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    사례조사에 나타난 도시빈민의 사회적 성격  :  중소도시 거주 빈민실태 파악을 위한 예비고찰 a preliminary study for the Reconceptualizantion of the poors who reside in the medium-sized city = A Review of Papers on the Social Characteristics of Urban Poors

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A45019236

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Most poverty studies in 1980s assume that urban poors are the product of the massive urban-rural migration, which has originated from the excessive industrialization process over the period of three decades. In other words, the issue of poverty or the urban poors in 1980s has much to do with the structural aspects rather than those of individual. However, most existing literatures on the urban poors concern exclusively those in the large metropolitan areas of Korea, i.e., those either in Seoul or in Pusan. Detailed analysis on the poors who reside in the other area such as Chongju, a medium-sized city has been largely ignored. Future studies need to contribute to this void in the literature by examining, for example, effects or experiences of the poors in various regions.
    As a way to examine social characteristics of the poors in the medium-sized city, this preliminary study tries to review eight papers on the social traits of the urban poors in 1980s. Most papers are published in early 1980s, with the exception of two papers, which are presented in 1960s and 1970s, respectively. Research methods that are utilized eight papers are those of case studies.
    For heuristic purposes, four major features of the urban poors are discussed: 1) when the urban poors are recruited and lived together ; 2) their socio-demographic profiles ; 3) their current living conditions ; and 4) the extent to which they employ poverty reproduction mechanisms (in both terms of vertical and horizontal mobilities). areas. It can be generalized that a 'typical' household head in the slum areas would be the married man in his thirty or early forty, with the education of junior high school. However, his employment status in the 'urban informal' sector, such as being a mere laborer, a daily-based construction worker, mainly due to the lack of education and/or skills involved. The average numbers of household member are, because of economic deficiencies, below the level of urban middle class. Dual-earner families become more popular forms than those in any other classes. Wives of these small-sized nuclear families would work as part-time domestic servants, service workers in public baths, or peddlers in the market places.
    One of the most frequent mobility patterns would be found when urban migrants utilize privately linked networks such as friends or kins who already have outmigrated to urban areas. Overall living environments of the slum areas are exceptionally notorious : they are so vulnerable to every aspect of living experiences--little/no provisions of private toilets, of running water systems, of fire protection facilities, overlypacked population densities, lack of privacy due to the sharing rented rooms per family, and so forth. However, most residents in slum regions 'enjoy' the current living environments at least an temporal or occasional basis. Since it is viewed as one of the most economically efficient ways of living in adjusting the urban life-in terms of low level of living expenses, opportunities of employment/marriage/geographic mobility are easily provided.
    Most urban poors try to get out of the 'vicious circle of poverty.' They utilize either the vertical mobility channel (through their children's occupational upward mobility or career success) or that of horizontal mobility (hard works and no rest, reducing levels of expense as low as possible while maximizing the dual/multi-earning strategies). However, it is almost impossible for them to 'take-off' the stage of structurally generated poverty : excessive work might have resulted in the unhealthy conditions of the 'healthy working poor people.' Thus, they tend to become the lift-long 'lefe-overs' or even to deteriorate to the incurabie 'disabled' in the competitive labor market. At the same time, most poors cannot afford their child(ren) enough to con-
    Over the periods of industrialization since 1960s, urban poors who live in the
    metropolitan vicinities are composed of those who have out-migrated from the rural tinue upper levels of education in both senses of material and nonmaterial (environmental and emotional aspects). The reproduction mechanisms of urban poors, as a result of that, set in motion, and their current poor situations exacerbate as the industrialization advances.
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    Most poverty studies in 1980s assume that urban poors are the product of the massive urban-rural migration, which has originated from the excessive industrialization process over the period of three decades. In other words, the issue of poverty or the...

    Most poverty studies in 1980s assume that urban poors are the product of the massive urban-rural migration, which has originated from the excessive industrialization process over the period of three decades. In other words, the issue of poverty or the urban poors in 1980s has much to do with the structural aspects rather than those of individual. However, most existing literatures on the urban poors concern exclusively those in the large metropolitan areas of Korea, i.e., those either in Seoul or in Pusan. Detailed analysis on the poors who reside in the other area such as Chongju, a medium-sized city has been largely ignored. Future studies need to contribute to this void in the literature by examining, for example, effects or experiences of the poors in various regions.
    As a way to examine social characteristics of the poors in the medium-sized city, this preliminary study tries to review eight papers on the social traits of the urban poors in 1980s. Most papers are published in early 1980s, with the exception of two papers, which are presented in 1960s and 1970s, respectively. Research methods that are utilized eight papers are those of case studies.
    For heuristic purposes, four major features of the urban poors are discussed: 1) when the urban poors are recruited and lived together ; 2) their socio-demographic profiles ; 3) their current living conditions ; and 4) the extent to which they employ poverty reproduction mechanisms (in both terms of vertical and horizontal mobilities). areas. It can be generalized that a 'typical' household head in the slum areas would be the married man in his thirty or early forty, with the education of junior high school. However, his employment status in the 'urban informal' sector, such as being a mere laborer, a daily-based construction worker, mainly due to the lack of education and/or skills involved. The average numbers of household member are, because of economic deficiencies, below the level of urban middle class. Dual-earner families become more popular forms than those in any other classes. Wives of these small-sized nuclear families would work as part-time domestic servants, service workers in public baths, or peddlers in the market places.
    One of the most frequent mobility patterns would be found when urban migrants utilize privately linked networks such as friends or kins who already have outmigrated to urban areas. Overall living environments of the slum areas are exceptionally notorious : they are so vulnerable to every aspect of living experiences--little/no provisions of private toilets, of running water systems, of fire protection facilities, overlypacked population densities, lack of privacy due to the sharing rented rooms per family, and so forth. However, most residents in slum regions 'enjoy' the current living environments at least an temporal or occasional basis. Since it is viewed as one of the most economically efficient ways of living in adjusting the urban life-in terms of low level of living expenses, opportunities of employment/marriage/geographic mobility are easily provided.
    Most urban poors try to get out of the 'vicious circle of poverty.' They utilize either the vertical mobility channel (through their children's occupational upward mobility or career success) or that of horizontal mobility (hard works and no rest, reducing levels of expense as low as possible while maximizing the dual/multi-earning strategies). However, it is almost impossible for them to 'take-off' the stage of structurally generated poverty : excessive work might have resulted in the unhealthy conditions of the 'healthy working poor people.' Thus, they tend to become the lift-long 'lefe-overs' or even to deteriorate to the incurabie 'disabled' in the competitive labor market. At the same time, most poors cannot afford their child(ren) enough to con-
    Over the periods of industrialization since 1960s, urban poors who live in the
    metropolitan vicinities are composed of those who have out-migrated from the rural tinue upper levels of education in both senses of material and nonmaterial (environmental and emotional aspects). The reproduction mechanisms of urban poors, as a result of that, set in motion, and their current poor situations exacerbate as the industrialization advances.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • Ⅰ. 들어가는말 : 중소도시 빈민 연구의 필요성
    • Ⅱ. 여덟개 사례조사의 접근방법 및 도시빈민 형성
    • Ⅲ. 도시빈민의 사회인구학적 변수별 현황
    • Ⅳ. 도시빈민의 생활상태별 현황
    • Ⅴ. 탈빈곤 기제 : 빈곤에의 대응양식
    • Ⅰ. 들어가는말 : 중소도시 빈민 연구의 필요성
    • Ⅱ. 여덟개 사례조사의 접근방법 및 도시빈민 형성
    • Ⅲ. 도시빈민의 사회인구학적 변수별 현황
    • Ⅳ. 도시빈민의 생활상태별 현황
    • Ⅴ. 탈빈곤 기제 : 빈곤에의 대응양식
    • Ⅵ. 맺는말 : 도시빈민 실태에 대한 평가
    • 參考文獻
    • ABSTRACT
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