This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason ...
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https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A77042783
2007
Korean
912
KCI등재후보
학술저널
31-76(46쪽)
11
0
상세조회0
다운로드다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)
This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason ...
This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason that I analyze Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」) is because the ratio of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of "Lilezhi(「禮樂志」)" is very little and moreover he describes as if the discussion for a reform of courteous system in Former Han dynasty was failed. Also the author, Ban GuCu(班固) was judging the courteous system as a different view from current scholars as he thought Liyue(禮樂) was not completed until the times he lived. So I wonder if the writing intention for "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of Ban Gu(班固) may be from other than to clarify the establishment of courteous system, the history of revision and to show the character of the ritual established in Former Han.
This becomes clearer if we look at the attitude that he describes the revision requirement for courteous system of Jia Yi(賈誼), Dong Zhong-Shu(董仲舒), Wang Ji(王吉) and Liu Xiang(劉向) mentioned in "Lizhi(「禮志」)". Ban Gu(班固) is mainly describing the cause they insisted the reform and the fact their request was miscarried not the specific content of courteous system that they including JIa Yi(賈誼) insisted. As the common factor, he described the Suli(俗吏) basis government that Confucian was excluded, a maternal relation which made bureaucracy system incapacitated and the rampancy of a eunuch. Ultimately Ban Gu(班固) criticized the actuality that the dignity of Shidafu(士大夫) as a ruler and participation in government were not guaranteed.
The reason was because he thought this structural order had not been formed until that times he lived. The enforcement of constitutional government in the times of Guangwu(光武) and Mingdi(明帝) may be one of reasons. Also the establishment of New Ritual(新禮) of Zhangdi(章帝) may have him feel keenly the need of truly courteous system. Therefore Ban Gu(班固) needed to insist contents and character of courteous system he was thinking. Composition of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" part that looks like an arrangement of failure stories of people not related may be an expression of Ban Gu(班固)'s effort to have state set up the establishment of this actual courteous system.
목차 (Table of Contents)
참고문헌 (Reference)
1 "「「制禮」」槪念的探析" 臺北, 喜瑪拉雅硏究發展基金會 2003
2 "???????侶J???@?_???????y?????W" ????, ???????@ 2001
3 "?????S?{?j" ?i?k, ?????????? 1936;1968
4 "?k?????a" ?w???{?????{?????x33 1981.
5 "劉向歆父子年譜" 上海, 商務 2001;2003
6 "劉向新序說苑的硏究」" 1979
7 "劉向の思想とその時代" 65 : 1997
8 "劉向の學問と思想」" 1978.
9 "한자는 중국을 어떻게 지배했는가-漢代 經學의 해부" 서울, 민음사 1999;2004
10 "역사를 통한 동아시아 공동체 만들기" 서울, 푸른역사 2006
1 "「「制禮」」槪念的探析" 臺北, 喜瑪拉雅硏究發展基金會 2003
2 "???????侶J???@?_???????y?????W" ????, ???????@ 2001
3 "?????S?{?j" ?i?k, ?????????? 1936;1968
4 "?k?????a" ?w???{?????{?????x33 1981.
5 "劉向歆父子年譜" 上海, 商務 2001;2003
6 "劉向新序說苑的硏究」" 1979
7 "劉向の思想とその時代" 65 : 1997
8 "劉向の學問と思想」" 1978.
9 "한자는 중국을 어떻게 지배했는가-漢代 經學의 해부" 서울, 민음사 1999;2004
10 "역사를 통한 동아시아 공동체 만들기" 서울, 푸른역사 2006
11 "동중서(董仲舒): 중화주의의 개막" 서울, 태학사 2004
12 "選擧와 後漢 士大夫의 自律性" 86 : 2004
13 "賈誼의 政治思想」" 1974.
14 "試論≪儀禮≫的作者與撰作時代" 2002-6 : 2002
15 "董仲舒の虛像と實像" 139 : 1998
16 "秦漢 祭禮와 國家支配" 2005
17 "漢代思想史における異端的なもの 2」" 1966.
18 "漢代儒敎の史的硏究-儒敎の官學化をめぐる定說の再檢討-" 東京, 汲古書院 2005
19 "東アジアの儒敎と禮" 東京, 山川 2004
20 "朝鮮時代 禮學硏究" 서울, 國學資料院 2004
21 "從社會變亂看禮儀的遞嬗-以魏晉爲考察範疇" 4 : 2001
22 "後漢時代の政治と社會" 名古屋:名古屋大學 1995
23 "後漢國家の支配と儒敎" 東京, 雄山閣 1995
24 "南北朝禮學盛因探析" 2000-3 : 2000
25 "前漢末における宗廟·郊祀の改革運動" 東京: 岩波書店 1997
26 "前漢後半期の古制·故事をめぐる政治展開" 3 : 2001
27 "前漢後半期における儒家禮制の受容-漢的傳統との對立と皇帝觀の變容" 東京, 靑木書店 1998
28 "中國禮制史 魏晉南北朝卷" 長沙, 湖南敎育 2002
29 "中國古代의 呪術的思惟와 帝王政治" 서울, 一潮閣 1997
30 "中國 古代 禮制 硏究의 傾向과 課題" 36 : 2005
31 "『中國古代思想史における自然認識』" 1987.
학술지 이력
연월일 | 이력구분 | 이력상세 | 등재구분 |
---|---|---|---|
2027 | 평가예정 | 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증) | |
2021-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) | |
2018-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | |
2015-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) | |
2011-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 유지 (신규평가) | |
2008-01-01 | 평가 | 등재학술지 선정 (신규평가) | |
2007-01-01 | 평가 | 등재후보 1차 PASS () | |
2006-04-04 | 학회명변경 | 한글명 : 중국고대사학회 -> 중국고중세사학회영문명 : Historical Studies Of Ancient China -> Historical Studies Of Ancient And Medieval China | |
2006-03-30 | 학술지명변경 | 한글명 : 중국고대사연구 -> 중국고중세사연구외국어명 : Historical Studies of Ancient China -> Historical Studies of Ancient and Medieval China | |
2005-01-01 | 평가 | 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) |
학술지 인용정보
기준연도 | WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) | KCIF(2년) | KCIF(3년) |
---|---|---|---|
2016 | 1.38 | 1.38 | 1.18 |
KCIF(4년) | KCIF(5년) | 중심성지수(3년) | 즉시성지수 |
1.06 | 1 | 1.331 | 0.1 |