미국 신보수주의 등장과 아·태지역의 안보환경 변화

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This dissertation which it sees first the concept and formation process, an idea and a strategy of the Neo-conservatism in order to observe what kinds of effect the Neo-conservative influence to the security policy decision of the United States,
secondly, after examining world order leading strategy of the United States which receives the effect of Neo-conservatism, namely, supremacy strategy and the policy of the Northeast Asia powerful country which confront hereupon,
third, after analyzing how the Korean Peninsula security environment has received an effect and how it has been changed by the security policy of circumference 4 powerful countries,
this dissertation has the purpose how we can manage internal and external disputed point due to the Korean Peninsula security environment in the last.
Neo-conservatism was originated mainly from Jewish-American intellectuals who were born in New York in the 1930's. Distinguishing the ideology from the perspectives of traditional conservatism, it exerted strong impacts on the Reagan Administration during the Cold War and has also credited with significant influences on the administrations of George W. Bush.
The neo-conservatives are holding important posts and have controlled the security policy of the United States. The ideology and strategies they have are as follows.
First, the influence of Leo Strauss, a representative scholar of neo- conservatism, has left they express moral supremacism, positive inter ventionism, and their views on a war as a necessary evil. In addition, neo-conservatives has elaborated their strategies such as stabilizing hegemony in over world order, preventing the proliferation of any potential threats like WMD, maintaining superiority over nuclear strategy, reforming military forces in more aggressive ways, constructing a MD system, and so forth.
These ideas and strategies are giving great effects to the overall security policy of the United States, especially building up surpassing forces and pursuing national interests, and initiating the world order, and becomes the background of the supremacy strategy.
While maintaining this political agenda, the United States sets up strategic aims such as maintenance of inclusive intervention, enhancement of relationships with regional nations, extension of democracy, improvement of security circumstances, and impediment of proliferation of mass destructive weapons against Asia-Pacific area as well as pursues specified strategic renovation like sustaining the US Armed Forces in foreign countries, promoting regional cooperations including alliance relationships, stepping up relationships with China to a cooperative phase with keeping intervention policy, concreting a systematic network for integrating Russia into security issues of Asia-Pacific area. Namely, the strategy of the United States for Asia-Pacific area can be summarized as strengthening hegemony in Asia in conjunction with allying with Japan and intervening in China.
The series of these supremacy strategies of United States is dissatisfying powerful countries in Northeast Asia because the United States asserts legitimacy of leading world order, but other countries see this initiative of the United States as policy of maximizing national profits while minimizing responsibility.
Consequently, other countries propels policy to confront this strategy of the United States for meeting their profits and circumstances.
First, China, which has the most inconvenient relationship with the United States, currently makes certain of her roles in Northeast Asia, furthers powerful supremacy policy to obtain the supremacy in the world. China cooperates and holds the supremacy principle of the United States according to the relationship of the United States.
At second, even though Japan keeps a good relationship with the United States, Japan can oppose to the United States by connecting with China and Russia when mutual interests with the United States conflict. Moreover, considering the current lower-rated status compared to her potential, Japan pursues a gradual escape from the influence of the United States by attempting political, economic and military expansion.
At last, although Russia pursues abridged considerably the foreign policy which focus on security and economic reform compared to the past, Russia pursues a strategic partner relationship with China and makes versatile efforts such as propelling practical diplomacy, to take back the powerful position at Northeast Asia area again and prosperity of former Soviet Union, to prepare the expansion of North atlantic treaty organization.
However, it seems that supremacy world order leading of the United States will be continued in spite of confrontation policy of each country. The changes in Northeast Asia security environments operate powerfully upon Korean Peninsula security environment with transition period situation after Cold War. This kind of external changes of security environment also results in the changes of Korean peninsula internal circumstances and the relationship between South and North Korea that finally, it has influence on the whole security environment. The related disputed points are as follows.
The primary external security disputed points are North Korea nuclear problem, Korean-American alliance and problem of external autonomy and independent national defense. It is suggested to solve these problems that peaceful and actual multiple nations conversation, pursuit of matured and equal relationship of the Korea and America, the plan of independent national defense power construction etc.
The construction of an independent defense position as a core element of national security, and direct and indirect physical ways to accomplish national objectives is an essential subject for diminishing the uncertainty of any inbound and outbound security environment and the decisive variable of security environment is the change of North Korea system.
The numerous other security crises and problems which is not discussed and predicted in this research can work as a block in the process of pursuing survival, prosperity, development and unifying the Korean Peninsula.
Consequently, it is the most important thing that analyzing security environment which can possibly happen in the future composedly and groping methods and policies to alleviate problems and security crises continuously. Korea security can be guaranteed only by constructing a crisis management system and a flexible counter-strategy for coping with any changes in security circumstances based on guaranteeing of national supports and forming of national sympathies.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 제 1 장 서론 = 1
• 제 1 절 연구의 목적 = 1
• 제 2 절 연구의 범위 및 방법 = 2
• 제 3 절 선행연구 검토 = 3
• 제 2 장 신보수주의 개념과 등장배경 = 5
• 제 1 절 신보수주의의 개념 = 5
• 1. 신보수주의의 개념 = 5
• 2. 신보수주의의 이념과 전략 = 7
• 제 2 절 신보수주의의 등장배경 = 14
• 1. 신보수주의의 형성과정 = 14
• 2. 신보수주의의 부흥 = 18
• 제 3 장 신보수주의와 아·태 지역의 안보환경 = 22
• 제 1 절 신보수주의와 패권주의 = 22
• 1. 세계질서 주도전략 = 22
• 2. 미국의 아시아·태평양 전략 = 24
• 제 2 절 아·태지역의 안보환경 = 26
• 1. 중국의 패권정책 = 29
• 2. 일본의 군사대국화 정책 = 33
• 3. 러시아의 강대국 지위 회복정책 = 36
• 4. 강대국의 대응과 국제질서 = 39
• 제 4 장 신보수주의와 한반도의 안보환경 = 42
• 제 1 절 대한반도 인식 = 42
• 1. 남한인식 = 42
• 2. 북한인식 = 45
• 제 2 절 대한반도 정책 변화 = 47
• 1. 대북정책의 강경화 = 49
• 2. 한.미동맹의 재정립 요구 = 55
• 제 5 장 안보의 주요쟁점에 대한 대응 = 58
• 제 1 절 북한 핵문제 해결방안 = 58
• 1. 한반도 안보정세에 미치는 영향 = 58
• 2. 문제해결을 위한 대안 = 61
• 제 2 절 한.미동맹과 자주국방 = 65
• 1. 한.미동맹의 재정립 = 65
• 2. 협력적 자주국방 실현 = 72
• 제 6 장 결론 = 78
• 참고문헌 = 80
• Abstract = 84