This study has been designed to analyze the causes of changes in the U.S. non-proliferation policy in regards to its opposition to Pakistan’s nuclear program between the 1950s and today. It is intended to provide a framework for drawing implications...
This study has been designed to analyze the causes of changes in the U.S. non-proliferation policy in regards to its opposition to Pakistan’s nuclear program between the 1950s and today. It is intended to provide a framework for drawing implications for the U.S.’ non-proliferation policy towards the DPRK today. The U.S. has pursued to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons around the globe since it first unleashed the massive force of the explosion at the end of the Second World War. To prevent uncontrolled proliferation, the U.S. has utilized a variety of different measures, such as multilateral and normative measures, coercion, assurance, and mitigation. Pakistan initiated its nuclear program in the context of trilateral rivalry between itself, the PRC and India, and formally announced itself to be a nuclear state after successive nuclear tests in 1998. In the decades long history of U.S. effort to prevent Pakistan's nuclear armament, the direction of U.S. non-proliferation policy towards Pakistan changed from coercion to assurance around 1979 and from coercion to mitigation around 2001. The Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Afghanistan War in 1979 put Pakistan in an unique position to counter imminent threats from the Soviet Union. And again in 2001, the September 11 attacks granted a special status to Pakistan for defeating the Taliban and al-Qaeda. These elevations of Pakistan's strategic value were the first causes to changes in U.S policy. In addition, growing Anti-Americanism and the Islamization of Pakistan might have made it challenging for the U.S. to maintain coercive measures against Pakistan's nuclear program. Considering the strategic value of Pakistan, a repeat of losing a vital ally by Islamization and Anti-Americanism could be unacceptable to the U.S., a repeat of the experience in losing Iran in 1979. Also, in terms of U.S. threat perception regarding nuclear proliferation, Pakistan's nuclear armament was not the beginning of a regional nuclear domino effect, but the end of it. Lastly, secondary proliferation to terrorists was much more impending and perilous than the nuclear armament of Pakistan itself. To take prompt measures against the imminent threats of terrorists, the U.S. unavoidably acknowledged the existence of the nuclear weapons of Pakistan. Given the above considerations, the DPRK's aspiration for following the case of Pakistan is not expected to be realized.