16세기 화담 서경덕과개성문인의 사회적 조건 = Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok in the 16th century, and the Social condition of the Literary figures in Gaeseong

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study aims to examine the social condition of literary figures in the Gaeseong area, and most of all Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok, who opened the Hwadam School(花潭學派), one of the most representative schools from 16th century Joseon academism. Gaeseong was the center stage for the Hwadam school, so learning more of the social status and conditions of Seo Gyeong-deok and the Gaeseong-based literary figures(all members of the Hwadam school themselves) will let us better understand not only the area’s nature, but also the Hwadam School’s formation and evolution.
Below are the results of this research that I’d like to share.
First, the household of Hwadam was elevated from the commoner[良人] class to the Sajok(士族) class. His father and grandfather received military ranks[武散階, Musan’gye, ranks indicating how high a military post one could get] such as Su’eui Bu’wi(修義副尉) and Jin’yong Gyo’wi(進勇校尉), and Seo Gyeong-deok himself became a Saeng’weon(生員) figure. While his immediate ancestors acquired the status[官品, Gwanpum] as a governmental official by serving under the Five Divisions[五衛, O-Wi] as Gabsa(甲士) soldiers, Seo was able to obtain an elevated status by passing the Saeng’weon-shi exam, and earned the entire family a new identity as a Sajok household, as the Sajok class continued to expand throughout the 16th century.
Second, Seo Gyeong-deok seems to have owned enough property to immerse himself in academic studies, without ever needing to engage in economic activities. In his last days, he owned female slaves and lowborn concubines, and was in possession of horses and donkeys. He had a house inside Gaeseong, and tombs for his father and himself were established at Hwagok(花谷), the northeast side of the city. There was also the ‘Hwadam’s Special Residence(花潭別業, Hwadam Byeoleob)’ in the vicinity, which suggests he owned some land and forests in that area as well. He should have had some land in the Pungdeok(豐德) area too, as we can find graves for his grandfather and great grandfather located there.
Third, Seo Gyeong-deok’s household, the Dangseong Seo House, was actually a Minor household[僻貫, Byeok’gwan]. All the in-law houses, which were households whose females married the Dangseong Seo House males, for example the Ulsan Park House, Bo’an Han House and Tae’an Yi House, were also households of minority. And in fact, so were the households of the Gaeseong area’s literary figures and their in-law houses. Members of these households shared a similar social status, as they tended to have no immediate ancestors[四祖, Sajo] who were successful in their political careers[顯官, Hyeon’gwan], and were only able to pass civil exams(such as the Sama-shi exam or the Mun’gwa course) and become Gaeseong Sajok figures within their generation. Graves for members of these households are also in Gaeseong, once again showing their Gaeseong-oriented nature.
Fourth, residents of the Gaeseong area were indeed discriminated from the rest of the country, but not for political reasons. The reason was social, and was due to no other than the Munbeol consciousness of the time, which was the Munbeol houses’ ego for being a very successful and lofty household. The atmosphere of the time was very much against commercial activities, even viewing it as the worst of the worst kind of occupation(末業, Mal’eob), and as Gaeseong was a city famous for its own commercial activities, people from Gaeseong were perceived accordingly as well. The Sajok households in Gaeseong were mostly less esteemed, and had minor House names. Choi Se-jin(崔世津), Kim Hi-seong(金希聖), Han Se-jin(韓世津), Kim Ja-yang(金自陽), Kim Myeong-eon(金明彦), all successful passers of the Mun’gwa course in the 16th century, were all denied promotion for not being from more highly esteemed Munbeol households, which again shows that Gaeseong was indeed discri...

참고문헌 (Reference)

1 "金澤榮全集"

2 "해동명신록" 동화출판사 1977

3 이성무, "한국의 과거제도" 집문당 2000

4 오성, "한국사에 있어서 지방과 중앙" 서강대학교 출판부 2003

5 노명호, "한국사 연구와 족보" 24 : 1999

6 김종수, "한국고대중세 군사제도사" 국학자료원 2020

7 이수건, "퇴계이황가문의 財産유래와 그 소유형태" 13-14 : 1991

8 "통천최씨대동보 2" 호남문화사 2001

9 임희숙, "최립(崔岦, 1539~1612)의 가계와 화론 연구" 2 : 2013

10 김덕수, "최립 한시의 미적 특징" 8 : 2000

11 이강욱, "죽창한화와 송도기이의 비교연구" 74 : 2001

12 전종한, "종족집단의 경관과 장소" 논형 2005

13 정승모, "족보에 나타난 성씨의 이거移居와 지역의 역사" 한국학연구원 (44) : 267-298, 2011

14 정호훈, "조선후기 『花潭集』 刊行의 推移와 徐敬德 學問" 규장각한국학연구원 (84) : 43-75, 2018

15 김웅호, "조선초기 중앙군 운용 연구" 서울대학교 2017

16 남지대, "조선초기 산계[관품]의 구조와 기능" 규장각한국학연구원 (13) : 283-358, 1992

17 이동인, "조선중기 화담학파의 계보학과 민순의 문인양성" 서울학연구소 (76) : 1-53, 2019

18 김성우, "조선중기 국가와 사족" 역사비평사 2001

19 박평식, "조선전기의 개성상업과 개성상인" 102 : 1998

20 최이돈, "조선전기 현관과 사족" 역사학회 (184) : 79-114, 2004

21 최선혜, "조선전기 지방사족과 국가" 경인문화사 2007

22 정연식, "조선시대의 여행조건" 15 : 2006

23 이세영, "조선시대 지주제 연구" 혜안 2018

24 정치영, "조선시대 씨족집단의 이주: 선산김씨를 사례로" 한국문화역사지리학회 21 (21): 47-61, 2009

25 이수건, "조선시대 신분사 관련 자료조작 - 家系人物관련 僞造자료와 僞書를 중심으로 -" 대구사학회 86 : 1-24, 2007

26 이수건, "조선시대 신분사 관련 자료의 비판－성관․가계․인물관련 위조자료와 위서를 중심으로" 14 : 1998

27 최진옥, "조선시대 생원진사연구" 집문당 1998

28 양정필, "조선시대 開城 지역에 대한 차별과 개성인의 정체성" 중앙사학연구소 (46) : 51-85, 2017

29 신동훈, "조선 초기 사학(四學)의 성립과 ‘개성 학당(開城 學堂)’" 서울학연구소 (65) : 225-256, 2016

30 "이향견문록"

31 "오산설림초고"

32 이수건, "영남학파의 형성과 전개" 일조각 1995

33 이수건, "영남사람파의 형성" 영남대학교출판부 1979

34 "연안차씨대동보 1" 종친회중앙본부 2004

35 김난옥, "여말선초 정치변동과 배타적 家門意識 -정도전을 중심으로-" 고려사학회 (27) : 243-274, 2007

36 "어우야담" 돌베개 2006

37 "신증동국여지승람"

38 "세종실록지리지"

39 홍인표, "서포만필" 일지사 1987

40 한영우, "서경덕과 화담학파" 지식산업사 2022

41 구범진, "병자호란, 홍타이지의 전쟁" 까치 2019

42 "남양서씨세보"

43 노관범, "기억의 역전" 소명출판 2016

44 "국조인물고"

45 한영우, "과거, 출세의 사다리" 지식산업사 2013

46 김동석, "과거 관련 장전장후 고문서 연구" 대동한문학회 (구.교남한문학회) 40 (40): 43-90, 2014

47 정두희, "고려말기의 添設職" 44 : 1977

48 金在寬, "개성김씨족보"

49 장시광, "黃眞伊 關聯 資料" 3 : 1997

50 張伯偉, "騎驢與騎牛 : 中韓詩人比較一例" 34 : 1999

51 "韶濩堂集"

52 朴能緖, "韓國係行譜" 寶庫社 1992

53 宋允湜, "靑邱氏譜" 민창문화사 1996

54 金進洙, "開城金氏族譜 2"

55 "象村稿"

56 金牧源, "豊山金氏世譜 3권 3책"

57 金奭欽, "豊山金氏世譜 1-3"

58 "記言"

59 "蘿山集"

60 "萬家譜" 민창문화사 1992

61 尹稙求, "萬姓大同譜" 萬姓大同譜發行所 1931

62 "草堂集"

63 "花潭集"

64 "芝湖集"

65 최유미, "簡易集 을 통해 본 崔岦의 서얼의식" 인문과학연구소 (67) : 113-133, 2020

66 "簡易集"

67 李象辰, "禮安李氏世譜"

68 "硏經齋全集"

69 "石潭日記"

70 "眉巖日記草"

71 "白湖全書"

72 "牛溪集"

73 "潛谷遺稿"

74 "滄浪文集"

75 "湖陰雜稿"

76 "淸江笑囮"

77 趙從耘, "氏族源流" 보경문화사 1991

78 "梧陰遺稿"

79 "栗谷全書"

80 "松都誌"

81 "松都記異"

82 "松都志"

83 "東國輿地志"

84 "東國文獻"

85 "東儒師友錄"

86 馬溫圭, "木川馬氏族譜"

87 朴平植, "朝鮮前期 開城商人의 商業活動" 조선시대사학회 (30) : 61-98, 2004

88 千寬宇, "朝鮮初期 ｢五衛｣의 形成" 17-18 : 1962

89 "朝鮮儒賢淵源圖"

90 "明谷集"

91 "於于集"

92 "惺所覆瓿藁"

93 최영호, "幼學․學生․校生考－17세기 신분구조의 변화에 대하여" 101 : 1984

94 "市隱集"

95 徐永達, "南陽徐氏世譜 : 學士公派"

96 "南溪集"

97 "典故大方"

98 "保晩齋集"

99 "五山集"

100 "中京誌"

101 박은정, "≪車原頫雪冤記≫ 異本의 流通과 그 背景" 56 : 2010

102 이동인, "16세기 화담 서경덕의 교유 인물" 한국역사연구회 (124) : 279-316, 2022

103 이동인, "16세기 고청 서기의 학문 계보와 사우관계" 한국역사연구회 (115) : 349-382, 2020

104 박평식, "16세기 개성 유자(儒者) 한순계(韓舜繼)의 상업 활동" 한국사연구회 (190) : 117-149, 2020

105 김성우, "15세기 중·후반~16세기 道學運動의 전개와 松堂學派의 활동" 역사학회 (202) : 1-47, 2009