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      중국 여성의 배우자 선호에 관한 연구 : 계층 동질성을 중심으로

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T15775584

      • 저자
      • 발행사항

        서울 : 경희대학교 대학원, 2021

      • 학위논문사항

        학위논문(석사) -- 경희대학교 대학원 , 사회학과 , 2021. 2

      • 발행연도

        2021

      • 작성언어

        한국어

      • 주제어
      • DDC

        300 판사항(22)

      • 발행국(도시)

        서울

      • 기타서명

        A Study on Chinese Women's Partner Selection : Focusing on Class Homogeneity
        Study on Chinese Women's Partner Selection : Focusing on Class Homogeneity

      • 형태사항

        [iii], 86 p. : 도표 ; 26 cm

      • 일반주기명

        경희대학교 논문은 저작권에 의해 보호받습니다.
        지도교수: 정고운
        참고문헌: p. 83-86

      • UCI식별코드

        I804:11006-200000368834

      • 소장기관
        • 경희대학교 중앙도서관 소장기관정보
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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      The motivations and behavioral patterns of mate selection not only play a decisive role in family composition but also have an impact on the long-term development of social structure, and thus mate selection has been the focus of many scholars. In particular, homogeneous marriage has been the focus of research on mate preferences as it is an indicator of social openness and cultural integration. This study analyzes the mechanisms of homogeneous marriage formation on the basis of the commonalities and differences in the mate preferences of Chinese middle-class and working-class women. The exchange theory, individualism and collectivism theory, and Bourdieu’s class theory are used theoretically so as to explore the role structural (class) and cultural factors play in mate preferences for women from both classes.
      Research shows that the commonalities between the two classes of women in mate preferences reflect the characteristics of Chinese society. First of all, there is a social culture in China that ability (practical work skills and interpersonal skills) is more important than education, which has an impact on women’s mate preferences. Women consider that ability is more important due to the social phenomenon of over-education, under-education of practical education and the contribution of “Guanxi” to careers. Secondly, there is a social climate of “male superiority and female inferiority” in China, which influences the mate preferences for women in both classes. Women expect that their spouses can have higher financial capacity, more age, and higher family status. This expectation is due to the habit of maintaining a male-centered family atmosphere in addition to expectations in the economic sphere. Thirdly, China is a society where individualism and collectivism coexist, but collectivism is more important, which has an impact on women’s mate preferences. Middle-class women repeatedly display individualistic values in terms of mate preferences, but show a posture of living up to their parents’ expectations in terms of their willingness to marry, marriage age, and willingness to have children. In contrast, mate preferences of the working-class women show a strong tendency towards collectivism.
      In terms of the differences in mate preferences between the two classes, the goal is basically to maintain their current living standard and the original family background as well as the original class. For example, the middle-class parenting model emphasizes communication between parents and children and the autonomy of children’s judgment, and thus the middle-class women show a posture of expecting to maintain the possibility of communication and joint decision-making between spouses through seeking a spouse with a high level of education. In terms of occupation, different expectations of the two classes are expressed through class occupational differences. The middle-class women prefer men with higher professional occupations, while in the working class, “Guanxi” has a higher proportion of contribution to their occupations and thus working-class women prefer men with high interpersonal skills. In terms of income, the preference is based on maintaining the current living standard and consumption patterns. Both classes think it important for men to maintain a basic living standard, but the concept of “basic living standard” varies by class.
      The values between the classes have clear differences. The middle class follows individualistic values while the working class follows collectivistic values, and this difference in values has an impact on mate preferences. For example, in terms of income level, the middle class expects to meet their personal financial needs, while the working class expects to support their families of origin. From the perspective of personal asset levels, the middle class expects no reduction in their current living standard, while the working class places more importance on whether the spouse can provide good economic conditions for future generations and whether the spouse’s asset level can meet the expectations of their parents. Regarding the requirements of the other’s parent’s educational level, both classes believe that it is not important. Among them, the middle class expects that the other’s parents should not interfere with their own independent family, while the working class values the possibility of improving the harmony between the two families through both parents having similar education.
      According to the research results, mate preferences appear to vary considerably according to women’s class background. Women’s mate preferences cannot be reverted by personal preferences and choice issues alone. Rather, it is based on the initiation of family background and group structure, and can be said to be a social act. In addition, it is shown that achievement status preferences are inseparably related to attributional status preferences, and that individual preferences for spouse achievement status are ultimately based on class homogeneity. This phenomenon suggests that marriage patterns in Chinese society are different from the Western homogeneous marriages based on achievement status. In other words, a continuous upward trend is shown in both achievement-status homogeneous marriages and attributional-status homogeneous marriages. First, due to the unstable social structure of Chinese society, where family background and capital are critical to personal development, homogeneity in class background shows an increase trend in the process of mate preferences. In addition to these economic indications, the research results suggest that women’s concerns about family background and class are not so much economic considerations as they are tied to habitual or cultural factors that are mutually exclusive by class. To be specific, it indicates the importance of culturally based factors linked to class in mate preferences.
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      The motivations and behavioral patterns of mate selection not only play a decisive role in family composition but also have an impact on the long-term development of social structure, and thus mate selection has been the focus of many scholars. In par...

      The motivations and behavioral patterns of mate selection not only play a decisive role in family composition but also have an impact on the long-term development of social structure, and thus mate selection has been the focus of many scholars. In particular, homogeneous marriage has been the focus of research on mate preferences as it is an indicator of social openness and cultural integration. This study analyzes the mechanisms of homogeneous marriage formation on the basis of the commonalities and differences in the mate preferences of Chinese middle-class and working-class women. The exchange theory, individualism and collectivism theory, and Bourdieu’s class theory are used theoretically so as to explore the role structural (class) and cultural factors play in mate preferences for women from both classes.
      Research shows that the commonalities between the two classes of women in mate preferences reflect the characteristics of Chinese society. First of all, there is a social culture in China that ability (practical work skills and interpersonal skills) is more important than education, which has an impact on women’s mate preferences. Women consider that ability is more important due to the social phenomenon of over-education, under-education of practical education and the contribution of “Guanxi” to careers. Secondly, there is a social climate of “male superiority and female inferiority” in China, which influences the mate preferences for women in both classes. Women expect that their spouses can have higher financial capacity, more age, and higher family status. This expectation is due to the habit of maintaining a male-centered family atmosphere in addition to expectations in the economic sphere. Thirdly, China is a society where individualism and collectivism coexist, but collectivism is more important, which has an impact on women’s mate preferences. Middle-class women repeatedly display individualistic values in terms of mate preferences, but show a posture of living up to their parents’ expectations in terms of their willingness to marry, marriage age, and willingness to have children. In contrast, mate preferences of the working-class women show a strong tendency towards collectivism.
      In terms of the differences in mate preferences between the two classes, the goal is basically to maintain their current living standard and the original family background as well as the original class. For example, the middle-class parenting model emphasizes communication between parents and children and the autonomy of children’s judgment, and thus the middle-class women show a posture of expecting to maintain the possibility of communication and joint decision-making between spouses through seeking a spouse with a high level of education. In terms of occupation, different expectations of the two classes are expressed through class occupational differences. The middle-class women prefer men with higher professional occupations, while in the working class, “Guanxi” has a higher proportion of contribution to their occupations and thus working-class women prefer men with high interpersonal skills. In terms of income, the preference is based on maintaining the current living standard and consumption patterns. Both classes think it important for men to maintain a basic living standard, but the concept of “basic living standard” varies by class.
      The values between the classes have clear differences. The middle class follows individualistic values while the working class follows collectivistic values, and this difference in values has an impact on mate preferences. For example, in terms of income level, the middle class expects to meet their personal financial needs, while the working class expects to support their families of origin. From the perspective of personal asset levels, the middle class expects no reduction in their current living standard, while the working class places more importance on whether the spouse can provide good economic conditions for future generations and whether the spouse’s asset level can meet the expectations of their parents. Regarding the requirements of the other’s parent’s educational level, both classes believe that it is not important. Among them, the middle class expects that the other’s parents should not interfere with their own independent family, while the working class values the possibility of improving the harmony between the two families through both parents having similar education.
      According to the research results, mate preferences appear to vary considerably according to women’s class background. Women’s mate preferences cannot be reverted by personal preferences and choice issues alone. Rather, it is based on the initiation of family background and group structure, and can be said to be a social act. In addition, it is shown that achievement status preferences are inseparably related to attributional status preferences, and that individual preferences for spouse achievement status are ultimately based on class homogeneity. This phenomenon suggests that marriage patterns in Chinese society are different from the Western homogeneous marriages based on achievement status. In other words, a continuous upward trend is shown in both achievement-status homogeneous marriages and attributional-status homogeneous marriages. First, due to the unstable social structure of Chinese society, where family background and capital are critical to personal development, homogeneity in class background shows an increase trend in the process of mate preferences. In addition to these economic indications, the research results suggest that women’s concerns about family background and class are not so much economic considerations as they are tied to habitual or cultural factors that are mutually exclusive by class. To be specific, it indicates the importance of culturally based factors linked to class in mate preferences.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • I. 서 론 1
      • 1.1. 문제 제기 1
      • 1.2. 선행 연구와 이론 4
      • 1.2.1. 이론 기초 4
      • 1.2.1.1. 교환이론 4
      • I. 서 론 1
      • 1.1. 문제 제기 1
      • 1.2. 선행 연구와 이론 4
      • 1.2.1. 이론 기초 4
      • 1.2.1.1. 교환이론 4
      • 1.2.1.2. 계층에 따라 개인주의와 집단주의의 작동 5
      • 1.2.1.3. 부르디외의 계층이론 10
      • 1.2.2. 배우자 선택에서의 동질혼에 관한 연구 13
      • 1.2.2.1. 서구의 연구 13
      • 1.2.2.2. 한국과 중국의 연구 15
      • 1.2.3. 중국의 사회 배경 19
      • 1.2.3.1. 경제 19
      • 1.2.3.2. 정치 (사회계층) 22
      • 1.2.3.3. 문화 23
      • 1.3. 연구 방법론 28
      • 1.3.1. 사회계층의 측정 29
      • 1.3.2. 배우자 선호의 측정 29
      • 1.3.3. 연구방법 29
      • 1.3.4. 연구 대상의 배경 30
      • 2. 연구 결과 34
      • 2.1. 배우자의 사회경제적 자원에 대한 선호 34
      • 2.1.1. 학력 34
      • 2.1.2. 직업 43
      • 2.1.3. 소득 47
      • 2.1.4. 개인 자산 52
      • 2.2. 배우자의 가족 배경에 대한 선호 57
      • 2.2.1. 배우자 부모의 학력 57
      • 2.2.2. 배우자 부모의 수입 61
      • 2.3. 배우자의 비사회적 경제적 자원에 대한 선호 64
      • 2.3.1. 외모 64
      • 2.3.2. 연령 67
      • 2.4. 개인적 결혼관념 70
      • 2.4.1. 부모의 결혼의견 70
      • 2.4.2. 결혼 연령 73
      • 2.4.3. 이혼관념 75
      • 3. 결론 77
      • 참 고 문 헌 80
      • 초 록 83
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