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      韓國言論政策의 構造的 分析 : 歷代 政府의 言論政策과 改革課題를 中心으로 = (An) assesment on the media policy of Korean government

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T9946708

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      This study is to assess the Media Policy of past Korean Governments and the current Media Policy, and their Media Market structures. Through an empirical analysis, I would like to suggest Media policy measures and strategies which may push ahead Korean Government to meet 21st century challenges more efficiently.
      As is generally known, dictatorship of the former military government resulted in the adhesive Press-Political power collabolation and the concurrent development of monopoly capitalism had resulted in the symbiotic adhesion of the Capital-Press relation. Consequently, the Korea Press in general, have been suffered from all sorts of hardship, limping, and adversaries.
      That is to say, critical roles and guarding accountabilities of the Korean Press has been chronically weakened, the Press has attached great importance to private function as well as public function, and also has disregarded the human rights by intensifying politico-administrative power organizations. Virtually, the mechanism of public opinion have been thrown up and broken against media policy reforms. Also, the roles and functions of the Korean Press market which was reorganized and distorted by the compulsory press mergence under such dictatorial government still exist today. And the market disorder was inherited by the media policy of Kim-Young Sam administration, which mistook the democratic policy, mobilizing some special privileges and permission mechanism for the Press.
      Accordingly, these functional loss, perversion of the Press and the failure and disorder of the Press market must be reformed by a more democratic Media Policy of the 'government of the People'.
      But as already known, the Press Policy of the Kim Dae-Jung Administration have shown the character of both noninterference and positive intervention for order recovery of the press market.
      In another words, the Administration has adhered to a passive noninterference policy rather than transforming the press toward indirect inducement.
      Since the government has the responsibility about reforms of the distorted press market state for the Press Publicity, any media policy of democratic polities should reflect public opinion and demands.
      As mentioned above, the Korean Press in 1990s must solve the very complex problems experienced in the era of 1970s~1980s toward the new media vision.
      Toward a new vision and image of 21st century media policy, our press and media systems need to explore and should analyze the past experiences of last four decades, and must foresee the future phenomena more correctly.
      In this context, first, the Korean media policy must recover the critical responsibility. Second, the Korean Press must realize the public input and citizen governance. Third, it should realize the rationalization of its policy and management. Fourth, it must improve the professionalism and accountable capability.
      Accordingly, the Administration must recognize that the press should accomplish the social development roles and democratization.
      In conclusion, both the government and press must be reconstructed to avoid the adhesive Press-Political power collaboration again, setting an entirely new democratic media policy, honoring democratic values, especially freedom of opinion, information, and expression.
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      This study is to assess the Media Policy of past Korean Governments and the current Media Policy, and their Media Market structures. Through an empirical analysis, I would like to suggest Media policy measures and strategies which may push ahead Korea...

      This study is to assess the Media Policy of past Korean Governments and the current Media Policy, and their Media Market structures. Through an empirical analysis, I would like to suggest Media policy measures and strategies which may push ahead Korean Government to meet 21st century challenges more efficiently.
      As is generally known, dictatorship of the former military government resulted in the adhesive Press-Political power collabolation and the concurrent development of monopoly capitalism had resulted in the symbiotic adhesion of the Capital-Press relation. Consequently, the Korea Press in general, have been suffered from all sorts of hardship, limping, and adversaries.
      That is to say, critical roles and guarding accountabilities of the Korean Press has been chronically weakened, the Press has attached great importance to private function as well as public function, and also has disregarded the human rights by intensifying politico-administrative power organizations. Virtually, the mechanism of public opinion have been thrown up and broken against media policy reforms. Also, the roles and functions of the Korean Press market which was reorganized and distorted by the compulsory press mergence under such dictatorial government still exist today. And the market disorder was inherited by the media policy of Kim-Young Sam administration, which mistook the democratic policy, mobilizing some special privileges and permission mechanism for the Press.
      Accordingly, these functional loss, perversion of the Press and the failure and disorder of the Press market must be reformed by a more democratic Media Policy of the 'government of the People'.
      But as already known, the Press Policy of the Kim Dae-Jung Administration have shown the character of both noninterference and positive intervention for order recovery of the press market.
      In another words, the Administration has adhered to a passive noninterference policy rather than transforming the press toward indirect inducement.
      Since the government has the responsibility about reforms of the distorted press market state for the Press Publicity, any media policy of democratic polities should reflect public opinion and demands.
      As mentioned above, the Korean Press in 1990s must solve the very complex problems experienced in the era of 1970s~1980s toward the new media vision.
      Toward a new vision and image of 21st century media policy, our press and media systems need to explore and should analyze the past experiences of last four decades, and must foresee the future phenomena more correctly.
      In this context, first, the Korean media policy must recover the critical responsibility. Second, the Korean Press must realize the public input and citizen governance. Third, it should realize the rationalization of its policy and management. Fourth, it must improve the professionalism and accountable capability.
      Accordingly, the Administration must recognize that the press should accomplish the social development roles and democratization.
      In conclusion, both the government and press must be reconstructed to avoid the adhesive Press-Political power collaboration again, setting an entirely new democratic media policy, honoring democratic values, especially freedom of opinion, information, and expression.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 목차 = ⅰ
      • 제1장 서론 = 1
      • 제1절 연구의 목적 = 1
      • 제2절 연구의 범위 및 방법 = 4
      • 제2장 정부 · 언론의 관계와 언론정책의 이론적 준거 = 8
      • 목차 = ⅰ
      • 제1장 서론 = 1
      • 제1절 연구의 목적 = 1
      • 제2절 연구의 범위 및 방법 = 4
      • 제2장 정부 · 언론의 관계와 언론정책의 이론적 준거 = 8
      • 제1절 정부와 언론의 관계에 대한 시각 = 8
      • 1. 대립 · 갈등의 관계로 보는 시각 = 8
      • 2. 공생관계로 보는 시각 = 11
      • 3. 혼합형 시각 = 13
      • 4. 진자운동의 관계로 보는 시각 = 15
      • 제2절 정부 언론정책의 이론적 기초 = 17
      • 1. 권위주의 이론 = 20
      • 2. 자유주의 이론 = 21
      • 3. 발전미디어 이론 = 21
      • 4. 민주적 참여 미디어 이론 = 22
      • 제3절 민주적 언론정책 모델 = 24
      • 제3장 한국정부의 언론정책 분석 = 27
      • 제1절 정치권력과 언론정책 = 27
      • 제2절 제3,4,5공화국의 직접통제방식 = 29
      • 1. 1960~70년대의 언론정책 = 29
      • 2. 유신체제하의 언론정책 = 33
      • 3. 제 5공화국의 언론정책 = 35
      • 제3절 제 6공화국의 간접통제방식 = 46
      • 1. 제6공화국의 언론정책 = 46
      • 2. 노태우 정부의 언론정책 = 48
      • 3. 문민정부의 언론정책 = 54
      • 제4절 親 '국민의 정부'언론정책 = 59
      • 제5절 분석의 종합 및 문제점 = 63
      • 1. 분석결과의 논의 = 63
      • 2. 문제점 = 65
      • 제4장 민주적 언론정책의 방식전환 = 70
      • 제1절 개혁의 기본방향 = 71
      • 제2절 언론정책의 방식전환 = 73
      • 1. 현대 산업국가의 언론개입정책 = 74
      • 2. 언론정책의 다양성 증대 = 76
      • 3. 한국정부의 언론개입의 정당성 = 78
      • 제3절 정치와 언론관계의 민주화 = 80
      • 1. 민주적 언론정책의 기본방향 = 80
      • 2. 민주적 언론정책 결정방법 = 87
      • 제4절 언론정책의 발전방안 = 89
      • 1. 정기간행물법 개정 = 92
      • 2. 정보공개법의 화장 - 행정정보공개법 제정 = 99
      • 3. 방송의 자율성 확보와 경쟁력 확보를 위한 방송정책의 수립 = 100
      • 제5장 결론 = 103
      • 참고문헌 = 107
      • Abstract = 114
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