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      『漢書』「禮樂志」의 구성과 성격  :  「禮志」부분의 분석을 중심으로 = Structure and Character of Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」) - Focusing on the Analysis of "Lizhi(「禮志」)"

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason that I analyze Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」) is because the ratio of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of "Lilezhi(「禮樂志」)" is very little and moreover he describes as if the discussion for a reform of courteous system in Former Han dynasty was failed. Also the author, Ban GuCu(班固) was judging the courteous system as a different view from current scholars as he thought Liyue(禮樂) was not completed until the times he lived. So I wonder if the writing intention for "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of Ban Gu(班固) may be from other than to clarify the establishment of courteous system, the history of revision and to show the character of the ritual established in Former Han.
      This becomes clearer if we look at the attitude that he describes the revision requirement for courteous system of Jia Yi(賈誼), Dong Zhong-Shu(董仲舒), Wang Ji(王吉) and Liu Xiang(劉向) mentioned in "Lizhi(「禮志」)". Ban Gu(班固) is mainly describing the cause they insisted the reform and the fact their request was miscarried not the specific content of courteous system that they including JIa Yi(賈誼) insisted. As the common factor, he described the Suli(俗吏) basis government that Confucian was excluded, a maternal relation which made bureaucracy system incapacitated and the rampancy of a eunuch. Ultimately Ban Gu(班固) criticized the actuality that the dignity of Shidafu(士大夫) as a ruler and participation in government were not guaranteed.
      The reason was because he thought this structural order had not been formed until that times he lived. The enforcement of constitutional government in the times of Guangwu(光武) and Mingdi(明帝) may be one of reasons. Also the establishment of New Ritual(新禮) of Zhangdi(章帝) may have him feel keenly the need of truly courteous system. Therefore Ban Gu(班固) needed to insist contents and character of courteous system he was thinking. Composition of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" part that looks like an arrangement of failure stories of people not related may be an expression of Ban Gu(班固)'s effort to have state set up the establishment of this actual courteous system.
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      This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason ...

      This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason that I analyze Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」) is because the ratio of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of "Lilezhi(「禮樂志」)" is very little and moreover he describes as if the discussion for a reform of courteous system in Former Han dynasty was failed. Also the author, Ban GuCu(班固) was judging the courteous system as a different view from current scholars as he thought Liyue(禮樂) was not completed until the times he lived. So I wonder if the writing intention for "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of Ban Gu(班固) may be from other than to clarify the establishment of courteous system, the history of revision and to show the character of the ritual established in Former Han.
      This becomes clearer if we look at the attitude that he describes the revision requirement for courteous system of Jia Yi(賈誼), Dong Zhong-Shu(董仲舒), Wang Ji(王吉) and Liu Xiang(劉向) mentioned in "Lizhi(「禮志」)". Ban Gu(班固) is mainly describing the cause they insisted the reform and the fact their request was miscarried not the specific content of courteous system that they including JIa Yi(賈誼) insisted. As the common factor, he described the Suli(俗吏) basis government that Confucian was excluded, a maternal relation which made bureaucracy system incapacitated and the rampancy of a eunuch. Ultimately Ban Gu(班固) criticized the actuality that the dignity of Shidafu(士大夫) as a ruler and participation in government were not guaranteed.
      The reason was because he thought this structural order had not been formed until that times he lived. The enforcement of constitutional government in the times of Guangwu(光武) and Mingdi(明帝) may be one of reasons. Also the establishment of New Ritual(新禮) of Zhangdi(章帝) may have him feel keenly the need of truly courteous system. Therefore Ban Gu(班固) needed to insist contents and character of courteous system he was thinking. Composition of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" part that looks like an arrangement of failure stories of people not related may be an expression of Ban Gu(班固)'s effort to have state set up the establishment of this actual courteous system.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 머리말
      • Ⅰ. 『漢書』「禮樂志」의 구성
      • Ⅱ. 前漢 儒家의 改禮 요구와 「禮志」의 서술방식
      • Ⅲ. 章帝時期 新禮 제정과 班固의 禮制觀
      • 맺음말
      • 머리말
      • Ⅰ. 『漢書』「禮樂志」의 구성
      • Ⅱ. 前漢 儒家의 改禮 요구와 「禮志」의 서술방식
      • Ⅲ. 章帝時期 新禮 제정과 班固의 禮制觀
      • 맺음말
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 "「「制禮」」槪念的探析" 臺北, 喜瑪拉雅硏究發展基金會 2003

      2 "???????侶J???@?_???????y?????W" ????, ???????@ 2001

      3 "?????S?{?j" ?i?k, ?????????? 1936;1968

      4 "?k?????a" ?w???{?????{?????x33 1981.

      5 "劉向歆父子年譜" 上海, 商務 2001;2003

      6 "劉向新序說苑的硏究」" 1979

      7 "劉向の思想とその時代" 65 : 1997

      8 "劉向の學問と思想」" 1978.

      9 "한자는 중국을 어떻게 지배했는가-漢代 經學의 해부" 서울, 민음사 1999;2004

      10 "역사를 통한 동아시아 공동체 만들기" 서울, 푸른역사 2006

      1 "「「制禮」」槪念的探析" 臺北, 喜瑪拉雅硏究發展基金會 2003

      2 "???????侶J???@?_???????y?????W" ????, ???????@ 2001

      3 "?????S?{?j" ?i?k, ?????????? 1936;1968

      4 "?k?????a" ?w???{?????{?????x33 1981.

      5 "劉向歆父子年譜" 上海, 商務 2001;2003

      6 "劉向新序說苑的硏究」" 1979

      7 "劉向の思想とその時代" 65 : 1997

      8 "劉向の學問と思想」" 1978.

      9 "한자는 중국을 어떻게 지배했는가-漢代 經學의 해부" 서울, 민음사 1999;2004

      10 "역사를 통한 동아시아 공동체 만들기" 서울, 푸른역사 2006

      11 "동중서(董仲舒): 중화주의의 개막" 서울, 태학사 2004

      12 "選擧와 後漢 士大夫의 自律性" 86 : 2004

      13 "賈誼의 政治思想」" 1974.

      14 "試論≪儀禮≫的作者與撰作時代" 2002-6 : 2002

      15 "董仲舒の虛像と實像" 139 : 1998

      16 "秦漢 祭禮와 國家支配" 2005

      17 "漢代思想史における異端的なもの 2」" 1966.

      18 "漢代儒敎の史的硏究-儒敎の官學化をめぐる定說の再檢討-" 東京, 汲古書院 2005

      19 "東アジアの儒敎と禮" 東京, 山川 2004

      20 "朝鮮時代 禮學硏究" 서울, 國學資料院 2004

      21 "從社會變亂看禮儀的遞嬗-以魏晉爲考察範疇" 4 : 2001

      22 "後漢時代の政治と社會" 名古屋:名古屋大學 1995

      23 "後漢國家の支配と儒敎" 東京, 雄山閣 1995

      24 "南北朝禮學盛因探析" 2000-3 : 2000

      25 "前漢末における宗廟·郊祀の改革運動" 東京: 岩波書店 1997

      26 "前漢後半期の古制·故事をめぐる政治展開" 3 : 2001

      27 "前漢後半期における儒家禮制の受容-漢的傳統との對立と皇帝觀の變容" 東京, 靑木書店 1998

      28 "中國禮制史 魏晉南北朝卷" 長沙, 湖南敎育 2002

      29 "中國古代의 呪術的思惟와 帝王政治" 서울, 一潮閣 1997

      30 "中國 古代 禮制 硏究의 傾向과 課題" 36 : 2005

      31 "『中國古代思想史における自然認識』" 1987.

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      2006-03-30 학술지명변경 한글명 : 중국고대사연구 -> 중국고중세사연구
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