유럽연합 역외 국경관리 시스템 강화와 그 의미에 관한 연구 : FRONTEX를 중심으로

김경현 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2022 국내석사

The Schengen Agreement guaranteed free movement between member states, opening the internal borders, thereby shifting the EU's security axis to the external borders surrounding the EU. As a result, cooperation on transnational external border management was established for the common security of EU member states, and FRONTEX, an external border management system, was established. However, even after its foundation, FRONTEX continues to build a further enhanced system by expanding the functionality and scale of the system. This study attempted to explore why the external border management system of the European Union, especially FRONTEX, was strengthened and through what process it had been strengthened. In addition, this study tried to examine the meaning of the strengthening of the FRONTEX system, and the results are as follows. First, the reason for the strengthening of FRONTEX caused by difficulties in managing external borders in EU member states due to internal and external environmental changes, which naturally led to the need for strengthening the FRONTEX system. As refugees, terrorism and transnational crimes are unsolvable by a member state, distrust of Schengen's system, xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment have grown within the European Union. As a solution, strong border control and more sophisticated border management systems have been established. Second, FRONTEX did not move to strengthen immediately after its establishment in 2005, but crucially, strengthening began in earnest after the European refugee crisis in 2015. There have been two main movements of reinforcement, and strengthening in 2016 is noticeable in terms of function, and strengthening in 2019 is characterized by a significant expansion in terms of scale. Third, the strengthening of the FRONTEX system has many implications, and first of all, it shows that it is no longer easy for the external border management of the European Union to overcome difficulties by a member state. Accordingly, it can be seen that a more powerful and sophisticated external border management system is required. In addition, it can be seen that it is a decision to protect the security of the European Union and further solidify the community through strengthening the system of FRONTEX at a time when skepticism about the European Union was widespread. Meanwhile, the facts that the expansion of authority due to the expansion of the FRONTEX system conflicts with the sovereignty of member states, human rights problems that arise from approaching immigration issues such as immigration and refugees from a security perspective, and it fortifies the European Union (Fortress Europe) revealed the limitations of strengthening the FRONTEX system. It will be meaningful to look at how FRONTEX manages for these limitations in these areas in the future. This study tried to explore with relatively recent issues, so the number of previous studies is limited, So there is a limitation in that research was proceed without securing various data. In addition, in the era of globalization, the international situation is changing very quickly, and there is a possibility that the results of previous studies and predictions will change. Nevertheless, This study will be meaningful in that it analyzed the creation, composition, and functional enhancement of the external border management system of the European Union, especially the FRONTEX, which has not been studied much research in South Korea.

유럽연합의 대한반도정책

이재성 한국외국어대학교 대학원 2009 국내석사

As the method to display political standing and empower in international relations, EU has the frame in order to perform its foreign policy that has legalistic and institutional evidence. Despite this positive expectation, it is inevitable that EU's foreign policy will face inherent limit. To the extent that foreign policy represents a nation's sovereignty, the problem is raised whether member nations in the form of confederation, not in the form of present federation, are able to authorize the foreign policy as much as the level of EU, which is the key of sovereignty. Even if the limit is necessarily inherent, EU has shown its own foreign policy advocating european values. In other words, EU has contributed to establishing the identification to trust in the values such as democracy, a market economy, a peaceful settlement of a conflict and so forth. Such contribution has been reflected to EU's foreign policy. Particularly, EU would play another significant role by means of EU's soft power in current North America-oriented international relations, as leading such issues as human rights, environmental pollution, development assistance to poor countries, climatic change, and an energy problem. Such a purpose and traces can be evidently revealed by EU's East asia Strategies and EU's Foreign Policy Toward the Korean Peninsula through EU and each member nation's ASEM. With respect to a purpose and traces, EU is currently negotiating with South Korea for the success of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA). EU tried to reinforce its political standing and role in international relations via active involvement to Asia. In such an effort, EU established diplomatic relations with North Korea in May 2001 and has promoted consistent relations with North Korea. Consequently, EU's foreign policy toward the Korean peninsula is the present progressive form. Particularly in the relations with North Korea, EU continuously provides financial and humanitarian aid so as to drive change of North Korea. In terms of human rights diplomacy, EU seeks to improve relations with North Korea and further require peaceful solution to North Korea's nuclear issue by means of the assistance. Accordingly, such EU's policy toward North Korea includes inherent limitations as well as potentialities. Therefore this report will analyze both potentialities and limitations of EU's policy toward East Asian countries. In other words, this report will identify that how foreign policy addresses to North Korea's nuclear issue through civil and normative power that EU pursues. In addition, it will figure out, if any, that there is EU's influence and potentialities on resolutions. If not, with the outcomes about what the limitations are, this report will analyze the potentialities and limitations of EU's policy toward East Asian countries. In order to draw the conclusion, this report begins with the discussion of both development and characteristics of EU's foreign policy. And it identifies how EU has been developed to the foreign policy's main body, and legalistic and institutional evidence on the process. In terms of the influence extension in international society through 'Soft Power', it examines the characteristics of EU's foreign policy and the examples of influence extension in Eastern Asia. In addition, it analyzes how EU's policy toward the Korean peninsula has been developed. As the method to analyze the development, this report will compare principal member nations' each policy toward the Korean peninsula with EU's convergent policy toward the one, which means the comparison of policies toward the Korean peninsula before and after EU. In particular, it will draw the conclusion to the EU's potentialities and limitations as an alternative balance in Korea Peninsula that the report will help to understand the entire picture about EU's policy toward Korea Peninsula in terms of both economical assistance and human rights diplomacy. It may be more correct to say that EU develops from emphasis on strategic profits in the early stage of EU to emphasis on normative power. As seen as EU's policy toward North Korea, it can say that economical and humanitarian aid via 'Soft Power' as well as peaceful solution to North Korea's nuclear issue via human rights diplomacy reflect the process of fulfillment. Namely, EU has inherent reasons to continuously strengthen the normative power, which is deeply related with a lack of democracy generated by the process of creating Europe Union. It has already reached the limits of gaining the justice based on the only profits that economic integration has brought. Accordingly, it is clearly revealed that asymmetry between economic integration and political one brings about contraction. On this reason, EU is willing to establish the new global identity with deepening and political consolidation of EU which recently shows dramatic development. Also, it would enlarge diplomatic influence in world political stage on the basis of economic integration progressed among Europe Nations, which means that EU wants itself to be recognized not only as economical partner but also as political or security partner in the world. It is in this context that EU ensures, maintains, and further increases political and diplomatic influence as well as economical standing around the world. Therefore, EU has actively participated to prevent disputes in the conflict-affected areas. The EU's concern of Korea peninsula is regarded as significant issue after it plays a large role about international politics. It is the matter what role EU should play because "deep involvement in Korea peninsula issues reflects the global role of EU". EU's policy toward North Korea would be a great way to show off its political and diplomatic ability in international society, as carrying into positive and successive effect in Korea Peninsula, one of the highest tension-affected areas all over the world. Such EU's policy toward North Korea would further rise to new local power restraining North America as proactively advocating Asia policy, which would result in establishing EU's integral identity. Moreover, in the recent international situation, it may be interpreted that EU takes action against the hegemonic foreign policy strongly firmed by Bush administration. On the one hand, it is evident that EU exerts to actively enlarge international politics and to hold the hegemonic foreign policy of the U.S. in check. On the other hand, EU has the side of duplicity as cooperating with the U.S. because they are aware of that they cannot fill North America's shoes. In addition, in terms of military strength, EU evidently recognizes its limitations having much less power than the U.S. which results in that it plays a role as a mediator or complementary cooperator. Such a role will be achieved fundamentally by 'Soft Power' economical, technological, scientific, humanitarian, and environmental co-operation.

일본의 다문화정책 연구 : 외국인수용정책과 대외국인 사회통합정책을 중심으로

강윤희 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2020 국내석사

Many countries have implemented multicultural policies under the government's direction to cope with diversity due to the migration. Policy factors are very important for foreigners to adapt and live in other countries. Therefore, this paper analyzes Japan's multicultural policies. Japan's multicultural policy maintains a closed position regarding to foreigners other than highly skilled professionals and Japanese Americans in South America, and their rights are also different. In addition, they have a surveillance system to manage them. This closed position on foreigners is also reflected in multicultural policy. Japan's multicultural policy is more linguistically supported than political, economic and cultural rights, and it also includes elements of assimilation. In addition, it has a structure in which the local government, which is the subject of multicultural policy, and the government can communicate. A representative example is the Committee for Localities with a Concentrated Foreign Population. Many times they have made policy suggestions directly to the government on multicultural policy. However, unlike local governments that require active support from foreigners, the central government still wants to remain closed. As a result, the central government is unresponsive to the opinions of local governments, which are the subjects of multicultural policies, and is putting a brake on the development of multicultural policies. Therefore, the development of Japanese multicultural policy is expected to be difficult unless the central government's position changes. Therefore, in order to develop Japanese multicultural policy in the future, it is necessary to improve the awareness of the public through voluntary awareness and education of government officials, and policy development should be implemented first. And it should be a more open form, including multiculturalist content, positively contributing to multicultural policy.

환경이재민(EDP) 발생과 비호에 관한 국제협력 연구

최호남 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2020 국내박사

The purpose of this study is to suggest the possibility of the international cooperation and a humanitarian intervention, by analyzing why the refugee status of environmentally displaced persons(EDPs) cannot be approved by the international law and the international society's response to it. Contradictory concepts and understandings of EDPs in the international society bring about conflicts of interests among nations in solving problems. The global climate change has been indicated as a cause of transnational disasters such as draughts, floods, earthquakes, epidemics, etc. The number of EDPs tends to be rapidly increased around the world, and a large amount of international migration which recently occurred attracted much attention from the international society. Nevertheless, the complex characteristics of EDPs have aggravated the difficulty in solving problems through the international cooperation. EDPs characterized by transnational disasters are caused by natural as well as artificial and complex variables. Among them, a main independent variable may seem to be the worsening of conditions across the entire human life, which is resulted from climate change. Unprecedented human activities after the industrial revolution have brought about global environmental problems. According to 2018 report of United Nations Development Program(UNDP), 'climate change has affected the life and ecology of the global people, and storms, desertification, sea level rise, draughts and floods have more frequently occurred.' In addition, more than 24 million people suffered from disasters only in 2016, and disputes were increased and political instability has been accelerated in some areas susceptible to climate change. European Union(EU) is the internationally representative nation arguing for active humanitarian support. It used about 1.2 billion euro for refugees expelled by 40 nations only in 2018. EU reported that 'one displaced person occurs per two seconds. 85% of deportees are from low income nations and impose a burden on national resources and the entire society. On average, the state the displaced continues for 20 years and that of internally displaced persons (IDPs) for more than 10 years.’ EDPs have often occurred in South Asia, pacific island countries, Central America, Africa, etc. Low income countries whose people usually engage in agriculture and their livelihood highly depend on harvests are susceptible to climate change, and therefore, may suffer from damages caused by it, and there is no measure to protect people living in countries which are internationally indicated as poor or failed nations. The failure of a country leads to the repetition of distrust and disputes about its policies and puts its people in danger, which is said to make IDPs decide to migrate in the countries by leaving their home or move abroad. Some outcomes most often derived from climate change, disasters such as sea level rise, draughts, earthquakes, etc. incur huge damage to the whole earth. Nevertheless, the lack of international interest in them and individual national conflicts of interests around climate change lead to the ignorance of EDPs' severe problems. In order to ultimately resolve the problem of EDPs in the international relationship, it is necessary to discuss the international cooperation based on the global communism, beyond individual national conflicts. Moreover, it needs to explore measures to induce active participation of sovereign nations, key players in the international society. To this end, the researcher attempts to identify EDPs as the products of transnational disasters at the early stage of the study and provide the validity of humanitarian interventions by nations and the ground of R2P. In addition, this study focuses on the fact that most EDPs remain as the form of IDPs, since they cannot acquire the status of refugees and explores how to solve the problem. It would, therefore, analyze the international society's opinion regarding the approval of their legal status and support for them. The researcher argues that the international cooperation and more comprehensive approach reflecting the specialty of the problem are required to solve the problems of EDPs. Although the previous studies' prediction that a lot of displaced persons would occur was valid, they could not reflect the complex characteristics of many factors such as the character of EDPs based on the international law, the issue of environment and developmental cooperation, since they were only immersed in the concept and scope of EDPs, which have been controversial. This study is differentiated from previous ones, in that it tried to conduct an integrative analysis of and mane an access to international relations, beyond fragmented studies, to solve the problems related with the occurrence and protection of EDPs. The international cooperation is essential for resolving such transnational disastrous crisis, and active intervention and responsibility should be entailed. The transnational disasters such as environmental problems and epidemics would be continuously extended and more enlarged in the future. The research intends to emphasize the importance of international cooperation about several issues beyond a national capability and promote cognitional modifications, through the study on EDPs. Only responsible interpersonal cooperation is thought to increase the global survivability and establish peace and co-existence.

A Study on the EU Multilingualism Policies : focused on Early Childhood Education

이지해 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2013 국내석사

24개의 공용어 및 60개 이상의 지역어와 소수어 보호를 위해서 유럽연합은 초국가적 네트워크의 구축과 자금지원을 통해 ‘언어 다양성’을 보호하는 데 힘쓰고 있다. 또한, 2000년 ‘지식기반 경제사회로 나아가기 위한 리스본 전략’을 위해 외국어 습득의 중요성과 발전방안을 논의하고, 2002년 바르셀로나회담에서 구체적으로 ‘모국어에 더해서 두 개 외국어 습득’을 목표로 특히 유아교육을 지원하며, 개인의 외국어능력 향상을 통해 유럽 시민들 간 상호이해를 증진시키고, 나아가 유럽의 사회통합과 다문화사회의 문제를 해결하는데 이바지하고 있다. 본 논문의 연구목적은 유럽연합의 다언어주의 정책과 그 발전과정을 고찰함으로써, 이 정책이 유럽연합과 그 회원국의 사회통합과 경제발전에 어떻게 기여하고 있는지를 규명하고, 이 사례가 유럽연합과 한국에 주는 함의가 무엇인지를 밝히는 것이다. 또한, 유럽연합과 그 회원국의 차원에서, 이 정책이 지속적으로 유지•발전할 수 있도록 지원할 수 있는 방안이 무엇인지 검토해볼 것이다. 유럽연합 시민들은 이러한 지원을 통해 다양한 외국어를 습득해서 자유로운 이동과 노동을 보장하는 단일시장의 장점을 극대화하여 취업시장을 넓히고, 기업의 시장확대를 용이하게 함으로써, 궁극적으로 유럽경제를 다시 도약하게 할 것이다. 또한, 유럽연합은 소수민족과 이민자들의 집단을 인정하고 별도로 지원하면서 집단을 분리시켜서 사회분열을 더욱 가속화시켰던 다문화주의 한계를 극복하고, 조기외국어 습득을 통해 유럽시민의 언어능력을 향상시키며, 이를 통해 상호 문화의 이해를 제고할 수 있을 것이다. 유럽의 사례는 한국의 다문화 가정 자녀들의 학습증진 방안 마련에 도움을 줄 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 한국의 인적 자원 개발과 교육의 측면에서도 상당한 의미가 있다. 한국은 영어유치원의 열풍에서 볼 수 있듯이 조기 외국어 교육에 열을 올리고 있지만 이는 사설 외국어교육기관에 국한되어 있으며, 공교육 차원에서의 조기 외국어 교육은 아직까지 미흡한 면이 많다. 이러한 맥락에서 한국은 유럽의 사례를 참고해 현재 개별 지방자치단체 수준에서 실시되고 있는 다문화‧다언어 교육과 외국어 교육을 국가적 차원에서 계획‧지원할 수 있도록 로드맵을 마련할 필요가 있다. 조기 외국어 교육을 통해 다문화 가정의 문제를 해소하고 사회통합을 제고하며, 이를 바탕으로 인적 자원의 개발에 힘쓴다면, 한국사회는 또 한 번 도약할 수 있는 기회를 가지게 될 것이다.

트럼프 행정부 이민정책의 결정요인과 과정 : 엘리슨 모형에 기반한 분석

이정민 한국외국어대학교 대학원 2022 국내석사

The United States is a nation comprised of various races and ethnic groups, undergoing many changes to its immigration policies, which have evolved from discrimination and exclusion against immigrants to recognition and respect for them as multicultural policies. The Trump administration, however, implemented immigration policies that regulated immigrants strongly based on the America First basis, unlike old immigration policies in the nation. The immigration policies implemented by the Trump administration, including the U.S.-Mexico border wall, the termination of the DACA program, and the Zero Tolerance policy, caused huge controversy and were bombarded with criticism home and abroad. Despite these problems, however, the Trump administration consistently pushed forward its immigration policies that strongly controlled immigrants during his term. Against this backdrop, this study focused on why the Trump administration pushed forward different immigration policies from previous administrations and the process in which its immigration policies were determined. That is, the study analyzed the causes and processes of the immigration policies of Trump administration by applying mixed determinants and the Allison's Model. The study reviewed previous studies, reports, and materials released by the American government and the media regarding the immigration policies of the Trump administration. The main findings are as follows: First, the Trump administration pushed forward its immigration policies based on the mixed action of political factors to gather votes from white voters and win the presidential election, social and economic factors including changing population composition and reduced jobs, and security factors including domestic and international terrorism and the growing number of illegal immigrants. Second, the study analyzed the decision processes of immigration policies under the Trump administration by applying Allison's Model, which is comprised of three different models. The analysis results based on the Rational Actor Model show that the Trump administration implemented its immigration policies through administrative orders, which were its best results. The analysis results based on the Organizational Process Model indicate that the Trump administration implemented its immigration policies through the performance of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) under the leadership of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). The analysis results based on the Bureaucratic Politics Model reveal that the immigration policies of the Trump administration were implemented under the influence of various people, including political parties, mayors, and civil society. The findings of the study demonstrate that there were mixed determinants working in the immigration policies of the Trump administration and that the Rational Actor, Organizational Process, and Bureaucratic Politics Model under Allison's Model were all applicable to the decision processes of immigration policies under the Trump administration. The study proposed a new perspective for the research of immigration policies under the Trump administration, unlike previous studies that investigated the effects of their immigration policies on the international community or the effects of social perceptions on their immigration policies. Based on these analysis results, the study can provide implications that its findings are applicable to the determinants and processes of immigration policies in South Korea that consider such policies due to complex factors including population changes and economic issues. The study, however, did not secure diverse data through real interviews and surveys about the immigration policies of the Trump administration, raising a need to gather related research data in the future.

브렉시트가 스코틀랜드 분리주의에 미치는 영향

Goemoeri, Anita 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2019 국내석사

After the Union was established in 1707, through more than 300 years there was a well-composed, almost symbiotic relationship between the parts of the United Kingdom (UK), England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, respectively. Focusing more on Scotland as a part of the UK, even though it was always far from perfection, but they learned how to co-exist, and cooperate with each other so they will be able to maintain or develop even, for goals would be beneficial for every each parties involved. However after the second world war, something has irreversibly changed. The establishment of the the Scottish National Party (SNP) was the foundation that later lead to the start of the process of devolution of powers from the central government in Westminster and also the establishment of the new Scottish Parliament in 1997. As time goes by Scotland wanted to have more and more authority in the things that is closely related to specifically to Scotland. Obtaining more autonomy, that was the keyword, and especially important part of the politics of SNP. In this context, was no one surprised when in 2012, Alex Salmond, the First Minister of Scotland back then, proposed the plan of a referendum on the independence of Scotland. The UK Governent was rather generous, so made no attempt to obstruct the process. Therefore in 2014, a referendum was hold about if the Scottish people wants that Scotland become an inependent country or not. This referendum ended with a decision, which was that Scottish people wants to be the part of the Union. However it was not hard to find out, that one of the most important reasons by remaining as a part of the United Kingdom, was because of the continued membership of the European Union as well. Nonetheless in 2016 a referendum took place in the UK about remaining or leaving member of the European Union. Unexpectedly the latter one got more votes leading to the chaos, called BREXIT. On this 2016 referendum the people of England and Wales decided on leaving the European Union, meanwhile Northern Ireland, and Scotland, especially Scotland chose to remain, without any exception. The purpose of this study was to find out what impacts made BREXIT on the independence movement in Scotland. The intention of independence showed a steady, increasing tendency through the twentieth century, which led to the referendum on independence in 2014. Moreover this tendency made numerous experts, politicions etc. to make statements related to the high risk of an another referendum on Scottish independence, and eventually the dissolution of the United Kingdom. However even though SNP politicians using SNS platforms rather effectively, all the results of surveys were taken in Scotland, about independence, identity, European Union and so on, the final results have not shown significant change. The people who changed their minds through the time and was almost the same amount, so according to the recent results, if a referendum would take place now, the result would not be different than the one was in 2014. The SNP also realized it, that is the reason that they do not mentioning the topic of the referendum. They have to be sure, that they will win the next referendum (if it happens at all), other way the question of Scotland independence will not be a reasonable topic of discussion at least until the next generation.

프랑스의 대(對) 아프리카 공적개발원조(ODA)정책의 특성에 관한 연구

유종화 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2011 국내석사

Etude sur les caractéristiques de la politique française d'aide publique au développement(APD) en Afrique - A l'égard de l'Afrique francophone subsaharienne - Jong-Hwa YOO Département de Relation Internationale Ecole Supérieure Université Hankuk des Etudes Etrangères Aujoud’hui, la solidarité et la responsabilité entre les pays s’approfondissent de plus en plus. Dans cette situation, le thème du développement international est devenu essentiel dans les relations internationales afin de résoudre les causes structurelles de la pauvreté et de l’inégalité mondiales. Lutter contre la pauvreté des pays en voie de développement signifie non seulement garantir le droit de l’homme et le droit à la survie des peuples mais aussi améliorer l’intérêt commun de toute l’humanité. L’Oragnisation des Nations Unies (ONU) a déclaré les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement(OMD) qui visent la lutte contre la pauvreté des pays en voie de développement et l’aide efficace. Depuis cette déclaration, nécessaire est l’augmentation de l’attention et des aides quantitatives et qualitatives de la part des pays donateurs. La question du sous-développement concerne presque tous les domaines tels que la politique et la société au delà de la pauvreté catastrophique et de l’économie en Afrique. Avec l’émergence de cette question, les pays donateurs augmentent leur aide à l’Afrique. En même temps, on commence à considérer l’Afrique comme un marché inexploité et une source d’approvisionnement en ressources. Ainsi, les pays et les entreprises se concurrencent en présentant les politiques de coopération pour le développement pour occuper le marché africain avant les autres. L’Afrique francophone subsaharienne a célébré le 50ème anniversaire de son indépendance mais elle dépend toujours de la France sur le plan politique et économique. La France offre la plus grande aide à cette région. La France appuie la région africaine en se basant sur la fraternité humaine et la responsabilité internationale afin de lutter contre la pauvreté et de contribuer au développement économique. Cependant, contrairement à cette raison affichée, en réalité, la France soutient cette région en raison des intérêts stratégiques. On estime que la France profite de l’aide publique pour son intérêt national. En renforçant les relations sur le plan historique, culturel et économique, la France maintient la relation privilégiée avec l’Afrique. En raison de cette relation mutuelle, la France met les politiques vis-à-vis de l’Afrique en priorité parmi d’autres politiques extérieures. La France a commencé à aider l’Afrique pour exploiter ses colonies dans les domaines tels que l’éducation, la santé publique et l’agriculture. Elle continue toujours à soutenir l’Afrique après l’indépendance de ses colonies pour renforcer l’autonomie de ces dernières et revaloriser son image nationale. Pendant la guerre froide, tout en fournissant de l’aide pour la région africaine, la France a tenté d’établir le troisième bloc indépendant du système bipolaire des Etats-Unis et de l’Union soviétique sous le nom de tier-mondisme. Dans un contexte de changements divers où la coopération internationale se renforce et la lutte contre la pauvreté et l’amélioration du bien-être dans les pays en développement sont considéré comme des enjeux majeurs, la France représente les pays bénéficiaires des aides publiques au développement pour se maintenir à la position de pays donateur. De surcroît, la France joue un rôle majeur dans le domaine de développement et coopération internationale en promettant d’élargir les aides publique au développement et en proposant de divers programme. La France a désigné la quasi-totalité des pays africains comme la Zone de Solidarité Prioritaire et elle a promis d’allouer 60% des aides aux pays africains et elle tente d’annuler les dettes des pays africains. Par ailleurs, la France renforce sa politique des aides envers l’Afrique pour contrôler la Chine qui ne cesse d’émerger comme un nouveau pays donateur. Les aides de France se concentre notamment sur les pays francophone en Afrique et elles se caractérisent par les aides stratégiques fondées sur les réseaux politiques, sociaux et culturels avec ces pays. Après l’indépendance de ces pays, la France a mis en place la Cellule Africaine directement sous le président de la République pour exercer de l’influence française sur la politique et l’économie des pays africains en mettant en valeur des réseaux personnels avec les dirigeants africains. Aujourd’hui, la France maintient les relations économique à travers la Zone Franc, un bloc monétaire et elle coopère dans le domaine politique à travers le Sommet France-Afrique. Toutes les ancienne colonies françaises appartiennent à l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, partageant la solidarité culturelle avec la France. Dans ce sens, les aides publiques au développement de la France sont utilisées pour maintenir les relations uniques avec les pays africains et elles font souvent l’objet des critiques selon lesquelles la France tente de maintenir les colonies et cherche à renforcer son intérêt national à travers ces aides. La France préfère les aides bilatérales pour les pays francophones subsahariens. Elle concentre ses aides sur les grands pays régionaux comme la Cote d’Ivoire et Caméroun et les pays abondant en ressources naturelles comme RDC ou Mali. La France augmente ses aides pour les pays qui ont réussi la démocratisation comme le Sénégal. La plupart des aides sont accordées aux pays auxquels l’intérêt national de la France est directement lié, ce qui est critiqué pour avoir choisi les pays économiquement utiles pour la France. Ces relations entre la France et les pays africains subsahariens découlent de la tradition coloniale et du sens de responsabilité mais il y a une raison plus importante que cela. La France ne peut pas exclure l’Afrique parce que l’Afrique est la dernière réserve des ressources naturelles stratégiques et la dernière zone d’exploitation économique. De plus, en maintenant l’influence sur cette région, la France peut se rayonner en tant que puissance sur la scène internationale sans dépenses considérables. Les aides publiques au développement permettent à la France de se montrer comme un pays qui défend les pays en voie de développement y compris les pays africains, ce qui assurerait le soutien au sein des organisations internationales. Pour se débarrasser de cette mauvaise réputation selon laquelle la France utilise ses aides pour renforcer son propre intérêt national tout en accomplissant sa responsabilité et améliorant son statut en tant que pays donateur, la France devra augmenter ses aides économiques tant sur le plan quantitatif que sur le plan qualitatif. Elle doit mettre en place le système cadre des aides publiques au développement en améliorant le système des aides qui est considéré comme étant inefficace. La France devra effectuer des aides réelles qui visent à contribuer au développement et l’indépendance économique des pays bénéficiaires en évitant de se contenter des aides généreuses et simples. En se basant sur le soutien des Français, la France doit chercher à minimiser l’intérêt national français et à continuer les aides humanitaires à long terme tout en considérant l’intérêts nationaux des pays bénéficiaires. Mots clé France, Afrique francophone subsaharienne, APD(Aide Publique au Développement), politique française de la coopération, OCDE/CAD.

(The) European Union's policy for combating trafficking in human beings : balance between security and justice

박근희 Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. Graduate Sch 2015 국내석사

유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책 연구: 공안과 정의 사이의 균형을 중심으로 본 논문은 현재 유럽연합의 인신매매 정책과 프로그램을 알아봄으로써 관련 정책 집행의 효율성에 관한 문제를 분석한 논문이다. 인신매매는 정상적이고 합법적인 이민 질서를 위반하는 범죄이다. 또한 강제 매춘, 강제 노동 등 여러 유형의 범죄와 법규 위반에도 직접적으로 맞닿아 있는 문제이기도 하다. 이에 따라 국경과 공공 안전을 우선하는 국가 정부는 인신매매의 범죄 측면에 집중하여 강력한 법 집행과 경찰력 동원 등을 통해 인신매매를 근절하고자 하는 경향이 강했다. 인신매매가 대부분 초국가적 범죄 조직과 연계되어있다는 점에서 위와 같은 근절 방법은 범죄 근절에는 효율적이다. 하지만 문제는 이 과정에서 인신매매가 인간의 자유의지에 반하는 범죄라는 점이 쉽게 무시된다는 점이며, 이러한 양면적인 성격 때문에 인신매매 특히 인신매매 피해자의 인권 보호를 둘러싸고 오랜 논쟁이 있어왔다. 이러한 인신매매의 양면성은 유럽연합에서 더욱 두드러지게 나타난다. 1980년대 단일유럽의정서와 쉥겐 조약 체결로 내부 국경이 없는 단일 시장을 이룬 유럽연합은 이후 세계 3대 경제권에 속하면서 불법 이민과 범죄 조직에게는 더없이 좋은 매력적인 ‘시장’이었다. 그러나 동시에, 사람의 이동에 대한 제약이 없어지면서 유럽연합 기구와 회원국들은 인신매매를 포함한 제 3국으로부터의 사람의 불법 이동을 염려하게 되었다. 여기에 더해 28개 회원국으로 구성된 유럽연합 자체가 인신매매의 출발점이자 도착점이라는 사실은 ‘자유로운 이동’이라는 유럽적인 맥락과 연계되었다. 인신매매에 있어 그 취약성을 인지한 유럽연합과 회원국은 제3국으로부터의 인신매매는 물론 연합 내부의 인신매매도 불법 이민의 한 범주로 간주하여 치안 유지를 목표로 인신매매 근절에 있어서 법 집행 중심의 접근법을 구사해 왔다. 본 논문의 연구 목적은 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책과 그 발전 과정을 고찰함으로써, 이 정책이 유럽연합만의 특수한 환경에서 어떻게 발전하고 회원국의 치안과 시민 보호에 어떻게, 어느 정도 기여해 왔는지를 규명하는 것이다. 또한 풍부한 인적, 물적 자원에도 불구하고 유럽연합이 미국, 중동과 함께 여전히 주요 인신매매 지역으로 꼽히는 것이 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책의 구사의 미흡함을 방증한다는 것을 전제로, 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책의 발전 과정에서 어떤 점이 이러한 미흡함의 원인으로 작용했는지를 밝히고 현재 반 인신매매 시스템의 구성과 과제가 무엇인지 검토해 볼 것이다. 1993년 마스트리히트 조약과 함께 시작된 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책은 유럽각료이사회와 회원국의 만장일치로 정책이 결정되는 내무사법협력 분야에서 시행되었다. 이처럼 치안을 우선하는 회원국의 의견이 절대적으로 반영되는 시스템은 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책의 향방을 논함에 있어 주요한 요소로 작용해 왔다. 최근까지의 유럽연합 정책에서 인신매매 피해자의 권리 행사나 인신매매 방지 등을 강조하는 조항이 부재하거나 미흡했다는 점은 회원국의 안보 유지가 유럽연합 반 인신매매 정책에도 큰 영향을 미쳤음을 나타낸다. 그러나 유럽연합은 인신매매의 범죄적 측면에 지나치게 집중한 나머지 그 외의 방법, 즉 자료 수집이나 범죄 방지에 소홀했다. 가장 큰 문제로는 인신매매 피해자들을 범죄자 기소의 도구로 이용하는 등 피해자의 인권을 존중하지 않았다는 점이 꼽힌다. 범죄 방지와 피해자 보호 등을 간과하면서까지 유럽연합이 구사한 치안 중심 접근법은 예상과는 달리 인신매매 조직의 기소율을 높이는 데 도움이 되지 못했으며 이에 따라 치안 유지와 인권 보호 사이에서 균형이 필요하다는 지적이 이어졌다. 정책 발전 과정에서 드러난 유럽연합의 ‘패착’은 2009년 리스본 조약을 통해 다소간 해결되었다. 2009년 리스본 조약은 공동결정절차를 수정, 강화하여 유럽각료이사회에 편중된 내무사법협력 분야 정책의 입안과 결정권을 유럽의회와 분담하도록 하고, 유럽집행위원회 산하에 Directorate-General Home Affairs와 Directorate-General Justice를 둠으로써 사법과 정의를 동시에 구현하고자 하고 있다. 2009년 리스본 조약 이후 유럽연합의 반 인신매매 정책은 균형을 추구하는 큰 움직임 속에서 계획, 시행되고 있다. 수차례 유럽 조약과 관련 문서 및 펀딩 프로그램에서 유럽연합은 반 인신매매 정책의 목표가 치안 유지인 동시에 피해자 인권의 보호라는 점을 명시하고 있으며, 광범위하고 다양한 유형으로 나타나는 인신매매를 근절하고자 시민 사회와 연계하여 근절 노력을 이어가고 있다. 유럽연합 정책 시행의 근간이 되는 유럽연합 법의 주요 조항에서 여러 허점이 있는 점, 회원국의 유럽연합 정책 불이행, 펀딩 프로그램 등 여러 과제가 연구 과정에서 드러났다. 그러나 회원국의 영향력이 경감된 현 유럽연합의 기구적, 제도적 체제에서 초국가적인 힘의 개입으로 시스템을 수정해 간다면 유럽연합에서 인신매매는 점차 근절될 수 있을 것이다.

프랑스의 대(對) 마그레브 협력정책 연구

윤하림 韓國外國語大學校 大學院 2011 국내석사

Etude sur la Politique de Coopération magrébine de la France Ha-Lim YOON Département de Relations Internationales Université Hankuk des Etudes Etrangères Ecole Supérieure Le Maghreb est situé sur la cô̂te méditerranéenne reliant l'Europe, l'Afrique et l'Asie et il est important au niveau géopolitique. De plus, il est considéré comme un carrefour entre l'Arabe et l'Europe, l'islam et le chrétien. Après la conquê̂te arabe au VIIIème siècle, le Maghreb a été influencé par la culture arabe et tombe dans le sphère d'influence française lors de la colonisation. Par conséquent, le Maghreb est différent des autres pays arabes au niveau culturel et social. Les relations franco-magrébines datent du VIIIème siècle, avec l'alliance conclue entre le roi des Francs, Pépin, et le Calife de Bagdad, al Mansour. C'est-à-dire, la France et le Maghreb entretiennent les échanges économiques et culturelles fréquemment depuis longtemps. De plus, le Maghreb est influencé par la France directement sous l'empire colonial français. A l'ère post-coloniale, la France a exercé une politique indépendante sur le Maghreb afin de maintenir son influence. En effet, les relations avec le Maghreb permettraient à la France de hausser la voix sur la scène internationale. Après la guerre froide, le multilatéralisme et la globalisation font l'apparition comme le nouvel ordre mondial de sorte qu'on essaie de l'intégration régionale avec des pays de voisinage. Des pays développés recherchent surtout des pays en développés en tant que des partenaires pour qu'ils atteignent leurs buts au niveau économique et de la sécurité de l'Etat. Dans ce contexte, la France choisit le Maghreb comme un partenaire de coopération régionale. Pour la France, les pays maghrébins ne sont pas un univers lointain. Cette proximité géographique favorise les échanges commerciales et culturelles. La France est plus sensible que d'autres à ce qui se passe dans les pays maghrébins parce qu'il faut résoudre le problème commun de l'immigration maghrébine en France et d'assurer la sécurité entre la France et le Maghreb. L'une des politiques de coopération représentatives est celle de l'aide publique au développement. La France l'utilise comme un moyen important pour parvenir à l'objectif diplomatique. La France est l'un des plus importants donateurs de l'aide publique au développement entre les membres de l'OCDE. Elle a une relation privilégiée avec l'Afrique francophone y compris le Maghreb. L'idée selon laquelle l'ancienne métropole, la France veut conserver des affinités et liens profonds avec l'Afrique francophone. Dans ce sens, la Zone de Solidarité Prioritaire a été créée par le gouvernement français en février 1998 afin de nouer une relation forte et de se concentrer sur l'aide publique en manière sélective. Les aides publiques françaises se caractérisent par la préférence de l'aide biltérale, ce qui a l'intention de maintenir l'influence française dans l'Afrique francophone. La France entretient le premier partenaire de l'aide publique pour le développement aux pays maghrébins. En 2009, la France est au premier rang en terme de l'aide publique aux pays favorisant l'Algérie, le Maroc et la Tunisie. La communauté internationale met l'accent sur l'efficacité de l'aide publique si bien que la France applique ce principe et effectue le《Document Cadre de Partenariat》. Il est établi sur la base de la stratégie de développement du pays bénéficiaire, en tenant compte de la division du travail entre bailleurs. Il définit des secteurs de concentration (trois au maximum) parmi les secteurs contribuant à la réalisation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement. Il me semble que la politique de coopération maghrébine de la France signifie d'un cô̂té, une relation entre la France et le Maghreb, d'un autre cô̂té, celle de l'euro-méditerranée. Comme l'Union Européenne(UE) a été créée par Jean Monnet d'origine française, celui qui est l'un des pères fondateurs de l'UE, la France tente d'établir une union euro-méditerranéenne depuis les années 1970. Cette union s'est consolidée pas à pas avec le dialogue euro-arabe en 1973, la dialogue 5+5 en 1990 et le processus de Barcelone en 1995. Elle s'est construite plus concrètement par Nicholas Sarkozy pendant sa campagne présidentielle. Par conséquent, l'Union pour la Méditerranée est créée sous la direction de la France avec laquelle la France a l'opportunité de montrer sa puissance diplomatique au monde. Malgré des changements de la situation mondiale, la France continue la politique diplomatique qui poursuit《la Grande France》. La France tente de changer la tendance de sa politique en phase avec le multilatéralisme et la globalisation alors qu'elle entretient encore sa politique traditionnelle. La France ne doit plus considérer le Maghreb comme une ancienne colonie. Il faut noter que pour résoudre des problèmes communs; la sécurité régionale, la paix au Moyen-Orient et la coopération économique, la France considère le Maghreb comme un vrai partenaire. En effet, la communauté maghrébine a un rô̂le important à jouer dans la société française en raison de l'augmentation des immigrants maghrébins en France. De plus, le Maghreb, en tant que le circuit commercial entre l'Europe et l'Afrique, est une marché potentielle de croissance. La France doit renforcer le partenariat avec le Maghreb pour consolider la coopération régionale entre les deux régions.