러시아어 서술사의 통시적 발전과 통사적 특징 = Historical development of the Russian predicators and their syntax

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

In the history of the Slavic language, the secondary predication was expressed by the double accusative construction, which then yielded over time to configurations either with predicate instrumental or with overt predicators. Based on diachronic data, this paper attempts to modify Bailyn and CItko’s (1999) Morphological Pred Rule, which is supposed to account for a complementary distribution between the predicate instrumental and overt predicator choices. It covers jako, v, and byti from the time of Old Church Slavonic to the present-day Russian, which are different in origin and show different behaviors for their common denominator as predicator. First and foremost, predicator proper (jako/kak and some of byti) transmits the case of NP1 to NP2. This case transmittance hypothesis is substantially different from Bailyn and Citko’s case absorption hypothesis. A crucial set of data demonstrates that an overt predicator does not block the checking of the instrumental case. Second, predicators retain some of their erstwhile properties, whether semantic or syntactic. For instance, a predicator v with an origin in directional preposition is limited to denoting a set of people with certain occupation or capacity, e.g., idti v soldaty ‘join the army.’ A conjunction-based predicator jako has a wide range of category selection. A predicator byti inherits from a copula the variant meanings depending on the position of subject with respect to predicate. That is, a predicational sentence is interpreted as specificational, when a predicate is raised to become a subject. Such diachronic evidence renders perfectly justified the proposed modification of Bailyn’s predicator hypothesis.

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