아렌트와 소렐의 폭력론 비판 : 대안으로서의 고대 그리스 시민사회 = A Critical Review on the Theories of Violence of Arendt and Sorel: The Ancient Greek Citizen Society as an Alternative

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Hannah Arendt defined power as a rightful outcome originated in the agreement of the majority, which is opposite to the violence executed by any arbitrary minority. And d'Entreves justified his concept of ‘legal’, ‘institutionalized’ enforcement, which ceases, according to him, to be actual illegal violence.
In my opinion, however, it is not enough to say simply that any minority's violence has to be ceased as Arendt did. Instead there should be reflective consideration on the political and social environments which permitted the minority's violence. Above all, there should be reflective consideration on the mechanism of legal, organized military or police power of the modern state, which causes the minority's violence to be actualized. ‘Legal’ or ‘institutionalized’ power does not guarantee justness. To the contrary, legality itself could motivate inequality.
Furthermore, un-politically, biologically and individually committed violence has to be differentiated from the violence executed by social, institutionally organized power. This is why, if these two kinds of violence are confused so as to be equivalently dealt with, we lose the opportunity to reflect upon the evil practices of social violence committed by the authority of law or organized military power, and unjust violence committed by the minority as well, the very things which happened to promote social inequality.
On the other hand, in contrast to Arendt whose argument concerned the antithesis of the rightful power of the majority and the unjust violence of the minority, G. Sorel criticized the concentrative power of the modern state, and supported the movement of ‘syndicalism’ of the laborers as an alternative. In my opinion, however, his ‘syndicalism’ turns into nothing more than a dream under the centralized mechanism of power. This could only be properly operated within a very decentralized structure, and the latter does not refer only to decentralization of political organization, but also to the intensification of each citizen's rights. A decentralized structure could only be actualized by restraining the violence committed by every kind of organized social power, military or police, under the authority of law. And the dispersion of power has to be extended down to the level of each citizen, who regards best his own interests first. From this point of view, the citizen state of ancient Greece has to be reconsidered as an alternative.
The ancient Greek city-state which granted free citizenship did not have a central government, with neither military nor police forces being organized. It is a kind of sophistry to argue that the modern state is bigger in scale than the ancient Greek city-state, so that direct democracy does not apply to the modern situation: the key point does not concern the scale but its power structure. Indeed it is not only a false recognition, but tends to distort the essence of the problem to suppose that citizens enjoyed liberty by the exploitation of slave's labor, or that the women were subject to the men, so that the Greek states were not a really democratic societies. The social classes of citizenship and slave were not absolutely exclusive, but could be alternated with each other. And women also enjoyed citizenship, as they had socal and economic rights in the decentralized Greek society.

참고문헌 (Reference)

1 Arendt, Hannah, "폭력의 세기" 이후 1999

2 Sorel, Goerges, "폭력에 대한 성찰" 도서출판 나남 2007

3 Arendt, Hannah, "인간의 조건" 한길사 1996

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