The emergence of the unmarked syllable structure and local conjunction of constraints

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

   In Optimality theory, syllable structure is regulated by syllable structure constraints, and syllable structure induced epenthesis is also under the reign of the same set of constraints. This guarantees that epenthesis derives well-formed syllable structure in a given language by inserting minimum number of segments. However, in this paper I present an apparent problem case of non-minimal epenthesis in Southeastern Pomo, in which the sequence of /…VCCCCC/ is realized as […VC.CV.CV.CVC] instead of<SUP>*</SUP>[…VC.CVC.CVC]. I argue that this is due to the asymmetric requirement on epenthetic vowels that they should appear in the unmarked core syllable, while underlying vowels are free to appear in any type of syllable permitted in the language. I argue that this is a case of the emergence of the unmarkedness in derived structure, and propose that this be captured using local conjunction of a markedness constraint with a faithfulness constraint. I argue that this provides further support for explanatory power of parallel Optimality Theory by obviating the need for positing stipulated derivational levels or level-specific well-formedness conditions.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 1. Introduction
  2. Epenthesis in Southeastern Pomo: data
  3. Proposal
  4. Analysis
  5. Possible alternatives
  6. Conclusion
  REFERENCES
  

참고문헌 (Reference)

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