Fifteen years ago, the Korean government finally began giving Overseas Korean, F-4 visas to Korean Chinese (Jaejungdongpo, 재중동포). Originally, the Korean legislature limited the scope of the Overseas Koreans Act to ethnic Koreans from richer an...
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https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A108812340
David Mundy (Handong International Law School)
2023
English
Overseas Koreans ; Korean Chinese ; Migration ; Assimilation ; Crime ; 海外同胞法 ; 在韩朝鲜族华人 ; 移民 ; 归化 ; 犯罪
KCI등재
학술저널
151-190(40쪽)
0
상세조회0
다운로드다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)
Fifteen years ago, the Korean government finally began giving Overseas Korean, F-4 visas to Korean Chinese (Jaejungdongpo, 재중동포). Originally, the Korean legislature limited the scope of the Overseas Koreans Act to ethnic Koreans from richer an...
Fifteen years ago, the Korean government finally began giving Overseas Korean, F-4 visas to Korean Chinese (Jaejungdongpo, 재중동포). Originally, the Korean legislature limited the scope of the Overseas Koreans Act to ethnic Koreans from richer and more compatible liberal democracies such as Canada and the United States. Nevertheless, the Constitutional Court issued a decision forcing the government to include ethnic Koreans from poorer communist and former totalitarian states. Since 2008, the number of Korean Chinese has skyrocketed, causing tension regarding, among other things, their lack of assimilation, their impact on the domestic labor market, and their perceived criminality. As this paper demonstrates, the arguments raised in opposition to the Constitutional Courts decision have been proven correct as (1) Korean Chinese have captured the construction industry; (2) live in various Korea Chinatowns; and (3) commit murder at twice the rate as native Koreans. This paper evaluates the public policy impact of the Constitutional Court’s attack on the Overseas Koreans Act, the subsequent legislative reforms seeking to curtail that decision, and the consequent effects of that decision on Korean society.
배터리 산업의 글로벌 공급망 재편과 중국 중심의 공급망 구조 분석
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