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      Hegemonic Competition over Eurasia and Ukraine's Diplomatic Choice

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104125006

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a country. Geopolitically, Ukraine is an axis power that can tip the scale in the hegemonic rivalry between the US and Russia over the Eurasian Continent. The strategic value of Ukraine was clearly demonstrated in the presidential election in November 2004, which was viewed practically as a proxy war between the two superpowers.
      Amid the intensifying power struggle between the US‐led West and Russia, Ukraine is left with little room to maneuver between the East and the West. The country remains exposed to various forms of pressure coming from EU and NATO constantly marching toward the East, and Russia on the watch to thwart their expansionary attempts.
      Squeezed between East and West, Ukraine should design their foreign policies firmly based on the cold reality facing the nation in order to ensure national security and prosperity as well as to cope with the changing international order in a more effective and flexible manner. This foreign policy was embodied in the so‐called "multivectorism" advocated by former Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma.
      In a nutshell, multivectorism denies a conflict of policies that can exist between the European vector and the Russian vector, which presents a source of headache for Ukraine in formulating its foreign policy. How Ukraine sets and prioritizes its policies is not a matter of choice between the two vectors. Rather, it involves multivectors. According to the theory, Ukraine can play the role of a "bridge linking East and West". The Yushchenko government is currently shifting toward a pro‐West stance while weaning itself from Russia. Given the geopolitical reality facing Ukraine, however, multivectorism seems to be the only alternative.
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      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a co...

      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a country. Geopolitically, Ukraine is an axis power that can tip the scale in the hegemonic rivalry between the US and Russia over the Eurasian Continent. The strategic value of Ukraine was clearly demonstrated in the presidential election in November 2004, which was viewed practically as a proxy war between the two superpowers.
      Amid the intensifying power struggle between the US‐led West and Russia, Ukraine is left with little room to maneuver between the East and the West. The country remains exposed to various forms of pressure coming from EU and NATO constantly marching toward the East, and Russia on the watch to thwart their expansionary attempts.
      Squeezed between East and West, Ukraine should design their foreign policies firmly based on the cold reality facing the nation in order to ensure national security and prosperity as well as to cope with the changing international order in a more effective and flexible manner. This foreign policy was embodied in the so‐called "multivectorism" advocated by former Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma.
      In a nutshell, multivectorism denies a conflict of policies that can exist between the European vector and the Russian vector, which presents a source of headache for Ukraine in formulating its foreign policy. How Ukraine sets and prioritizes its policies is not a matter of choice between the two vectors. Rather, it involves multivectors. According to the theory, Ukraine can play the role of a "bridge linking East and West". The Yushchenko government is currently shifting toward a pro‐West stance while weaning itself from Russia. Given the geopolitical reality facing Ukraine, however, multivectorism seems to be the only alternative.

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a country. Geopolitically, Ukraine is an axis power that can tip the scale in the hegemonic rivalry between the US and Russia over the Eurasian Continent. The strategic value of Ukraine was clearly demonstrated in the presidential election in November 2004, which was viewed practically as a proxy war between the two superpowers.
      Amid the intensifying power struggle between the US‐led West and Russia, Ukraine is left with little room to maneuver between the East and the West. The country remains exposed to various forms of pressure coming from EU and NATO constantly marching toward the East, and Russia on the watch to thwart their expansionary attempts.
      Squeezed between East and West, Ukraine should design their foreign policies firmly based on the cold reality facing the nation in order to ensure national security and prosperity as well as to cope with the changing international order in a more effective and flexible manner. This foreign policy was embodied in the so‐called "multivectorism" advocated by former Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma.
      In a nutshell, multivectorism denies a conflict of policies that can exist between the European vector and the Russian vector, which presents a source of headache for Ukraine in formulating its foreign policy. How Ukraine sets and prioritizes its policies is not a matter of choice between the two vectors. Rather, it involves multivectors. According to the theory, Ukraine can play the role of a "bridge linking East and West". The Yushchenko government is currently shifting toward a pro‐West stance while weaning itself from Russia. Given the geopolitical reality facing Ukraine, however, multivectorism seems to be the only alternative.
      번역하기

      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a co...

      The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the emergence of 15 new entities that can independently engage in international relations. In particular, Ukraine's restoration of the sovereign rights signifies more than just a creation of a country. Geopolitically, Ukraine is an axis power that can tip the scale in the hegemonic rivalry between the US and Russia over the Eurasian Continent. The strategic value of Ukraine was clearly demonstrated in the presidential election in November 2004, which was viewed practically as a proxy war between the two superpowers.
      Amid the intensifying power struggle between the US‐led West and Russia, Ukraine is left with little room to maneuver between the East and the West. The country remains exposed to various forms of pressure coming from EU and NATO constantly marching toward the East, and Russia on the watch to thwart their expansionary attempts.
      Squeezed between East and West, Ukraine should design their foreign policies firmly based on the cold reality facing the nation in order to ensure national security and prosperity as well as to cope with the changing international order in a more effective and flexible manner. This foreign policy was embodied in the so‐called "multivectorism" advocated by former Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma.
      In a nutshell, multivectorism denies a conflict of policies that can exist between the European vector and the Russian vector, which presents a source of headache for Ukraine in formulating its foreign policy. How Ukraine sets and prioritizes its policies is not a matter of choice between the two vectors. Rather, it involves multivectors. According to the theory, Ukraine can play the role of a "bridge linking East and West". The Yushchenko government is currently shifting toward a pro‐West stance while weaning itself from Russia. Given the geopolitical reality facing Ukraine, however, multivectorism seems to be the only alternative.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 Нартов, Н.А., "Геополитика" ЮНИТИ 2000

      2 "Yushchenko and Putin Clear the Air(The Moscow Times. 25 January. )"

      3 "With the block growing in size, EU leads the world economy(Segye Ilbo. January 9."

      4 Bong‐Koo, Kang, "Understanding on Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy" Hanyang University Press 1999

      5 Kuzio, Taras., "Ukraine: The Unfinished Revolution" Institute for European Defence and Security Studies. (16) : 1992

      6 Kuzio, Taras, "Ukraine's Relations With the West: Disinterest, Partnership, Disillusionment" 12 (12): 2003

      7 Karatnycky, Adrian., "The Ukrainian Factor" 71 (71): 1992

      8 Brzezinski, Zbigniew K., "The Grand Chessboard" Basic Books. 1997

      9 "The Eternal Suspicions of the Soviet Mind‐Set(New York Times. 9 December.)"

      10 Kyu‐young, Lee, "Postsocialism and the Rediscovery of the Mitteleuropa/Central Europe" 40 (40): 2000

      1 Нартов, Н.А., "Геополитика" ЮНИТИ 2000

      2 "Yushchenko and Putin Clear the Air(The Moscow Times. 25 January. )"

      3 "With the block growing in size, EU leads the world economy(Segye Ilbo. January 9."

      4 Bong‐Koo, Kang, "Understanding on Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy" Hanyang University Press 1999

      5 Kuzio, Taras., "Ukraine: The Unfinished Revolution" Institute for European Defence and Security Studies. (16) : 1992

      6 Kuzio, Taras, "Ukraine's Relations With the West: Disinterest, Partnership, Disillusionment" 12 (12): 2003

      7 Karatnycky, Adrian., "The Ukrainian Factor" 71 (71): 1992

      8 Brzezinski, Zbigniew K., "The Grand Chessboard" Basic Books. 1997

      9 "The Eternal Suspicions of the Soviet Mind‐Set(New York Times. 9 December.)"

      10 Kyu‐young, Lee, "Postsocialism and the Rediscovery of the Mitteleuropa/Central Europe" 40 (40): 2000

      11 Kuzio, Taras, "Neither East Nor West‐Ukraine's Security Policy Under Kuchma" 52 (52): 2005

      12 Wan‐Suk, Hong, "Leonid Kuchma: A heretic in Slavic region. in:Power and Leadership" Inmulgua Sasangsa 2000

      13 Deok‐Sun, Lim., "Geopolitics: Theory and Practice" Beommunsa 1999

      14 Pfaff, William, "European Union Hangs Out Its 'No Vacancy' Sign(International Herald Tribune. September 26.)"

      15 International Herald Tribune, "EU cool to early entry by Ukraine" International Herald Tribune 2005

      16 KOTRA, "Discussions and Prospects of Ukraine's EU Membership" published by Korea Trade Investment Promotion Agency 2005

      17 Mackinder,H, "Democratic Ideals and Reality" Norton 1919

      18 "Challenges to Joining the EU(Kookmin Ilbo. October 10.)"

      19 "Bush vs Putin: NATO Expansion or Collision(Joong‐Ang Daily. April 12.)"

      20 "A War between Two Victors in Ukraine(Chosun Ilbo. May 7.)"

      21 Badkhen, Anna., "2004 Ukraine opposition leader's bold claim of election victory... Hundreds of thousands in Kiev protest vote count" The San Francisco Chronicle 2004

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2022 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2019-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
      2016-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
      2013-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (기타) KCI등재
      2013-01-01 학술지명변경 한글명 : 동유럽연구 -> 동유럽발칸연구 KCI등재
      2010-01-01 평가 등재 1차 FAIL (등재유지) KCI등재
      2007-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2006-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2004-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.13 0.13 0.17
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.16 0.15 0.459 0.05
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