WTO紛爭解決制度에 관한 考察

유용철 경희대학교 국제법무대학원 2002 국내석사

WTO(세계무역기구)의 출범 이후 국제무역질서가 새롭게 재편되고 있다. 이에 따라 각국은 다양한 이슈의 통상마찰을 WTO 체제 안에서 해결하려는 경향이 증대되고 있다. 최근 중국이 WTO 회원국으로 가입함으로써 우리나라의 對中國 교역 증대에 따른 통상마찰도 WTO의 분쟁해결방식에 의하여 해결해야 할 것으로 예상된다. 그러므로 WTO 분쟁해결제도는 향후의 분쟁가능성에 대비하여 그 어느 때보다도 체계적인 연구가 필요하다고 생각된다. 본 논문에서는 국제통상분쟁에 효율적으로 대처하기 위하여 WTO 분쟁해결제도를 주로 법적인 관점에서 문제점을 논의하고 개선방향을 제시하였다. WTO 분쟁해결제도는 과거 GATT 절차와는 달리 사법적인 측면을 강화하고, 국내법 중심의 일방적인 보복조치를 지양하고 분쟁해결기구를 통한 상호우호적인 해결을 시도하고 있다. 그러나 아직도 여러 가지 문제점들이 해결해야 할 과제로 남아 있다. 첫째, 분쟁해결절차가 많이 개선되었음에도 불구하고 아직도 규정상 모호한 부분과 예외규정이 다수 존재하여 그 실효성에 의문이 있다. 둘째, 패널 및 항소기구의 판결이나 권고를 무시하는 국제사회의 힘 지향적인 문제해결에 대하여 실질적인 대처방안이 마련되어 있지 않다. 셋째, WTO 규범이 국제기업활동에 엄청난 영향을 주고 있고 궁극적으로는 개인이 수혜자라는 의미에서 사적 당사자의 참여의 폭이 더 확대되어야 함에도 사적 당사자가 직접 분쟁해결기구에 제소할 수 있는 길이 없다. 넷째, 패널 보고서의 선례적인 효력에 대하여 분쟁해결양해에는 어떠한 언급도 없을 뿐만 아니라 패널보고서의 선례적 효력을 인정하는 관행도 아직 확립되어 있지 않다. 다섯째, 국제사회에서는 국가간의 통상분쟁에 있어서 강력한 공권력을 가진 집행기관이 없는 만큼 개도국의 경우 국가간의 힘의 불균형으로 인하여 제소단계에서부터 집행단계에 이르기까지 불이익을 받는 일이 많다. 여섯째, 지나치게 엄격한 절차의 설정으로 인하여 화해와 협상을 기초로 하는 분쟁해결절차의 기능을 경직시킬 우려가 있고 보복의 자동승인을 인정함으로써 강대국에 의한 보복이행의 남용될 우려가 있다. 이에 대한 개선방안으로서 논의되는 것은, 첫째, WTO 분쟁해결기구의 판정이 내려질 때까지 수출업자의 손해를 막기 위하여 가처분제도를 두고 위법한 수입제한조치 등으로 인해 입은 손해를 배상받도록 하는 제도의 도입이 필요하다. 이런 보상조치들이 없는 한 완결된 분쟁해결제도로 보기는 어려울 것이다. 둘째, WTO 분쟁해결제도를 보다 사법화된 제도로 만들기 위해서는 상소기관에게 원심패널에 대한 파기환송(remand authority) 및 중요부분에 대한 사실심사를 할 수 있는 권한을 부여해야 할 것이다. 셋째, 소송비용 문제, 소송의 폭주 등의 부작용을 최소화할 수 있는 방안을 고려하여 제한적으로 사적 당사자에 대해 제소권을 인정해야 할 것이다. 넷째, 강대국의 일방적 보복조치를 제한할 수 있는 국제법적인 통제가 필요하다. 마지막으로 힘의 불균형에 의해 평등의 원칙이 적용되지 않는 국제사회에서 개발도상국의 열악한 지위를 내실화하기 위한 절차상의 제도장치가 마련되어야 할 것이다. WTO 분쟁해결제도가 보다 공정하고 효율적인 제도로 정착되기 위해서는 상기 사항들에 대한 구체적인 보완작업이 뒤따라야 할 것으로 생각된다. As China has been admitted as a new member, the World Trade Organization (WTO) will be a powerful apparatus for expanding international trade volumes and establishing new trade order. Accordingly, the WTO system is frequently used for member states to settle a variety of trade disputes. Against this backdrop, systematic studies for the improvement of the WTO dispute settlement system are increasingly necessary to stave off possible future conflicts. In this context, several issues of the WTO dispute settlement system might be pointed out from the legal point of view. And some suggestions are provided for the improvement of the system and believed to contribute to the more efficient settlement of international trade disputes. The WTO dispute settlement system has largely emphasized some judicial aspects, which are different from that of GATT in the past. The WTO dispute settlement system actually does not seek unilateral retaliation based upon domestic laws, but pursues a mutually productive and amicable settlement through a dispute settlement mechanism. Therefore, there are a number of issues to solve as follows: First, vague expressions and exceptional provisions exist in spite of the recent improvements in the dispute settlement procedures. As a result, its real effects are still doubtful. Second, the power-oriented attitudes prevailing in the international community are apt to ignore the awards or recommendations of the WTO panel or the appellate organization, and there is no substantial solution for this matter. Third, the WTO regime has tremendous influence on international business activities, and the private sector players are ultimate beneficiaries. In this context, private parties should be encouraged to participate in the settlement process. However, private parties are not entitled to file a suit with the dispute settlement body. Fourth, the WTO practices do not acknowledge the precedent effect of the panel report, and there is no mention of the precedent effect of the panel report in the dispute settlement agreements. Fifth, in the international community, we cannot find an executive organization vested with strong official authority in the trade disputes between nations. Thus developing countries suffer from disadvantages in the process of filing suits or executing claims due to the imbalance of power between member states. Sixth, there might be problems in the operation of dispute settlement procedures based on reconciliation and negotiation because too strict procedures are established. Also, there can be abuses of retaliation on the part of powerful states through an automatic retaliation approval. Then how can we secure improvements of the above-mentioned issues? There might be several suggestions as follows: First, we have to introduce a provisional disposition system, and provide damaged exporters with compensations for the loss caused by illegal import restriction measures until the judgment of WTO Dispute Settlement Body is rendered. We can hardly say the current WTO dispute settlement system as perfect, as long as there is no measures of such compensation. Second, an appellate institution should be provided with a remand authority against the original panel and a fact probing right with respect to important matters. It will be conducive to make the WTO dispute settlement system more judicial. Third, the private party should be provided the right to file a suit in a restrictive manner confining the cost of lawsuits and side effects due to the unexpected surge of lawsuits. Fourth, there is an increasing need of check and control in line with international public law, which prevent super powers from taking retaliatory measures. Finally, we can pursue an institutional and procedural apparatus to strengthen the inferior position of developing countries in the international community where the principle of equality in a real sense cannot be observed. For the WTO dispute settlement system to function in a fairer and more effective manner, some improvements should be introduced and adopted in the near future.

WTO體制下에서의 産業被害救濟制度 對應方案에 관한 硏究

박성삼 明知大學校 國際通商大學院 1997 국내석사

The first Uruguay Round began in September, 1986. This round was for discussion purposes to develop a compromise agreement between 120 countries. The final agreement stood for a period of seven years. In April 1994, the Uruguay Round Agreement was finalized in Morocco. The UR agreement's role is to maximize competition and to occupy a part in the market of each country involved. Tariff barriers are decreasing due to tax-free items, dutiable items and low dutiable items. The non-dutiable policies are somewhat vague and unclear; consequently, countries involved are administering their own policies on a voluntary basis. The economic department of the UR expects the following results to occur: improvements towards an anti-dumping system, subsidization of the countervailing duties system and safe guard policy. This new WTO system is expected to outperform the old GATT system by providing a better competitive system for all. However, the UR agreement can not solve all problems resulting from international trade. Rather than it providing solutions, it is causing more complications and increasing the possibility of trade disputes occurring amongst countries involved. The UR agreement legislates many changes that will affect departments including those that were under GATT control and new departments opening up. The WTO will need time to adapt to this new role. During the onset of the agreement, some minor and major trade disputes are expected because of individual interpretation of the new agreement and the unwillingness of some to perform as expected. This new agreement, which focuses on controlling new international trade, came into effect on January 1, 1995. WTO has replaced GATT and is now performing the duties of an intermediate trade organization. They have controlling power within international trade and will make all the corporate decisions for the membering countries. Recently, the international trade agreement has been showing some important improvements in relation to the changes being sought after. In the past, governments protected domesting industries from imports and developed strategic industries however, now governments are helping domestic industries cope with international competition as well as minimize any damage that might follow. Hence, my thesis will research and analyze the following statements: (1) The main goal of WTO and the roles it will assume to handle world trade in the future. (2) The WTO's system for relief of industrial damage: a) it's characteristics b) it's process and the plan used to measure how it will perform. Furthermore my thesis's main purpose is to discuss options and countermeasures that can be used to prevent and reduce industrial damage resulting from international trade. Finally, the WTO has not yet completed a system or method for preventing industrial damage. If companies can't expect damages to occur before, they need to set up an objective and lawful systematic plan to prevent and to minimize any damage that may occur due to international trade. In order to effectively prevent industrial damage, attitudes towards the trade policy must be changed from passive to active. No one will deny that the textile industry still leads the nation's export by recording 16.6 billion dollar export and 3.7 billion dollar import and thus, achieving 12.9 billion dollar trade surplus in 1998 alone. Particularly, under the current I.M.F. bailout program, noboday can deny the fact that the textile industry contribute much to the employment stabilization as well as the trade surplus. Meanwhile, the export of the fabrics accounting for some 60% of the nation's powerful textile industry had continued to grow since late 1980 when a circuitous textile export to China main-land through Hong Kong began to increase, until 1995 when its growth began to slow down. After all, the export of the fabrics decreased by 16% in 1998 compared with the previous year, about which the nation's textile industrial circles are seriously concerned. Such a decrease of fabric export seems to have been attributable to the Chinese government's intensive checking on the smuggling through Hong Kong since 1996, however, it can be more attributed to over-competition among domestic companies and failure to establish the comparative advantage over such late corners as Indonesia and Taiwan, etc. Therefore, it may well be required urgently of our textile industry, particularly those synthetic fabric producers accounting for 45% of the nation's total textile fabrics, to recover a comparative edge in an everyday cutthroat competition of the world export market for the 21st century. With such a basic assumption in mind, this study was aimed at discussing the export increase strategies targeting at E.U. Market in a practical way. The specific measures to this end can ge suggested as follows; First, it will be necessary to positively respond to consumer's faster changing needs due to the shorter product life cycle, namely, the quick changes of production structure towards 'Multi-Item Small Quantity Production System', while meeting consumers' needs with an advanced production structure allowing for high quality at a competitive price. Second, in order to solve the tenacious problem of dyeing process, it is required of the synthetic fabric industry to more intensify the dyeing process with reinforced training program and technological development. Third, since most of the nation's synthetic fabrics are used for apparels, it is urgently needed to reinstate the information network to be adaptable timely to the fast changes of fashion, designs and vogue in the world market. Fourth, it is necessary to design an export marketing strategy with development of higher value-added new materials, fashions and designs as well as with quality dyeing processes. Fifth, it is required of the government to restructure Korea Trade Association having a rich capital to be merged into Korea trade-Investment Promotion Agency(KOTRA), and thereby, to establish a two-year course of "Export Marketers' Academy" with all expenses free under the new organization, which will bring up several hundred professional and competent export marketers every year. Sixth, although the circuitous exports should be actively encouraged in case of the export quotas falling short, any chaos of the existing export markets should be avoided in search of the diversification of the export markets. Seventh, since the export quotas are limited, their operation should be more efficient. in this vein, the government is requested to discuss with E.U. executive commission by multilateral diplomatic efforts to find ways to have the quota items switched among themselves, as the U.S. quoas are. Eighth, in order to avoid over-competition among domestic companies and thereby, to maintain an export market order, it is necessary to divide the roles between producers and trading companies. That is, the former should be devoted to production, While the latter be engaged in export marketing only. In addition, the government and the textile industrial circles should join efforts to positively participate in reputed overseas exhibitions('Premiere Vision', 'Interstoff', etc.), while programing a "Korean Day" to hold a fashion show during the same exhibitions. Lastly, it is too early to dismiss the textile industry as declining, and, instead, it must be required of the government and the textile industrial circles to jointly cope with this future business by looking after the longest textile power italy and thereby, developing the industry more through reawakening of its potential importances.

우즈베키스탄의 WTO 가입 전략

하이토브하산 전북대학교 일반대학원 2022 국내석사

At present, 98 % of world trade is being carried out by the 165 WTO members and also 20 countries are in the process of joining to this organization. Since 1994, Uzbekistan has been negotiating WTO membership. The process of WTO Accession was not progressing well due to protectionist policies and political changes. However, recently - elected president Mirziyoyev declared comprehensive socio - economic and political transformations to modernize the country, thereby affecting WTO accession positively. This study will look at one of the most pressing concerns in the Republic of Uzbekistan in terms of international economic cooperation. The accession of Uzbekistan to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is one of the most important issues for the economy of the country as a whole, because it is difficult for a young country like Uzbekistan to compete with developed countries in the global trade system, even with the WTO's many privileges and benefits. There is always the danger of overdevelopment or underdevelopment in terms of the economy, and this is dependent on the state's policy choices. It's dangerous since there have been multiple instances of a country's GDP stagnating after joining the WTO. That is why I started to explore this topic and wanted to learn more about the best manner and specifics for my nation to join the WTO, while also taking into account the practice and experience of other young member-states, particularly the CIS countries. The purpose of this study is to assess any potential advantages and costs of Uzbekistan joining the WTO. In order to do so, this research will examine Uzbekistan's present economic condition, trade policy, and steps made by the government as part of the country's World Trade Organization membership process. Particularly, this thesis has sought to assess the international trade regime of the country, and present some thoughts linked to new topics debated inside the World Trade Organization. Such data will be examined, including the key components of Uzbekistan's trade policy during the previous ten years, the country's international trade system, and an appraisal of the country's progress toward WTO membership.

EU 의료기기규정 대응방안 : WTO TBT 위원회에서 논의된 특정무역현안(STC)을 중심으로

박영철 연세대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

These days the medical device industry is adding its importance both for medical services and in products export. It is evidently witnessed in the midst of COVID-19 pandemic in spring 2020. Thus, the medical device industry in Korea is now faced with rapidly changing business and regulatory environments. First, it has to explore new overseas markets. Second, it must adapt itself in the renewed regulatory requirements in Europe. The European Union Medical Device Regulation (EU MDR) repeals the existing directives on medical devices: Medical Devices Directive and Active Implantable Medical Device Directive. The regulation was published on 5 May 2017 and came into force on 25 May 2017. It has a transition time of three years until 26 May 2020, but postponed for additional one year owing to globally spreading coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. The EU Medical Device Regulation(MDR), which has a purpose to protect people’s health, aims to establish a comprehensive control system of medical devices by means of Unique Device Identification (UDI), general safety and performance requirements, technical documentation, classification rules, conformity assessment procedures for CE marking and clinical investigations. Against these backdrops, the WTO Member States who export medical devices to Europe are increasingly alert. Some countries have taken advantage of the WTO TBT(Technical Barriers to Trade) Committee. They have raised a number of STC(Specific Trade Concerns) to the EU MDR at the meetings of the TBT Committee, arguing the new requirements of MDR would cause trade restriction on the export of medical devices to the EU Member States. They have also claimed the new Regulation would affect a wide range of medical devices, resulting in significant increase of trade cost and the risk of trade secrets leakage to the manufacturers. In this regard, this paper has conducted an analysis of contents of STC issues regarding the MDR requirements. The result of in-depth investigation and research of the effects of regulatory requirements on the import of medical devices from major trading partners turns out to be in no breach of the WTO Agreement and the TBT Agreement as well. In a sense, the EU MDR attributes to achieve a legitimate policy objective purpose that sets up a comprehensive control system of medical devices to protect the EU citizens’ health. At the same time, the EU MDR does not create unnecessary restrictions to trade, since there are no alternative less trade-restrictive measures. Furthermore, the EU MDR does not violate the non-discrimination and national treatment principle of the WTO/TBT Agreements. This paper concludes that the EU MDR would be upheld proper and adequate under the WTO/TBT Agreements, as stressed by the EU Commission. This paper also has made several suggestions as follows: First, on the part of the Korean government, * Competent authorities are required to actively participate in the meetings of the International Medical Device Regulators Forum (IMDRF) to reflect the interests of Korean medical device industry on the forum’s agenda and deliberations. * It is desirable to establish the Korea–US cooperation dialogue, considering the EU-US cooperative relations as a mutually beneficial model. Second, on the part of the conformity assessment and certification agencies, * Knowledge sharing between the certification agencies and medical device manufacturers shall be encouraged in relation to technical documentation, conformity assessment procedure, compliance of law and regulations, etc. * It is advisable for a local agency to establish a close cooperation ties with a European counterpart agency. If possible, the certification agency had better to get a foothold under the government sponsorship within the territory of the European Union to facilitate the overall procedures. 오늘날 의료기기 산업은 의료 서비스는 물론 경제적인 측면에서도 그 중요성이 날로 증대되고 있다. 의료기기는 국내에서 소비될 뿐만 아니라 초음파영상진단장치와 치과용 임플란트의 예에서 볼 수 있듯이 해외로도 대량 수출되고 있다. 해외수출 시장에서 EU가 국내 의료기기 수출거점지역으로 자리잡음에 따라 대EU 수출에 필요한 제반 요건의 이행은 더욱 중시되고 있다. 그중에서도 EU의 의료기기 인증제인 CE마킹의 획득은 국내 의료기기업체들이 EU회원국에 의료기기를 수출하기 위한 필수적인 절차라 할 수 있다. 이러한 상황에서 EU의 의료기기에 대한 규제환경의 변화는 국내 의료기기 산업이 미리 대비하고 수출경쟁력을 강화하기 위해 반드시 숙지해야 할 사항이다. 왜냐하면 EU는 2017년 5월 기존 의료기기지침(Medical Device Directive: MDD)을 대체하는 새로운 의료기기규정(Medical Device Regulation: MDR)을 공포하였기 때문이다. EU는 3년의 이행기간(transition period)을 거쳐 2020년 5월 26일부터 이를 본격 시행할 예정이었으나 코로나19(COVID-19)로 인하여 2021년 5월로 1년 연기하였다. EU MDR은 이전보다 강화된 기준을 준수하도록 직접적인 효력규정으로 정하고 있는 만큼 우리나라 의료기기산업에도 상당한 부담이 될 것으로 예상된다. EU MDR은 대상 제품 범위를 확대하고, 공통 기술사양 등을 적용하며, 엄격한 사후 시장감독 및 임상평가를 실시하도록 규정하고 있다. 이 기준을 준수해야만 CE마킹을 획득할 수 있으므로 각 요구사항별로 대응방안을 철저히 마련할 필요가 있다. 무역에 대한 기술장벽위원회(WTO TBT Committee)는 WTO 회원국들이 무역기술장벽(Technical Barriers to Trade: TBT) 협정의 효과적인 운영 및 협정의 목적달성에 필요한 제반사항을 협의할 수 있는 장으로 설치ㆍ운영되고 있다. WTO 회원국들은 EU MDR 인증기관 수가 크게 부족한 데다, 인증에 필요한 기준 규격의 하위 규정이 아직 마련되어 있지 않은 점을 들어 TBT 정례회의에서 EU MDR을 공론화하고 있다. 특히, WTO 회원국들은 무역에 현저한 영향을 미치거나 그러한 우려가 있는 규제에 대하여 상대국과 합의를 위해 논의하는 특정무역현안(Specific Trade Concerns: STC)을 적극 활용해 지속적으로 EU에 이의를 제기하고 있다. 본 연구는 첫째, WTO TBT 위원회에서 논의되었던 의료기기와 관련된 STC 안건을 둘러싼 연구 데이터를 토대로 EU MDR이 WTO TBT 협정에 합치하는지 여부를 평가하였다. 둘째, WTO TBT위원회에서 활용할 수 있는 우리 정부의 효과적인 EU MDR 대응방안과 업계의 대비책을 검토하였다. 셋째, EU MDR 이행을 위해 철저한 준비와 대책이 요구되는 상황에 비추어 정책방향과 구체적인 실천방안을 제시하였다.

WTO-현재와 미래, 그 대응 방안 : 분쟁해결절차를 중심으로

강석구 群山大學校 大學院 2003 국내석사

1. This paper begins from the basis of sympathetic consideration and deep warm feeling on our society. Before we move into the WTO, we are facing directly on these day's global economic map. And we will be shocked by the fact that one sixths of the world population lives a one day life under only one dollar. 2. The object of this paper is that we are to know clearly what WTO is. We will light the reality of WTO ; 『What is the WTO ? 』 Then, we will look for the way we can take measures for it. 3. The main part of this paper, Dispute Settlement Proceedings, will be especially treated with. To begin with, we will take a macro scope on Dispute settlement proceedings, that is, we will have a bird's eye view on it. Next, the micro scope will be taken on it. We will research the each part of dispute Settlement proceedings in detail. Briefly, we will have both ways, macro and micro, on describing the dispute settlement proceedings. 4. The Problem of Economic Sovereignty is much important. WTO agreement is effective as long as our lives are well-being kept. Without our happiness, without WTO. We, Korean people, say that the Constitutional Court of Korea is Superior to the WTO. Also, the Decisions of Constitutional Court of Korea are Superior to those of Dispute Settlement Body. 5. We are insisting on enlightenment of each persons throughout this whole paper. Only our co-operation and unification toward love of neighbors, will be a Key to breakthrough in the WTO storm.

The Compatibility of Forming Digital Trade Norms with the World Trade Organization Norms : Comparative Study on Digital Trade Agreements and the World Trade Organization Norms

이주하 서울대학교 대학원 2022 국내석사

WTO체제가 지난 30여년간 쌓은 자유무역의 경험과 관행은 국제 무역에서 꽤 잘 적용되어왔고 자유무역규범 확산에 기여한 것은 명백하다. WTO는 다양한 무역분야에서 98%를 차지하는 최다수의 회원국을 보유하면서 자유무역의 다자적 규범을 창설하고, 분쟁해결체계를 도입했다는 점에서 그 중요성이 있다. 그러나 4차 산업혁명에 따른 정보통신기술의 발달과 코로나19 전염병 확산 상황에서의 디지털 무역의 증가는 디지털 분야에서의 새로운 규범의 필요성을 제기하였고, 디지털 분야에서 WTO가 제대로 작동하지 못하면서 개별 국가들은 자국의 이익을 반영한 국제적 표준을 선제적으로 형성하기 위해 노력하게 되었다. 이 연구는 결국 디지털 무역분야가 아직 충분히 발전하지 않았고 여전히 규범을 형성 중이라는 사실에 주목하여, 현재 미국과 중국, 그리고 제3국이 형성중인 디지털 무역규범이 기존 다자무역 규범인 WTO 규범과 공존할 수 있는지의 문제를 제기한다. 특히, 디지털 무역분야에서 대표적인 규범창설자 역할을 기대하고 있는 미국은 시장개방을 중시하는 자유무역에 치우쳐있는 반면, 중국은 자국 유치산업을 보호하고자 하는 보호무역적인 입장을 보이고 있다. 이는 미국과 중국의 국내 정책과 국내법과 더불어 양자가 진행해온 각각의 자유무역협정에 반영되어 있다. 특히 미국이 밑그림을 그렸던 두 협정인 서비스무역협정(Trade in Service Agreement)과 포괄적점진적 환태평양경제동반자협정(Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership)은 민간분야의 자율성을 강조하면서 자유무역을 강조하는 WTO의 비차별주의, 시장접근성 강화, 공정경쟁과 투명성 원칙 등을 담고 있다. 반면, 중국의 경우는 반대로 역내 포괄적 경제동반자협정(the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership)에서 WTO의 자유무역규범을 원론적인 수준에서 제시하거나, 비차별원칙을 의도적으로 배제함으로써 보호주의적인 관점을 담아냈다. 한편, 미국과 중국 주도의 다자무역협정에서 벗어나, 뉴질랜드, 싱가포르, 칠레 3국은 독자적인 디지털경제동반자협정(DEPA)을 체결하였다. 이 협정은 대상범위는 확대하고 보다 포괄적인 자유무역규범을 제시하면서 다양한 디지털 관련 주제에 신속하게 대응할 수 있는 소통창구를 마련했다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 그러나 그 회원국으로 미국이나 중국을 포섭하지 못한다면 협정의 영향력은 기대 이하가 될 가능성이 있고, 자유무역의 주요 원칙인 비차별원칙이 분쟁해결의 주제에서 제외됨은 그 구속력을 약화시키는 원인이 된다. 그러나 이렇게 대치되는 미국과 중국의 무역정책기조는 단기적일 것으로 보이며, 중국 디지털 유치산업이 충분히 성장하여 시장확대를 노리는 장기에는 중국 역시 디지털 자유무역으로 선회할 가능성이 보이므로 장기적인 자유무역 협력이 기대된다. 즉, 장기적으로 디지털 산업이 충분히 성장하게 된 이후엔 개별국가들이 디지털 무역에서 이익 조정을 통해 비차별, 시장접근성, 공정경쟁, 투명성 등의 자유무역 규범에 대한 공감대를 형성하게 될 것이다. 그 결과 다자간 자유무역 규범이라 할 수 있는 기존의 WTO 체제는 디지털 자유무역 규범의 버팀목 역할을 하게 될 것이다. 특히 WTO 분쟁해결기구가 개별 국가들의 자유무역 규범 이행에 구속력을 부여하는 역할을 담당해왔음을 고려할 때, 디지털 무역규범이 WTO 체제를 활용하여 자유무역규범을 공고히 하는 경우, 새로운 체제를 구축하는 비용은 극소화되고 기존 분쟁해결 인프라를 활용하는 이익은 극대화할 수 있을 것으로 보인다. 한편, WTO 역시 새로운 규범에 맞춰 보다 유연한 태도를 취해야 할 것이다. 특히 분쟁해결제도와 관련하여, 디지털 무역에 기존 비차별원칙의 동종상품에 대한 판단 기준이 적용되기 어렵고 개별 국가들은 비차별적 조치에 대한 디지털 무역 분쟁을 분쟁해결제도하에서 해결하길 원치 않는다. 그러므로 WTO 역시 디지털무역에 관한 한 분쟁해결제도를 보다 정교화하고 점진적으로 적용하는 등의 노력을 통해 구속력을 높여갈 방법을 모색할 필요가 있다. It is clear that World Trade Organization (WTO)’s experience and practice of free trade for about three decades have worked quite decently and have devoted to widespread free trade norms. In addition, WTO system is crucial in the free trade history because its members account for 98% of world trade and it introduced the dispute settlement system. The number of its members and binding effects of dispute settlement are enough to create the multilateral free trade norms in global economy. The fourth industrial revolution and Covid-19 pandemic, however, have required for new norms in digital economy. As soon as WTO fails to respond to the new area, individual states started to make an effort to form new global standards in global economy second to none. As a result, considering that the digital trade sector has not ripen yet and states are still in the process of molding the norms, this research expects to see if those trade norms made by the United States (U.S.), China or the third parties can coexist with the existing WTO system. Especially, the U.S., a representative in global norm making, is relatively more tilting toward the free trade tendency focusing on market opening, while China takes more protectionist stance setting a high value on raising its infant digital industry. Those ideas are reflected into the digital trade agreements from the U.S. and China as well as their domestic policies and domestic laws. First of all, the Trade in Service Agreement (TiSA) that the U.S. concluded and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) that the U.S. designed put an emphasis on autonomy of private sectors and contain free trade norms of WTO such as non-discrimination principles, improvement of market access, support for fair competition and transparency principles. On the other hand, in terms of China, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) led by China holds the WTO’s free trade norms in a soft language or shows the protectionism aspect by leaving out the non-discrimination principles of WTO, which is the basic concept of free trade. Meanwhile, aside from the U.S. and China-led multilateral trade agreements, the research takes a look into the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA), which was concluded by Singapore, New Zealand and Chile in 2020 in order to promote digital trade and set a framework for the digital economy. DEPA is meaningful because it officially broadens the range of digital agreements, and comes up with more comprehensive norms than before, providing the communication window to quickly respond to the uprising issues. However, if it fails to embrace the U.S. or China as its member, the significance of the regime can be underestimated. Moreover, the fact that DEPA excludes the non-discrimination principle from subjects of the dispute settlement procedure weakens the binding effect of itself. Nevertheless, this confrontation between the U.S. and China in digital trade norm making seems temporary. Because China expects to nurture its infant digital industry enough to have a competitive advantage in the long term, China would change its attitude toward free trade in order to penetrate into foreign markets, resulting in the free trade cooperation in the future. In other words, in the end, when digital industry develops enough to open its market and find outer markets, individual states would adjust interests among them and would form a global consensus on free trade norms such as non-discrimination, market access, fair competition and transparency in digital trade. As a result, the existing WTO system as multilateral free trade norms plays the supporting role for digital free trade norms. If digital trade norms make use of the existing WTO system in order to consolidate its free trade system, it can minimize the cost of building a new system. In particular, regarding that the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) has implemented a binding effect in the WTO system by inducing member states to follow the WTO norms, digital free trade norms based on the WTO system can maximize the benefits of dispute settlement infrastructure of DSB. At the same time, the WTO system also needs to take more flexible attitude in line with the new global norms. Especially regarding the dispute settlement, it is difficult to apply the existing the like product judgement of non-discrimination principle and individual states have made the exceptions in the digital trade agreements, showing that they do not want to bring disputes on non-discriminatory treatments to the dispute settlement regime. Therefore, WTO also needs to design more elaborate dispute settlement procedure adequate to digital trade and makes efforts such as gradual implementation of the dispute settlement procedure. This adjustment can help WTO reinforce its binding effects, which other agreements are not equipped with.

WTO 가입에 따른 중국 농업의 변화

楊文博 인제대학교 대학원 2013 국내석사

중국이 1986년에 당시의 GATT에 가입을 신청한 후 15년간에 걸쳐 길고 지루한 가입협상이 실질적으로 완료되고, 2001년11월 카타르에서 개최된 회의에서 WTO가입이 승인되었다. 경제대국으로 부상하고 있는 중국의 WTO가입은 국제 경제 질서에 있어 커다란 의미를 지니고 있고, 정치적으로 뿐만 아니라 경제적으로도 중국의 역량과 영향력은 무시할 수 없다. 따라서 중국의 WTO가입문제는 국제경제사회에서의 위상뿐만 아니라 중국경제의 개혁과 구조조정, 위엔 화 절하문제 등 각종 경제적 현안들과 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있으며 21세기 중국 경제가 재도약 할 수 있는 중요한 계기로 작용할 것이다. 한편 중국 농업은 산업화 진척이 완만하고 경영 집약화 수준이 그다지 높지 않아 자유 경쟁적 시장 하에서의 운영에는 많은 문제점이 있을 수 있다. 구체적으로 언급하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 중국이 WTO에 가입함으로써 중국 농업생산은 국제 농산품 경쟁에서 열세에 놓이게 된다. 농산품의 안전성도 국제기준에 미치지 못해 소비자들의 외면을 받기 쉽다. 둘째, 점진적인 국내 농산품의 시장개방과 최저 시장접근을 허용하는 범위 내에서의 수입의무 이행이 장차 중국 농업에 큰 부담을 주게 될 것이다. 셋째, 중국 농가는 경영규모가 작아 국제경쟁에서 약세를 면치 못할 것이다. 이 처럼 중국의 WTO 가입으로 인해 중국의 농업 분야는 많은 과제를 가지고 있는 것은 사실이지만, 다른 한편으로는 새로운 발전 기회를 가질 수 있다. 즉 중국이 WTO에 가입한 후에 회원국으로 여러 혜택을 누리는 과정에서 수출 환경의 개선이 촉진되며 그 결과 수출이 확대될 수 있다.

WTO 협정하에서의 수출보조금에 관한 법적고찰

민병조 경희대학교 국제법무대학원 2001 국내석사

수출보조금은 정부나 공공기관이 수출촉진을 위하여 특정상품을 수출하는 산업 또는 기업에게 지원하는 수출장려금을 말한다. 정부나 공공기관이 지원하는 각종 보조금의 지급은 공정무역을 표방하는 WTO체제에서는 덤핑과 함께 국제경제법상 소위 불공정 무역행위의 대표적인 유형이다. 특히 수출지원 성격을 지닌 보조금은 정부나 공공기관에 의한 재정적인 지원, 직·간접적인 상품수출의 증가, 상품수입의 감소효과를 가지는 모든 형태의 소득이나 가격지원이 있으면 금지보조금으로 규정하고 있다. 자유·공정무역을 실현하기 위한 국제적 기구인 WTO체제하에서의 수출증대를 위한 지원보조금은 각종 통상분쟁을 일으키고 있지만, IMF관리하에 놓인 우리나라 경제상황을 고려할 때 수출촉진을 위한 수출보조금은 매우 중요한 법적·경제적인 이슈이다. 따라서 본 연구는 우리나라 정부가 수출촉진을 위하여 수출기업에게 지원해 오고 있는 수출금융제도 및 조세지원제도와 기업집단의 빅딜과 일반기업의 기업재무구조 개선과정에서 정부가 지원하는 세제 및 공적자금 등이 국제규범상 정당한 수출지원보조금으로 허용되는 제도인지를 검토하여 교역상대국과 통상분쟁을 사전에 방지하고 그 대응책을 찾아보고자 하였다. 문헌적 연구에 있어서는 수출보조금의 국제규범인‘WTO 보조금 및 상계조치협정’과 수출보조금 정책·제도·규범 등이 수출지원보조금으로서 국제규범상 허용되는지를 검토하기 위하여 공적수출신용의 법률적 근거를 이루고 있는‘OECD 가이드라인’을 중심으로 고찰하였으며, OECD국가들의 수출금융제도 및 공적수출신용제도와 공적수출신용기관을 연구하기 위해 국내외 저서와 연구자료, 각종 통계자료를 참고로 하였다. 수출촉진을 위해 정부가 기업에게 지원한 수출지원금융 및 기업의 구조조정과정에서 지원한 세제 및 공적자금이 재정적 지원이나 혜택부여라는 특정성의 문제로 인하여 타국가와 통상분쟁의 발생소지가 많으나, 이에 대한 적극적인 대처방안을 강구해야 하며, ‘WTO협정’제6조 1항의 면책조치를 활용하는 것도 한 방법이라고 할 수 있다. WTO체제에서는 수출보조금이 사전적으로 금지되기 때문에 앞으로는 수출지원이 더욱 힘들다고 오해하는 경우도 있지만, 보조금의 범주 및 예외규정에 근거하여 판단하여 보면 모든 수출지원제도가 폐지되어야 하는 것은 아니다. 수출활동에 직접적인 보조는 금지되지만, 간접적인 수단의 활용은 가능하므로 수출지원금융, 공적수출신용 등 규제되지 않는 지원방안을 더욱 강구하여야 한다. ‘WTO협정’과‘OECD가이드라인’의 고찰을 통하여 공적수출신용은 보조금 요소가 있음에도 불구하고 개도국의 경제발전과 세계무역확대에 기여한다는 특성 때문에 ‘WTO협정’에서도 예외적인 수출보조금으로 인정되고 있으며, 공적수출신용에 내재된 보조금 요소에 관한 규제는 ‘OECD가이드라인’을 따르도록 규정하고 있다. 선진국의 수출지원금융 및 공적수출신용의 운용실태를 고려할 때, 우리기업의 대외 수출경쟁력의 제고를 위해서는 수출지원금융 및 공적수출신용의 재원을 확대함을 물론 수혜자격을 확대해야 한다. 또한 조세부담을 경감시켜주고, 수출지원자금의 가용성을 확대시켜야 한다. 이와 더불어 선진국과 같이 공적수출신용기관간 상호협력을 확대함을 물론 국제개발 금융기관 및 민간 상업금융기관과의 협력도 적극 모색하여 효율적인 위험관리 및 수출지원방안을 끊임없이 찾아야 한다. 국내외 정책의 입안시에는 국제규범상 허용되는지 여부를 미리 검토하고, 정책의 기본방향은 중장기적으로 각 부문별 구조조정 및 구조고도화를 통해 기업의 경쟁력을 강화시키고 규제완화 및 철폐, 각종 불합리한 관행의 개선을 통해 기업이 안심하고 경영에 전념할 수 있는 환경을 조성하는 것이 정책의 목표로 설정해야 한다. 또한 기업지원노력을 보다 강화해야 하며, 이를 위해서는 개선방향을 수시로 점검하고 평가하기 위해 선진국 및 개도국의 모범적인 사례와 국제적 규범을 연구하고, 보다 발전적인 제도 및 법제정을 위해 지속적인 연구가 뒤따라야 할 것이다. An export subsidy refers to an export bounty given to the industry or the enterprise of a certain export item by a government or a public body in order to accelerate exports. All kinds of subsidies provided by a government or a public body are the other common example of so-called unfair trade practices along with dumping in respect of international economic laws under the WTO structure which advocates the cause of fair trade. In particular, if a subsidy with the intention of export assistance actually implements any type of revenue or price support that leads to a financial contribution by a government or a public body, export increase in a direct or an indirect way, or a reduction of importing items, it is prescribed as a prohibited subsidy. It's the fact that export subsidies are the very cause of various trade disputes under the WTO structure, the international organization to realize free and fair trade, but a consideration of Korea's economic situation under the IMF management provides a new aspect of export subsidies, revealing the highly important legal and economic issue involved in them. Taking all the facts and considerations into account, this study was intended to figure out whether international regulations allowed the fairness as export subsidies to the export financing systems and the tax support systems provided to exporting enterprises by the Korean government to promote exports, as well as to tax privilege and government-created funds furnished in the process of big deals among enterprises and enhancement of financial structure of enterprises by the Korean government. The rest of the goals of the study were to prevent trade disputes with other countries to trade with in advance and to seek countermeasures for disputes. A literature study included the following documents; 'WTO Agreement Subsidy and Countervailing Measures' is the international regulation regarding export subsidies. The 'OECD Guideline' was under the microscope to see if the Korean policies, systems, and regulations concerning export subsidies were agreeable as export assistance subsidies under the international regulations, since the Guideline is the very legal foundation of officially supported export credit. Home and abroad books, studies, and statistics were also drawn on to grab a picture of the export financing systems, the systems regarding officially supported export credit, and the export credit agency systems of the OECD member countries. The issue of specificity involved in financial contributions and benefits grant originally starts from export assistance subsidies given to an enterprise by a government to promote exports, as well as from tax privilege and government-created funds helping the restructuring process of an enterprise. It surely contains a very high risk of trade disputes with other countries, which naturally calls for active countersteps to pursue. One of the countersteps would be to take advantage of the no-liability measure under Article 6 Clause 1. There are some people with this misunderstanding that a future export assistance would be much harder to implement due to the WTO structure forbidding export subsidies in advance, but the reality tells that not all export assistance institutions need to be abolished when the judgement is based on the categories of subsidies and exception rules. Direct subsidies of exporting, of course, are firmly prohibited, but indirect measures are available at some level. That is, such assistance measures as don't come under the prohibiting regulations including export assistance financing and officially supported export credit should be given a much stronger impulse. Based on the considerations of 'the WTO Agreement' and 'the OECD Guideline,' it became clear that officially supported export credit, despite its characteristics as a subsidy, is acknowledged as an exceptional export subsidy, considering its contribution to the economic development of developing countries and to the world trade expansion. The regulations regarding the subsidy characteristics of officially supported export credit follow the‘OECD Guideline.’ Studying how the advanced countries are operating export assistance finance and officially supported export credit gives us an idea of what kinds of actions our enterprises should take. They need to not only increase financial resources for export assistance finance and officially supported export credit, but to relax the qualifications of benefits. They also might as well reduce tax burdens given to enterprises and expand the availability of export assistance funds. In addition, they should constantly develop the ways to efficiently manage risks and to support exports, by widening the range of mutual cooperation among export credit agencies like in the advanced countries and by aggressively groping for the cooperation between international development financial agencies and private commerce financial agencies. In designing domestic and foreign policies, it requires the first consideration checking if a proposed policy is allowed under certain international regulations. The basic directions of a policy should include strengthening the competitive power of enterprises, relaxing regulations or deregulating, and improving unreasonable practices through the restructuring and advanced structure of each sector over a long term. And the proposed policy should put its goal in creating such an environment in which enterprises feel safe and can devote themselves to business based on the above mentioned consideration and directions. Finally, further studies on exemplary cases of the advanced countries and the developing countries, as well as the international regulations and ongoing studies on more enhanced systems and laws should be carried out so that enterprise support activities can receive more push, which requires frequent reviews and evaluations of enhancing directions.

WTO體制下의 反덤핑制度

장민환 동아대학교 1997 국내석사

본 연구는 UR의 타결에 따른 WTO체제의 출범과정과 WTO협정상의 반덤핑법제도 및 관련국의 제도에 대한 분석을 하고자 한다. 반덤핑관련 법률 자체와 관련사항의 방대함으로 인해 WTO체제하의 국제무역환경에서의 반덤핑제도를 목표로 하여, 반덤핑제도의 연혁과 WTO체제의 간략한 성립과정, 각국의 반덤핑법제도 및 WTO의 반덤핑규정들을 중심으로 연구하였다. 제 Ⅰ장에서는 연구의 방법과 범위를 서술하고, 제Ⅱ장에서는 덤핑의 의의, 반덤핑관세의 의의와 연혁을 살펴본다. 반덤핑관세의 의의에서는 개념과 경제적 타당성을 살펴본다. 1947년 가트 제6조와 1967년 케네디라운드, 1979년 동경라운드등 우주과이라운드협상타결에 이르기까지의 과정을 살펴본다. 제Ⅲ장에서는 각국의 반덤핑제도와 우루과이라운드협상 타결에 따른 변화와 문제점을 살펴본다. WTO의 반덤핑관세협정에 따라 각국에서는 그 이행에 관한 법률을 제정하거나 관련 법령의 정비를 거쳤는데, 먼저 반덤핑관세의 활용이 가장 활발한 미국과 EU의 현황에 대해 언급하고, 실제적으로 반덤핑관세의 활용도는 낮지만 국제통상에서 큰 비중을 차지하는 일본의 상황에 대해 언급한 뒤, 북미지역에서 미국만큼 활발한 반덤핑관세제도를 활용하고 있는 캐나다에 대해서 살펴본다. 그리고 호주와 한국의 반덤핑관세제도에 대해서 알아본다. 제Ⅳ장에서는 본론인 WTO체제하의 반덤핑관세제도에 관해 서술한다. 이전 GATT체제에서 미비한 규정들이 이에 대한 대응, 정비로서 WTO에서 어떻게 개정·추가되었는지를 서술한다. 제Ⅴ장에서는 WTO체제상의 반덤핑규정들의 문제점과 향후 야기될 수 있는 부정적인 반덤핑규정의 활용들을 예측해본다. 제Ⅵ장에서는 본 논문의 정리 및 제Ⅴ장에서의 문제점들에 대한 대응방안의 서술을 한다. The thesis reviews the evolution of antidumping laws, the effects they had on trade, and recent change in these laws that resulted from the Uruguay Round. On January 1, 1995, the World Trade Organization(WTO), an institution that will have a membership of over 120 countries, was created to improve exisiting international regimes in goods and services. In recent years, more countries have adopted antidumping law and they have stepped up the pace of initiating antidumping investigation. The concluded WTO agreement gives them the power to use and strengthen their own antidumping laws. Since the Uruguay Round reduced tariffs and repealed most quotas, the antidumping laws will rise in importance over time. Also Antidumping laws are now the most powerful tool that protectionists can keep out foreign products though ideal purposes of the antidumping law are remeding situations where there is unfair trade and preventing predatory pricing. The new antidumping code spells out in much greater detail than the previous code in the GATT. Some of procedural minimum are listed below. standing to apply, de minimis dumping margins, de minimis volumes, time limits, evidence, etc. In addition, substances for determining whether dumping is occured or not, had been more specified, like the concept of sales below cost, currency fluctuations, normal value/export price comparisons, threat of material injury, individual exporter dumping treatment, duty sunset, dispute settlement, etc. Traditionally Austrailia, the EU, the USA, and Canada were the major users of antidumping duty action. Since the Tyoko Round Antidumping Code emerged in 1979, these four nation were responsible for bringing more than 90% of all such action by GATT members. Now they have reformed their antidumping laws in accordance with the begining of the WTO agreement. The WTO has ushered in a new era for world trade. The new opportunities it will progressively create as markets open must be tempered by the risk of trade remedy action by countries which have never needed to use such measures before. All changes and reforms are for free and fair international trade. Comprehensing new antidumping code under the WTO agreement is fundemental step to reach the world of fair and free trade.

The WTO and E-Commerce

이은영 Graduate School of International Studies Korea Uni 2004 국내박사

The WTO members have recognized e-commerce issues related to the WTO and started to discuss in the first WTO conference in Singapore in 1996. The trade related issue of tariff on electronic transmission has been raised in the WTO by the United States who has a vital interest in seeing that the internet is not over-regulated or overtaxed, but allowed to grow and develop at its own pace. A permanent stand-still on digital commerce was agreed to by all members. While the role of the WTO on e-commerce area is increasing as an important actor of global governance, the ability of the WTO has become questionable. Developed countries with far advanced technologies including the Unites States want to consider e-commerce on market principle that brought the e-commerce issues on the multilateral negotiation. They made member states to open their IT industries and its service sector including intellectual property rights. The WTO has sharply divided by each member country's national interest. I argue that the WTO serves developed countries interests, which are lobbied by transnational corporations (TNCs). Even though the WTO's decisions are made by the entire membership, so-called consensus, decisions are influenced and made by TNCs and advanced countries' interest because they are often the providers of services. In this case, the WTO is not a place for where member states come to adopt neoliberal polices but a place to decide what they want for their national interests.