나하방언의 전설모음화 = 최적성이론에 의한 분석

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

The objective of this study is to explain the vowel fronting in Naha Ryukyuan within the framework of Optimality Theory.
Back vowel /u/ became front vowel [i] after coronal obstruents in Naha Ryukyuan. In order to explain this vowel fronting, this paper adopts a markedness constraint COR./.FR, as proposed by Miyashita(2000). Due to COR./.FR, which prohibits non-front vowels after coronals, /u/ became [i] after coronal obstruents in Naha Ryukyuan. Despite COR./.FR, [u], which was changed from /o/ by vowel raising, did not become [i] after coronal obstruents in Naha Ryukyuan. To explain this counter-feeding opacity, this paper employs Local Constraint Conjunction and adopts a constraint [Ident(back) & Ident(high)]seg, which conjoins two faithfulness constraints Ident(back) and Ident(high). A faithfulness constraint, Ident(back), was lower ranked than a markedness constraint, COR./.FR in Naha Ryukyuan, so /u/ became [i] after coronal obstruents. However, since the composite constraint [Ident(back) & Ident(high)]seg is more highly ranked than COR./.FR, [u], which was changed from /o/ by vowel raising, did not become [i] after coronal obstruents.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 서론
• 제1장 대응의 양상
• 제2장 최적성이론에 의한 분석
• 결론
• 참고문헌
• 논문초록

참고문헌 (Reference)

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