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      미중 패권전쟁의 충분조건 분석: 결정론적 구조주의 한계 보완을 위한 행위적 촉발요인 추적

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      China has stepped up its international clout while putting the “Chinese Dream” at the forefront. The U.S. regards China’s behavior of revising the U.S-led hegemonic order. As China, an emerging great power, narrows the power gap with the U.S., status-quo hegemon, the international structure has been shifting, leading to a “Thucydides’s trap.” Power transition theorists and offensive realists suggest that structural pressure from power transition makes hegemonic war inevitable. If then, how can the absence of hegemonic war between the U.S. and China be explained in the present day despite a growing structural pressure? Judging from all wars in history, however, the structural cause alone did not lead to war. Friction turns out to escalate into war only when there is the catalyst as a triggering factor to kindle a fire in a powder keg. Catalytic causes are led by agents, not structure. Each of a structural cause and catalytic causes serves as a necessary condition for hegemonic war. Taken together, they become a sufficient condition for this war. Clash of the U.S. and China, both strategic and operational levels, serves as a mechanism to create catalytic causes for hegemonic war. In the beginning, this confrontation remained at a strategic level, but it is being shifted into an operational level’s confrontation. Thus, a black hole of war is approaching. Despite the fact, a level of confrontation is under the boundary of the agents’ oversight rather than an uncontrollable trap. Accordingly, if there are tremendous efforts for crisis management, these strategic and operational catalysts can be mitigated, and thus, the outbreak of hegemonic war could be constrained. South Korea also should pay more attention to analyzing catalytic causes of hegemonic war to develop the most optimal policy towards interest maximization.
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      China has stepped up its international clout while putting the “Chinese Dream” at the forefront. The U.S. regards China’s behavior of revising the U.S-led hegemonic order. As China, an emerging great power, narrows the power gap with the U.S., s...

      China has stepped up its international clout while putting the “Chinese Dream” at the forefront. The U.S. regards China’s behavior of revising the U.S-led hegemonic order. As China, an emerging great power, narrows the power gap with the U.S., status-quo hegemon, the international structure has been shifting, leading to a “Thucydides’s trap.” Power transition theorists and offensive realists suggest that structural pressure from power transition makes hegemonic war inevitable. If then, how can the absence of hegemonic war between the U.S. and China be explained in the present day despite a growing structural pressure? Judging from all wars in history, however, the structural cause alone did not lead to war. Friction turns out to escalate into war only when there is the catalyst as a triggering factor to kindle a fire in a powder keg. Catalytic causes are led by agents, not structure. Each of a structural cause and catalytic causes serves as a necessary condition for hegemonic war. Taken together, they become a sufficient condition for this war. Clash of the U.S. and China, both strategic and operational levels, serves as a mechanism to create catalytic causes for hegemonic war. In the beginning, this confrontation remained at a strategic level, but it is being shifted into an operational level’s confrontation. Thus, a black hole of war is approaching. Despite the fact, a level of confrontation is under the boundary of the agents’ oversight rather than an uncontrollable trap. Accordingly, if there are tremendous efforts for crisis management, these strategic and operational catalysts can be mitigated, and thus, the outbreak of hegemonic war could be constrained. South Korea also should pay more attention to analyzing catalytic causes of hegemonic war to develop the most optimal policy towards interest maximization.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 박형기, "트럼프 F-16 최신기종 60대 대만 판매, 중국 격분" news1

      2 김광수, "중국이 미국 군함 쫓아내며 던진 말? ‘도발 말고...’" 한국일보

      3 김재엽, "중국의 반(反)접근·지역거부 도전과 미국의 군사적 응전: 공해전투에서 다중영역전투까지" 화랑대연구소 75 (75): 125-154, 2019

      4 홍건식, "시진핑의 중국몽과 정체성 정치: 일대일로, AIIB 그리고 패권정체성" 한국국제정치학회 58 (58): 99-146, 2018

      5 이장원, "시진핑 시대 중국의 대외정책: ‘일대일로(一帶一路)’ 전략과 유럽" 한국동북아학회 20 (20): 49-70, 2015

      6 박광득, "사드배치 문제와 중국에 대한 외교전략 연구" 한국통일전략학회 16 (16): 39-74, 2016

      7 김희준, "사드 한반도 배치 논란 국익이 우선이다" (사)방송기자협회 2015

      8 박창권, "미중의 지역내 패권경쟁 가능성과 우리의 전략적 선택방향" (사) 한국전략문제연구소 20 (20): 191-233, 2013

      9 김동엽, "미중 전략적 경쟁 무엇이 문제이고 어떻게 풀어야 하나" 페이퍼로드 2020

      10 이규철, "미국의 통화패권과 미-중 불균형의 정치경제: 2008년 금융위기 대응 사례를 중심으로" 동아시아국제정치학회 22 (22): 1-27, 2019

      1 박형기, "트럼프 F-16 최신기종 60대 대만 판매, 중국 격분" news1

      2 김광수, "중국이 미국 군함 쫓아내며 던진 말? ‘도발 말고...’" 한국일보

      3 김재엽, "중국의 반(反)접근·지역거부 도전과 미국의 군사적 응전: 공해전투에서 다중영역전투까지" 화랑대연구소 75 (75): 125-154, 2019

      4 홍건식, "시진핑의 중국몽과 정체성 정치: 일대일로, AIIB 그리고 패권정체성" 한국국제정치학회 58 (58): 99-146, 2018

      5 이장원, "시진핑 시대 중국의 대외정책: ‘일대일로(一帶一路)’ 전략과 유럽" 한국동북아학회 20 (20): 49-70, 2015

      6 박광득, "사드배치 문제와 중국에 대한 외교전략 연구" 한국통일전략학회 16 (16): 39-74, 2016

      7 김희준, "사드 한반도 배치 논란 국익이 우선이다" (사)방송기자협회 2015

      8 박창권, "미중의 지역내 패권경쟁 가능성과 우리의 전략적 선택방향" (사) 한국전략문제연구소 20 (20): 191-233, 2013

      9 김동엽, "미중 전략적 경쟁 무엇이 문제이고 어떻게 풀어야 하나" 페이퍼로드 2020

      10 이규철, "미국의 통화패권과 미-중 불균형의 정치경제: 2008년 금융위기 대응 사례를 중심으로" 동아시아국제정치학회 22 (22): 1-27, 2019

      11 신성호, "미국의 대(對)중국 외교안보 전략" (사) 한국전략문제연구소 20 (20): 31-63, 2013

      12 김주영, "미국방부 ‘중러 영공침범, 한일 대응지지’" 파이내셜뉴스

      13 변창구, "미․중 패권경쟁과 한국의 대응전략" 한국통일전략학회 16 (16): 193-220, 2016

      14 변창구, "미․중 패권경쟁과 남중국해 분쟁: 실태와 전망" 한국동북아학회 21 (21): 27-46, 2016

      15 김현승, "대만해협 위기 시 중국의 해군력 운용 양상 평가 및안보적 함의– 대만해협 봉쇄 및 미군 개입 거부 시나리오를 중심으로 -" 미래군사학회 7 (7): 197-224, 2018

      16 이학수, "남중국해와 항행의 자유" 국제해양문제연구소 (18) : 39-92, 2018

      17 박상연, "강대국 경쟁의 재부상과 미국의 군사 전략 패러다임 전환: 미국의 군사부문 혁신이 억제전략에 미치는 영향을 중심으로" (사) 한국전략문제연구소 26 (26): 57-105, 2019

      18 하채림, "‘주한미군 규모 2만 8천명 유지’...미의회, 국방예산법안 합의" 연합뉴스

      19 최수문, "‘인류운명공동체’ 앞세워 중국몽 세력 키우는 중국" 서울경제

      20 월간중앙, "[동북아 정세] 대만 총통이 일본 희극인의 죽음을 추모한 이유" 월간중앙

      21 Organski, Abramo F. K., "World Politics" Knopf 1958

      22 Kim, Woosang, "When Do Power Shifts Lead to War?" 36 (36): 1992

      23 CSIS, "Update: Chinese Survey Ship Escalates Three-Way Standoff"

      24 Song, Jooyoung, "Understanding China’s Response to North Korea’s Provocations" 51 (51): 2011

      25 Werner, Ben, "USS Barry Transits Taiwan Strait" USNI News

      26 Mori, Satoru, "US-China: A New Consensus for Strategic Competition in Washington"

      27 Mastanduno, Michael, "Toward a Realist Theory of State Action" 33 (33): 1989

      28 Waltz, Kenneth, "Theory of International Politics" McGraw-Hill 1979

      29 "The World Bank"

      30 Organski, Abramo F. K., "The War Ledger" University of Chicago 1980

      31 Art, Robert J., "The United States and the Rise of China: Implications for the Long Haul" 125 (125): 2010

      32 Mearsheimer, John J., "The Tragedy of the Great Power Politics" W. W. Norton 2001

      33 Qimao, Chen, "The Taiwan Strait Crisis" 33 (33): 1996

      34 Brooks, Stephen G., "The Once and Future Superpower" 2016

      35 Mearsheimer, John J., "The Gathering Storm: China’s Challenge to US Power in Asia" 3 (3): 2010

      36 Scobell, Andrew, "The Costs of Conflict: The Impact on China of a Future War" Strategic Studies Institute 2001

      37 Mobley, Terry, "The Belt and Road Initiative" 13 (13): 2019

      38 Kugler, Jacek, "The Asian Ascent: Opportunity for Peace or Precondition for War?" 7 (7): 2006

      39 Yang, Jiechi, "The 19th CPC National Congress and China’s Major Country Diplomacy in the New Era" 34 (34): 2018

      40 Lamothe, Dan, "Team Obama Changes Course, Appears to Accept China Air Defense Zone"

      41 U.S. Naval Surface Forces, "Surface Force Strategy: Return to Sea Control"

      42 U.S. DoD, "Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy"

      43 Beckley, Michael, "Stop Obsessing About China" 2018

      44 Scobell, Andrew, "Show of Force: Chinese Soldiers, Statesmen, and the 1995- 1996 Taiwan Crisis" 115 (115): 2000

      45 Carter, Ashton, "Secretary of Defense Speech : ‘The Path to an Innovative Future for Defense’ (CSIS Third Offset Strategy Conference)"

      46 LaGrone, Sam, "SECDEF Esper: Theodore Roosevelt Outbreak Probe Will ‘Follow the Facts Wherever They Go’" USNI News

      47 Liff, Adam P., "Racing toward Tragedy? China’s Rise, Military Competition in the Asia Pacific, and the Security Dilemma" 39 (39): 2014

      48 Goldstein, Avery, "Power Transitions, Institutions, and China’s Rise in East Asia: Theoretical Expectations and Evidence" 30 (30): 2007

      49 Rapkin, David, "Power Transition, Challenge and the (Re)Emergence of China" 29 (29): 2003

      50 Panda, Ankit, "Power Plays Across the First Island Chain: China’s Lone Carrier Group Has a Busy December"

      51 Yunling, Zhang, "One Belt, One Road A Chinese View" 10 (10): 2015

      52 Ziezulewicz, Geoff, "Navy conducts year’s first FONOP in South China Sea"

      53 The White House, "National Security Strategy"

      54 Obering III, Henry, "Missile Defense for Great Power Conflict" 13 (13): 2019

      55 U.S. DoD, "Military Power of the People’s Republic of China 2009"

      56 Lee, Lavina, "Japan-India Cooperation and Abe’s Democratic Security Diamond: Possibilities, Limitations and the View from Southeast Asia" 38 (38): 2016

      57 Sengupta, Hindol, "Is India’s ‘necklace of diamonds’ complete?"

      58 Johnston, Alastair Iain, "Is China a Status Quo Power?" 27 (27): 2007

      59 U.S. DoD, "Indo-Pacific Strategy Report"

      60 UN Environment Programme, "Inclusive Wealth Report"

      61 XINHUANET, "Health Silk Road promotes cooperation during COVID-19 pandemic— Turkish experts"

      62 Brands, Hal, "Getting Serious about Strategy in the South China Sea" 71 (71): 2018

      63 강성훈, "G2 패권경쟁과 한반도 통일·안보환경의 변화" 한국통일전략학회 16 (16): 115-141, 2016

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      85 Cui, Tiankai, "Beijing’s Brand Ambassador" 92 (92): 2013

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      89 Lampton, David M., "A New Type of Major-Power Relationship: Seeking a Durable Foundation for U.S.-China Ties" 16 : 2013

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2023 평가예정 계속평가 신청대상 (등재유지)
      2018-01-01 평가 우수등재학술지 선정 (계속평가)
      2015-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2013-03-22 학술지명변경 외국어명 : The Korean Journal of International Studies -> Korean Journal of International Relations KCI등재
      2011-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2010-12-01 평가 학술지 분리 (기타) KCI등재후보
      2010-06-22 학술지명변경 외국어명 : The Korean Journal of International Relations -> The Korean Journal of International Studies KCI등재
      2009-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2007-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2004-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2003-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2002-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 유지 (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      1999-07-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.91 0.91 1.12
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      1.07 1.09 1.415 0.17
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