책의 기초 자료로써 역할을 할 것으로 기대하고 있다. The study analyzed the impact of advertising by administrative agencies on media coverage. According to the study, the administrative office has been confirmed to use advertising budgets to influence media coverage. In the process, there was also illegal or expedient. The media, which had to monitor the administrative office's budget, were rather leading the bad work. The administrative office also cooperated with the media to induce the contents of the report in their favor. The parliament, which has the authority to deliberate on the budget, also agreed. This is because media reports affect the next election. In addition to advertising, the media had several revenue models. Regional-based cultural projects such as athletic competitions and exhibitions, as well as sales of publishing and advertising tools were typical. The administrative office's advertising budget was also invested in such revenue models. The administration's advertising budget also flowed into this revenue model. The study is meaningful in that it reveals the profit structure of media companies that are not exposed to blind spots in surveillance. It can also be considered significant in that it has looked at how advertising affects reporting from the perspective of individual actors, such as administrative agencies, media executives, and reporters.

Understanding the Relationship Between Correctional Officer Job Demands, Job Resources, & Decision-Making: Embracing Public Management Perspectives to Improve the Administration of Justice

Harney, Jessie A University of California, Berkeley ProQuest Disser 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

This dissertation includes four essays, each of which speak to the importance of embracing a public management perspective in understanding the ways in which correctional officers play a critical role in the administration of justice. Chapter 1 includes a systematic review of the literature on factors associated with violence in carceral settings, calling for greater inclusion of public management perspectives. While there are several prominent theories on what is associated with or causes violence in carceral settings, much of this work is dominated by importation theory and has been driven by analyses on limited sets of data in specific geographic contexts and with mainly individual-level factors situated largely within importation theory. This paper focuses especially on the lack of incorporation of management perspectives in the study of carceral violence. Through scraping Google Scholar results, I find that much of the literature is driven by individual-level data only, which cannot fully account for the context in which individuals are incarcerated, studies from the geographic context of the United States, largely published in criminal justice journals, and seldomly controls for staff-specific factors (i.e., disregards many crucial factors related to institutional management.) Implications for the future study of carceral violence and the limitations of the current body of evidence and our ability to develop effective solutions to carceral violence are discussed. Chapter 2 includes co-authored work, analyzing survey data from correctional officers, focusing on how the coping mechanisms correctional officers employ to manage work-related stress, or how coping mechanisms affect workplace outcomes. To address these questions, we utilize original survey data about California correctional officers. We draw on the Stress Process Paradigm to model the relationship between exposure to violence and mental health, the impact of occupational stress on the development of coping mechanisms, and whether differential coping mechanism utilization impacts officers' levels of cynicism and desire to leave corrections. Our findings suggest that emotion-focused coping (e.g., having someone to talk to) is associated with lower intentions to leave correctional employment, while the opposite is true for avoidant coping (i.e., alcohol abuse). These insights shed light on the problem of officer turnover and retention and provide potential direction to policymakers and practitioners seeking to create an effective, healthy workforce.Chapter 3 includes co-authored work, focusing on the role of hierarchy in correctional officer decision-making. Hierarchy exists within bureaucratic agencies for several reasons, including to foster employee accountability. However, with hierarchy comes rigidity, and in times of emergency, this can stymie effective, expedient organizational response. Existing literature has examined the implications of hierarchy in emergency management, but limited work exists to understand hierarchy's impacts on frontline worker decision-making during crises. In this paper, we contribute to this literature through an exploratory examination of the role of hierarchy on officer decision-making in a state prison system during the COVID-19 pandemic. As bureaucrats with the most direct interaction with incarcerated individuals, the decisions officers make have profound consequences for well-being of incarcerated people. Drawing on 50 interviews conducted amongst prison staff and incarcerated people, we utilize an expanded definition of hierarchy, one that reflects the ways in which power is granted and imposed both formally and informally. We find that correctional hierarchy is pervasive and complex, influencing officer decision-making through varying their perceived level of autonomy, despite the reality that, as street-level bureaucrats, they themselves are policymakers. Our results suggest that, to some extent, in contexts within which the imposition of hierarchy is reduced, officers autonomy may be bolstered, and this may improve their decision-making, particularly in ways that may leave incarcerated individuals under their care better-off. Finally, Chapter 4, also including co-authored work, focuses on burnout among officers. Though correlational evidence links predictors of burnout to service delivery, limited causal evidence exists on how to improve officer well-being and how that impacts interactions with incarcerated individuals. In collaboration with a mid-sized U.S. Sheriff Department, we report results from a large-scale field experiment aimed at reducing burnout (n = 712). In an eight-week intervention, the treatment group was nudged to anonymously share experiences with others on a common platform (peer support), whereas the control was nudged to reflect on their experiences individually on a solo-access platform. Our findings suggest that peer support not only improved well-being and belonging amongst correctional officers, but also significantly improved their perceptions of incarcerated individuals. We fail to find significant differences in turnover or incident involvement, the latter of which is measured as both direct and indirect involvement in incidents within the jail or detention center. Thus, this study contributes to a burgeoning literature on how investments in public servants can causally improve well-being and perceptions of those they serve.

지방교육행정조직의 학습조직화에 관한 연구

최재춘 전북대학교 교육대학원 2007 국내석사

The development of information technology is advancing the globalization process rapidly. The importance of knowledge and information is growing bigger and bigger, and global companies are actively adopting revolutionary management techniques to get along with the stream of the times. Changes and innovations cannot be avoided by the educational institutes too, which nurtures human resources that will lead the nation's future. As an administrative and supporting organization devoting itself to education activities, educational administration offices are also carrying out various innovations to respond to the recent changes. However, there is a certain limit to the government-lead innovations which base on the digitization of the work-flow it is hard for such a method to bring out an even response from the whole organization. Therefore, it would only be natural for people to claim for a 'learning organization' that will encourage the organization members' participation into this innovation process and consistently provide them with creative ideas and new information. Time has become such an invaluable resource in this knowledge-based society. To take control over the excessive amount of information, we need to supply new information constantly. An active learning organization would allow us to extend our abilities and expertise, which will thus bring an overall amelioration of the efficiency in working processes. An organization's competitiveness is now heavily affected by intangible assets, such as its members' individual capabilities in handling information, creativity, enthusiasm and the ability to familiarize oneself to the organization. This is why we are in need of a group research beyond individual studying. This research is aimed to present a learning organization plan which would let the members of regional education administration offices develop their sharp focus, foreseeing the future environments of education. In order to provide such a plan, first we would try analyzing the accomplishments made by learning organizations within enterprises and public organizations, then look for prior requirements which are need to be solved for learning organization system to settle in regional education administration offices. After that, we will take a look at the tasks that are needed to be faced by the organization leaders and other members, and how leaders should endeavor to reinforce their learning capabilities. Going through these matters is important in that it would provide us a general direction of how we should relate the learning group with the organization, and therefore it is expected to provide us a clue to our new opportunity. This article is formed of six chapters. In Chapter 1: Introduction, we will talk about the necessity and the goals of this research. Chapter 2 will allow us to contemplate on the general conspectus of the learning organization such as its concept and characteristics, its requirements, models and obstacles. In chapter 3 we will analyze previous learning organization cases, referring to preceding researches, articles and related documents. The 4th chapter would have an inside look at the realities of current regional education administration offices and look for prior requirements to construct and maintain learning organization system, and chapter 5 presents a solution in constructing the learning organization system for the regional education administration offices, based on the research outcome. Chapter 6 is a conclusion which would again emphasize the solution for structuring the learning organization system. The solution presented in this article is basically derived by applying enterprises' learning organization accomplishments to suit public organizations' characteristics. This method could create an unexpected gap in its actual execution, but since this methodology is to be explained through a fundamental and comprehensive conceptualization, flexible responses are expected towards those various situations which could occur in its operation. Now, the answer is simple. We should recognize the problem and improve the situation we are in. Members of the regional education administration offices must accept how the society has changed to learning in general. To meet the increasing expectations in educational demands, we should actively participate in learning organization activities with an open mind.

Juvenile Correctional Officers: Turnover Intention, Employee Retention, and Job Satisfaction

Quinn, Denorio Rashawn ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Northcentral Unive 2020 해외박사(DDOD)

소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

The purpose of the quantitative study was to evaluate data collected from Juvenile Correctional Officers (JCOs) and Juvenile Correctional Administrators (JCAs) to determine to what degree, if any, there was a correlation amongst these variables impacting turnover intention (intention to leave) among JCOs in Georgia. There were two research questions examined by using data that were collected from staff and administrators using two different surveys in SurveyMonkey. Each survey was analyzed separately. The demographics of the JCO staff were presented and summarized. The theoretical framework of the study lies in the foundations of Lambert’s (2001) theoretical framework for Model of Correctional staff Turnover and Fedrick Herzberg's Two Factor Theory (1966) (also known as Motivator Hygiene Theory). The quantitative correlational design approach measured the problem of turnover rates within the JCO’s positions as it pertains to decreasing turnover rates. JCOs within the Georgia Department of Juvenile Justice responded and completed a Survey Monkey survey that provided data in critical areas highlighting JCO concerns, experience, demographics, and insights into their jobs as well as perceptions of both offender populations and administration. After the data were analyzed, the validity and reliability of the measures, as well as the assumptions of the Spearman correlation, were examined and summarized. The descriptive statistics for the JCO staff and administrative surveys were shared. Research question one; was assessed with Spearman correlations, and the null hypothesis was rejected. There was a moderate negative correlation between turnover intentions and satisfaction among such that as satisfaction decreased, turnover intention increased. Research question 2; was also assessed with Spearman correlations, and the null hypothesis was accepted. None of the turnover variables were significantly correlated with any of the motivations for quitting. The study includes recommendations for further research in the juvenile correction field to increase validity and compare results.

Breaking Down Silos: Organizing Support for Schools Through a District Regional Model

Brooks, Nicholas B Harvard University ProQuest Dissertations & Theses 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

Boston Public Schools (BPS) is the largest school district in Massachusetts, serving around 49,000 students. While BPS has some of the best schools in the nation, there are systemic and historical factors that have led to widening academic gaps for BPS' most historically marginalized students. Additionally, in 2020, Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education (DESE) named a disconnect existing within BPS between schools and the central office.With this context, I entered my residency with the guiding question of how the relationship between BPS' central office and schools can be improved while also improving learning for students in the midst of key transition moments for the district. This capstone describes the work I led, in collaboration with district leaders, to design and implement a regional support model in an effort to increase the level of strategic and coordinated support school leaders experience from the central office. Leveraging research from Central Office Transformation for District-wide Teaching and Learning Improvement (2010) by the Center for the Study of Teaching and Policy, the regional support model embeds key academic and operational functions from various central office departments, in partnership with regional superintendents, to support each region's school improvement efforts.In the capstone, I provide a description and analysis of my efforts to reorganize the district around the regional structure and improve the effectiveness of the model during its first year of implementation. I conclude with implications for both BPS and school districts that want to strengthen the relationship between the central office and schools in order to reduce the academic gaps that exist for our country's most historically marginalized students.

Three Essays on Public Service Bureaucracy

Chang, Ahrum ProQuest Dissertations & Theses University of Geor 2020 해외박사(DDOD)

소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

As a global pandemic has a catastrophic impact in 2020, many people are increasingly interested in the role of public service bureaucrats, such as healthcare workers, police officers, or firefighters, who are working at the frontlines of the government. These first responders make decisions that can influence various facets of people’s lives. Different from a classic Weberian bureaucracy, street-level bureaucrats deliver essential public service by directly interacting with citizens. Amid a growing interest in public service delivery, this dissertation presents three essays that show the varieties of public service bureaucracies interacting with citizens. The dissertation consists of one theoretical essay and two empirical chapters. The first essay develops a model to explain how frontline bureaucrats are motivated to engage in activities to help citizens and the extent of their behavior. This chapter is the first study that applies formal logic to the topic of street-level bureaucracy in the field of public administration. The second essay investigates the demand side of public service delivery by examining how citizens’ prior expectations, existing perceptions, and post-disconfirmation influence their evaluation of public service performance. Findings suggest that people’s prior expectation on public service is positively related to their subsequent performance evaluation of the service. It turns out that citizens’ expectation also functions as a reference point when there are discrepancies between their expectations and lived experience. Furthermore, respondents’ overall perceptions of public service create a halo and thereby influence their subsequent appraisals of that service. Findings provide implications for understanding performance information reported from citizen surveys and for developing strategies to improve perceived service performance in the eyes of citizens. Finally, the third essay examines the supply side of public service delivery by examining police officers’ law enforcement activities toward black citizens. Results suggest that when white officers comprise a greater percentage of a force, African American cops on that force are more likely to warn, cite, and arrest black citizens; however, when black officers form a high enough percentage of a force, warnings, citations, and arrests of black citizens made by black cops decrease.

The Impact of School Resource Officers on Student Success in 9-12 High Schools in Nebraska

Robinson, Jennifer L ProQuest Dissertations & Theses The University of 2019 해외박사(DDOD)

소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

The purpose of this study is to compare the grades 9-12 high school graduation rates, attendance rates, discipline referrals, and ACT scores in grades 9-12 Nebraska High Schools that have School Resource Officers with the same indicators of success in grades 9-12 Nebraska High Schools that do not have School Resource Officers. The study specifically examined data from the following sources:●graduation rates from the Nebraska Department of Education(personal communication, 2019);●attendance rates from the Nebraska Department of Education(personal communication, 2019);●discipline referrals from the Nebraska Department of Education (personal communication, 2019);●Nebraska Student-Centered Assessment System ACT scores (Nebraska Department of Education, personal communication, 2019).The study used a quantitative data collection system of public K-12 Nebraska school districts, which allowed the researcher to create an overview of School Resource Officers impact on graduation rates, attendance rates, discipline referrals, and ACT scores. The high schools studied are grades 9 -12 public high schools within the state of Nebraska. Overall, the study provided valuable information for stakeholders in any school district which question the impact of school resource officers, specifically in the areas of graduation, attendance, discipline, and achievement scores.