DP/PP Asymmetry in English Infinitival Relative Clauses = DP/PP Asymmetry in English Infinitival Relative Clauses

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

The purpose of this paper is to present the proper syntactic structures and analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses and explain why there is a DP/PP asymmetry only in infinitival relative clauses in terms of preposition stranding and pied-piping of a wh-relative phrase and a preposition. In the infinitival relative clauses, the pied-piping of a preposition and a wh-relative pronoun is possible but preposition stranding is not possible. I propose the separate and different analyses for finite and infinitival relative clauses: the determiner complement hypothesis or the CP-adjunction hypothesis for finite relative clauses vs. the PP-adjunction hypothesis for infinitival relative clauses. The contrast in the DP/PP asymmetry relates specifically to the finite/non-finite structural distinction of relative clauses. In the proposed analysis of PP-adjunction to NP(N`) with an obligatory head P-raising and a subsequent DP-raising for infinitival relative clauses, the DP/PP asymmetry can be easily and explicitly explained in a minimalist way.