The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the various syntactic characteristics about wh-movement and Pied-Piping and review various syntactic analyses to explain the Pied-Piping phenomenon proposed in the generative grammar.
Wh-movement is driven in o...
The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the various syntactic characteristics about wh-movement and Pied-Piping and review various syntactic analyses to explain the Pied-Piping phenomenon proposed in the generative grammar.
Wh-movement is driven in order to check [WH], [EPP] and [TNS] features carried by other constituents. Wh-movement must be subsumed under the Attract Closest Principle and Chain Uniformity Principle (Radford 1997) not to violate Subjacency Condition and it applies in successive cycles from bottom to top.
Pied-Piping is common in NP or PP, but it impossible in CP and AP, which don't have [WH] feature. A relative pronoun occupying Spec-CP position in a relative clause is given a null spellout at PF optionally in a finite clause, obligatorily in a non-finite clause.
The difference between Pied-piping and Preposition stranding is whether the sentence is formal style or not. In formal styles the preposition is Pied-Piping along with the wh-word, while informal styles the wh-word is preposed on its own, leaving the preposition.
In the frame work of GB, Pied-piping is derived under Spec-Head relation proposed by Koopman(1996). His analysis has some empirical problems in relation to account of the Pied-Piping by adjuncts of DP between the possibility of binding.
Chomsky's Convergence Principle under which the [WH] feature on C attracts the smallest constituent containing a wh-word is not without problems. Because there is languages like Polish his movement analysis is not universal and it is not clear how such data can be dealt with under the convergence account.
Feature-Agreement advocated by Sag(1997) is an analysis underlying metaphorical claims that a wh-feature can percolate from a complement onto a preposition, or a preposition can inherit a wh-feature from its complement. However it is questionable that the proliferation of wh-features is morphologically motivated and how far a [WH] feature can percolate.
In short, this paper discusses syntactic characteristics and analyses of Pied-piping on the key concepts of Minimalism Program and in coming years of work in syntactic theory I hope further study will be focused on what forces large-scale Pied-Piping.