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    신유학 경세론의 지형 탐색 - 古와 時[今]의 간극에 대한 토지제도 논의를 중심으로 - = Mapping the Terrain of Neo-Confucian Statecraft Thought: Focusing on Land System Discourse on the Gap between Antiquity[古] and the Present Age[今]

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A110394464

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Confucianism defined the aims of learning as both self-cultivation[修己] and the governance of others[治人]. Although it regarded moral cultivation as the primary means of achieving these aims, it also acknowledged the necessity of institutional arrangements. From an early stage, Confucian thinkers recognized the public character of land and viewed the land system as a crucial institutional foundation for realizing virtuous and benevolent governance. Yet the formulation of an appropriate land system in actual statecraft proved far from straightforward, as it necessarily involved overlapping tensions between self-cultivation and institutions, Dao[道] and Ki[器], and ideals and political realities.
    The statecraft-related questions and challenges surrounding land institutions that originated with Confucius and Mencius underwent a significant transformation in Neo-Confucianism. This development was closely tied to the Neo-Confucian extension of inquiry toward Tianli[天理], which was applied not only to moral self-cultivation but also to society and the state as collective human formations.
    From the perspective of the history of statecraft thought, the discursive landscape they produced is significant in several respects. First, it generated diverse diagnoses of social reality and a wide range of statecraft theories, while also promoting sustained inquiry into institutions. Such inquiry extended beyond practical institutions for governing present conditions to include investigations into the actual operation of ancient models and the historical transformation of institutional forms. Second, differing understandings of universal institutions cannot be fully reduced to ontological differences between the monistic theory of Qi[氣] and the dual framework of li[理] and Qi[氣]; rather, convergences in statecraft discourse were more closely associated with shared views of the relationship between substance and function. Third, the diversity of statecraft thought during the formative period of Neo-Confucianism can also be observed in the intellectual history of early Chosŏn from the founding of the dynasty onward. Fourth, even under conditions in which growth, efficiency, profit, and wealth have become increasingly dominant imperatives, this tradition demonstrates a scholarly effort to recognize and enact the obligation of human communities to seek forms of coexistence.
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    Confucianism defined the aims of learning as both self-cultivation[修己] and the governance of others[治人]. Although it regarded moral cultivation as the primary means of achieving these aims, it also acknowledged the necessity of institutional a...

    Confucianism defined the aims of learning as both self-cultivation[修己] and the governance of others[治人]. Although it regarded moral cultivation as the primary means of achieving these aims, it also acknowledged the necessity of institutional arrangements. From an early stage, Confucian thinkers recognized the public character of land and viewed the land system as a crucial institutional foundation for realizing virtuous and benevolent governance. Yet the formulation of an appropriate land system in actual statecraft proved far from straightforward, as it necessarily involved overlapping tensions between self-cultivation and institutions, Dao[道] and Ki[器], and ideals and political realities.
    The statecraft-related questions and challenges surrounding land institutions that originated with Confucius and Mencius underwent a significant transformation in Neo-Confucianism. This development was closely tied to the Neo-Confucian extension of inquiry toward Tianli[天理], which was applied not only to moral self-cultivation but also to society and the state as collective human formations.
    From the perspective of the history of statecraft thought, the discursive landscape they produced is significant in several respects. First, it generated diverse diagnoses of social reality and a wide range of statecraft theories, while also promoting sustained inquiry into institutions. Such inquiry extended beyond practical institutions for governing present conditions to include investigations into the actual operation of ancient models and the historical transformation of institutional forms. Second, differing understandings of universal institutions cannot be fully reduced to ontological differences between the monistic theory of Qi[氣] and the dual framework of li[理] and Qi[氣]; rather, convergences in statecraft discourse were more closely associated with shared views of the relationship between substance and function. Third, the diversity of statecraft thought during the formative period of Neo-Confucianism can also be observed in the intellectual history of early Chosŏn from the founding of the dynasty onward. Fourth, even under conditions in which growth, efficiency, profit, and wealth have become increasingly dominant imperatives, this tradition demonstrates a scholarly effort to recognize and enact the obligation of human communities to seek forms of coexistence.

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