沙溪 金長生의 經學的 周易觀(1) ― 『經書辯疑』의 周易上經을 중심으로 ―

김익수 한국사상문화학회 2009 한국사상과 문화 Vol.48 No.-

Neo‐Confucianism of Sung Dynasty of China established its firm foundation in Korea by the efforts of Toegye(1501‐1570) and Yulgok(1536‐1584) in the middle of sixteenth century. It was inevitable that the Study of Rites appeared in the seventeenth century. Primarily Neo‐Confucianism and the Study of Rites are the two sides of a coin. While Neo‐Confucianism emphasizes the study of mind, the Study of Rites mainly deals with the control of behavior of a person with appearance. After the both invasions by Japanese and Manchus, The Study of Rites became the pragmatic study of the time to recover the ethics. For this reason, harmonizing the Neo‐Confucianism and the Study of Rites became the major theme of the time to control the mind and behavior of people and Kim Jang‐saeng was the leading scholar to create this trend. Kim Jang‐saeng was not particularly interested in writing books, but he took notes while he was reading the books. While doing so, Kim understood well on these issues and he practiced what he had learned. Later, his notes became categorized and published as many books. Among them, Gyeongsoebyeonui is the most professional research on the study of Confucian classics for the Neo‐Confucianism. In this book, Kim analyzes the fundamental books of Confucianism such as the Study of the Elements of Confucianism, four major books and three classics of Confucianism. This paper aims to study carefully on the first part of Kim’s analysis on the Book of Change. The aim of studying the classics of Confucianism is to learn the teachings of sages in the correct way. The foundation of Neo‐Confucianism came from the classics of Confucianism and Neo‐Confucianism evolved from the Book of Change. It is urgent to understand the Book of Change, the core of all Confucian classics, correctly at the time of the crisis on the tradition of the study of humanities. This research tries to provide the Kim Jang‐saeng’s views on Neo‐Confucian study as well as on human nature through the part of the Book of Change in his Gyeongsoebyeonui. Also, this research aims to establish the foundation for the studies of humanities. This is why the Book of Change, the core of Confucianism, is the subject of the paper. In addition, nowadays, scholars in general intend to seek for knowledge. They are the people to change the leaders of society and that’s why scholars need to demonstrate the behavior of not contradicting their knowledge and behaviors. 송대의 성리학이 전래되어 16세기 중반에 이르면서 퇴계(1501-1570)와 율곡(1536-1584)에 의하여 정착되어 갔다. 17세기에 이르면서 禮學이 등장했는데 이는 필연적이다. 본래 성리학과 예학은 표리관계(表裏關係)이며, 성리학이 인간의 內面을 수양(修己)하는데 중점을 두는데 반하여 예학은 외적(外的)인 실천에 비중을 두는 治人에 있기 때문이다. 더구나 임진, 병자 양난을 격고난 뒤에 인간성과 윤리회복이 시급한 국민적 과제였기 때문에 예학은 시대가 요청하는 현실적 학문이었던 것이다. 요컨대 주자학(성리학)과 예학은 내외(內外), 체용적(體用的) 구조로 지배적 이념이 되었는데 이런 때에 소명을 다한 이는 그 시대의 거성(巨星)이었던 김장생(金長生1548-1631)이었다 . 선생은 평소에 저술에는 별 의도가 없었고 경전을 읽다가 의심이 나는 곳이 있으면 적어 놓았던 것이 쌓여서 날로 학문이 깊어지고 실행이 겸해졌는데 이를 류(類) 별로 모아 묶으니 여러 책들이 나왔다. 그 중에서 성리학의 바탕이 되고 전문적인 經學 연구서인 『경서변의(經書辨疑)』가 있다. 여기에는 『小學』을 비롯해서 四書와 三經을 변석한 것이 들어 있다. 그 중에서 四書 五經의 우두머리(首)라고 할 수 있는 周易을 연구대상으로 하되 3차에 걸쳐 연구하려고 하나 우선 1차적으로 上經만을 조심스럽게 먼저 연구해 보려고 한다. 經學의 연구는 성인 (聖人)의 가르침을 제대로 배우기 위함이다. 본 연구에서는 『經書辨疑』 『周易』에서 경학사상연구를 통해서 선생의 學問觀도 배우고 人間觀도 배우려는 것이 본연구자의 의도이다. 또 하나의 의도는 인문학의 기반을 원천적으로 세워 보려고 하는 원대한 뜻도 여기에 있다. 그래서 모든 경서의 몸통(體)이 되는 『주역』을 먼저 선정하였다. 부차적으로는 오늘날 학문하는 풍토가 지식의 축적에만 급급한 느낌인데 지도자들을 변화시킬 수 있고 교육을 바로 세울 수 있는 위치에 있는 학자들부터 學行一致로 자세가 달라져야 할 것을 촉구하는 뜻도 여기에 있다.

儒家文化의 道德性과 宗敎性

유희성(Yoo hee-Sung) 중국문화연구학회 2006 중국문화연구 Vol.0 No.8

This is the endless controversial argument that is the religiosity of the Confucianism from time to time. Nowadays, this argument is gathering the forth and becoming the one of the main discourse of modern Confucianism. It is said that the essential nature of the religiosity of the Confucianism is not merely the definition of the Confucianism but remarkably significant character that define the core and the status of the Confucianism. On one hand the Confucianism has plenty of political and moral aspects, on the other hand it has strong religious characters too. Some scholars said that the Confucianism is a kind of religion due to the religious aspects at the same time other persisted that the Confucianism is a moral philosophy and a political ideology as well. Because of variety spectrum that the Confucianism has, but, it is not reasonable to make the Confucianism as a religious system. There are two kinds of scholars are insisted that the Confucianismas a religion. The one is claimed that the Confucianism is general religion just like monotheism; the other is maintaining that the Confucianism is a moral oriented religion. The aims of this essay are to criticize of these scholars' fallacies and to offer the proper view of the Confucianism. Their fallacies lie in the misunderstanding between the morality and religiosity of the religious studies of the field of humanities.

儒學與儒敎, 文廟與武廟

공붕정 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 2005 Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture Vol.5 No.-

This article deals with Confucianism and its religiousization. Since the Republic of China, the social structure has rapidly changed due to modernization, and the social organization of Confucianism is gradually collapsing. However, it is indeed these Confucian religious groups that remain the only one in the present society and are still active. As the discussion begins on the religiousization of Confucianism, the author briefly explains two examples of Confucian temples. Introducing Bixia Palace, a historic site in Yilan County and Xietian Temple, both reflecting Confucianism's role in religious education activities and ethical attitudes, although they may not make Confucian propaganda their mission. The second focuses on the connection between Confucianism and Wumiao in the sense of Confucianism and Confucianism as religion. Wumiao plays a complementary role with Confucianism in the promotion of Confucianism and can be said to be a branch of Confucianism in Chinese society. Third, the development of Confucianism in Chinese society does not depend only on the academic world and the national political education system. The reason Confucianism can be popularized in Chinese society has become a certain ethics and values of people's lives, and there are also a series of social and religious groups that depend on it. These clans and communities spread throughout Chinese society, allowing Confucianism to become widespread and infiltrate villages and communities.

元末4大家의 山水畵에 對한 儒家美學的 考察

김선옥(Kim, Sunok) 한국서예학회 2014 서예학연구 Vol.24 No.-

The academia has approached Eastern landscape art as Taoism so far. Academic results have mainly been in aesthetics. However, there are many inadequate parts that cannot be resolved through approach as Taoism. Those parts can be summarized as the following two categories. First, icon characteristics of each era's landscapes are not explained. Icons of Geobi faction in Northern Song, those of Maha faction in Southern Song and of Four Late-Yuan Masters are with their own characteristics but it has been hard to approach their root through Taoistic research. Along with this, there is no specific interpretation on transition in icons from Geobi, Maha and Four Late-Yuan Masters. Focusing on these two, it is found that landscape is more closely linked with Confucian ideas than Taoistic ones. After Northern Song, Confucianism was named as New Confucianism. Confucianism at that time was in convergence of ConfucianismㆍBuddhismㆍTaoism and it was extensive to include cosmology as well as human nature theory. Classifying the one before Neo-Confucianism as Northern Song's New Confucianism, the philosophy at that time was characterized as establishing philosophical structure based on cosmology rather than on human nature theory. In addition, by relating Northern Song's representative landscape faction, Geobi, with the idea of 'One Root with Thousands Branches' in Northern Song's New Confucianism, some aspects perfectly fit each other. On this regard, I published Confucian consideration about Monumental Landscape of North Song. This is its consequential version. Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism established cosmology with 'One Principle with Many Manifestations' and human nature theory with 'Nature being Principle.' It also sought 'Oneness of God and Man.' This aspect is considered by relating to characteristics of Four Late-Yuan Masters' landscape. As a result, 'nature in reality' on their landscape was deeply associated with Neo-Confucianism's cosmology as Principle of Object. 'The Literary's Nature' is deeply linked with Neo-Confucianism's human nature theory. The beauty of significance formed in the unity of Principle of Object and Meaning of Subject was in accord with Neo-Confucianism's Oneness of God and Man. Therefore, this study finds that Four Late-Yuan Masters' landscape and Neo-Confucianism mostly correspond with each other. 그동안 동양의 산수화 예술에 대하여 학계에서는 도가로써 접근하여 왔다. 주로 미학방면에서 연구 성과가 있었다. 그러나 산수화를 도가로써 접근하기에는 해결되지 않는 미비한 부분들이 많았다. 도가로써 설명되지 않는 부분은 다음 두 가지로써 요약해볼 수 있다. 우선은 각각의 시대에 산수화가 갖고 있는 도상특성이 해설되지 않는다는 점이다. 북송시기 거비파의 도상과 남송 마하파의 도상, 그리고 원말4대가의 도상은 각각 그 특성을 지니지만 왜 그러한 도상이 나타나는지 그간의 도가적 연구로서는 접근하기가 어려웠다. 그리고 이와 함께 거비파로부터 마하파 그리고 원말4대가로 이어지는 도상의 변천은 왜 그렇게 변천되어 가는지 아직도 이렇다한 해석이 학계에서는 이루어지고 있지 않다. 이 두 가지 점에 주안점을 두고 살펴본 결과 산수화는 도가보다도 유가적 사상과 매우 밀접함이 발견 되었다. 북송이후로 유학은 新儒學이라고 명명되었다. 이때의 유학은 儒ㆍ佛ㆍ道를 통섭한 것으로 인성론은 물론 우주론까지 포함한 폭넓은 유가 사상이었다. 성리학 이전을 북송 신유가로써 따로 분리하여 살펴본 결과 이때는 인성론보다는 우주론 중심의 사상체계를 갖추어간 특성이 있었다. 이와 함께 북송의 대표적 山水畵派였던 巨碑派산수화를 북송 신유가의 '一本而萬殊'사상과 결부지어 살펴본 결과 부절처럼 일치하는 점이 있었다. 따라서 이 부분에 대하여 이미 「北宋巨碑派山水畵에 對한 儒家美學的考察」로서 논문을 발표한 적이 있다. 그리고 이 논문에 이어 本論文은 그 다음에 해당하는 내용이다. 따라서 성리학과 함께 「元末4大家의 山水畵에 對한 儒家美學的考察」로서 이 논문을 작성하게 되었다. 주자 성리학은 '理一而分殊'로써 우주론을 정립했고, '性卽理'로써 인성론을 건립했다. 그리고 '天人合一'을 지향하였다. 이 점에 대하여 원말4대가의 산수화상에 나타난 특성과 연관하여 살펴보았다. 그 결과 원말4대가의 산수화상에 나타난 '현실의 산수자연'은 客體之理로서 성리학의 우주론과 연관이 깊었다. 그리고 '문인성정'은 主體之意로서 성리학의 인성론과 연관이 깊었다. 그리고 客體之理와 主體之意의 合一에서 형성된 意境의 美는 '人欲盡處天理流行'으로서 성리학 천인합일정신과 일치하였다. 이에 따라 본 논문에서도 성리학과 원말4대가의 산수화는 대부분 일치함을 알 수 있었다.

유학의 시대적 대응논리로서의 성인관(聖人觀) - 맹자와 주자를 중심으로 -

한재훈 ( Han Jae-hoon ) 한국사상문화학회 2018 한국사상과 문화 Vol.91 No.-

As you can see through Original-Confucianism of the Pre-Qin dynasty and Neo-Confucianism of Song and Ming dynasty, Confucianism changes its name according to the times. Nevertheless, there is no common denominator in ideals above the common denominator of Confucianism. The common thing is Sugi-Anin(修己安人) that is to train oneself first and then make others feel comfortable. It is the most fundamental and practical task of Confucianism, and many of the theories within Confucianism are also a result of a broad explanation and guidance for this. In the evolution of Confucianism, Original-Confucianism who presented a practical ethic of relativity represented by Sugi-Anin while understanding human beings at the level of relational existence or social existence has developed into Neo-Confucianism with a more complete form of system that aims for Cheon-in-hap-il(天人合一) that is the unity of heaven and human. More specifically, the fundamental explanations of the origins of existence through the Li-Qi theory and the deep understanding of the self through the Mind-Nature theory, and the ideal completion of the subject of self-reliance through the cultivation theory has allowed the essence of the Confucian spirit to be more refined and systematically executed. If Sugi-Anin is the ideological slogan of Confucianism, the existential model of Sugi-Anin is a Saint. A Saint is not only the ideal of human beings in itself, but also the greatest kings such as Yo(堯) and Soon(舜) of historical heritage and the great masters such as Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子) of Confucianism. Hence, the numerous aphorisms in Confucian scriptures is that it will be a Saint to emulate a Saint. However, there is one important fact that one should not overlook from this passage. It is the fact that Confucianism is always important to implement practical changes and growth, rather than resorting theoretically to theories and logic. Both Sugi-Anin and Saint in Confucianism are practical tasks, not the subject of knowledge. However, it should also be noted that the practice must take place on the specific coordinates of now and here. Thus, Confucianism's argument always implies a response to the situation of the times, and is not an exception to a Saint.

신유학의 정좌법과 심신수렴의 유교치료

신현승 ( Hyun Seung Shin ) 한국동서철학회 2016 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.80

Confucianism (Especially, Neo-Confucianism) was the most important traditional humanities in East Asia with very active interests in the relationship between the human body and mind, action and function of the mind, and method of cultivating the mind. In addition, the nature of Confucianism itself is therapeutic and curative. Also, Jingzuo (quiet sitting) as a therapy is one of the methods of psychosomatic moral culture proposed by Neo-Confucian scholars in the Song dynasty of China, which refers to realizing one’s own nature by calming oneself and having an attitude of ‘unmoved in absolute stillness’. In other words, Jingzuo was widely known as a method of psychosomatic convergence or psychosomatic moral culture in Neo-Confucianism (Confucianism after the Song dynasty including Daoxue). Of the Beisong-Wuzi (five great thinkers of Beisong) who contributed to the birth of Neo-Confucianism, Ercheng (the Cheng brothers) taught the importance of Jingzuo, and compiler of Neo-Confucianism, Zhu Xi, too, was very positive about the Confucian method of moral culture of Jingzuo. This method of moral culture is suggested as a method of sitting-in Zen meditation or taking care of one’s health not only in Neo-Confucianism (Zhuxiism and Yangmingism, etc.) but also in Buddhism or Taoism. Accordingly, there has been constant criticism that this method of moral culture is too Zen Buddhist in and out of the world of Confucianism. Thus, this paper focused on investigating the Confucian therapeutic significance of the Jingzuo method and psychosomatic convergence in Neo-Confucianism. In other words, the first part of the main discourse of this study reviewed the Jingzuo method and various discussions about mind and body in Neo-Confucianism, the aspects of the Jingzuo method, an important method of psychosomatic moral culture in Neo-Confucianism and Neo-Confucian scholars’ psychosomatic convergence and its curative significance. In addition, the second chapter discussed eminent Confucianist, Jishan Liu Zongzhou’s Jingzuo theory and meaning of psychosomatic healing, characteristics of Jishan Jingzuo theory and Liu Zongzhou’s discourse about the relationship between psychosomatic healing and Jingzuo, who made a finale of the history of Confucianism in the Ming dynasty the history of Yangmingism in the Ming dynasty before the prosperity of Kaozhengxue in Qing dynasty.

일제강점기 유교의 종교화운동-眞庵 李炳憲과 海窓 宋基植을 중심으로-

김순석 한국민족운동사학회 2013 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.77

한말까지 지식인들은 대부분 유교를 중시하면서 유교적 소양을 가지고 살아온 사람들이었다. 유교를 사상적 기반으로 한 지식인들은 한말ㆍ일제강점기에 외세를 수용하는 형태에 따라 다양하게 나뉘어졌으며, 이들은 각기 현실인식과 대응방법이 달랐다. 유교적 지식인들이 취한 노선은 각기 달랐지만 이들이 가진 공통점은 유교의 가르침은 지고지순(至高至純)하므로 현실에 널리 실천해야 한다는 것이었다. 이들은 유교가 제대로 실천된다면 현실 문제를 극복할 수 있다고 보았다. 일제강점기 유교계는 식민통치에 저항하는 부류와 타협하는 유형이 있었다. 지금까지 진행된 일제강점기 유교계 활동에 대한 연구는 대체로 항일운동과 친일운동으로 진행되었다. 친일과 항일은 같은 유교에서 출발하였지만 사회진화론과 문명개화론 아시아 연대론 등을 현실에 적용하는 해석의 차이로 말미암아 나뉘어졌다. 이 논문은 이러한 이분법적인 시각에서 벗어나 유교계의 제3의 흐름을 살펴보고자 한다. 제3의 흐름이란 유교의 종교화운동을 말한다. 일제강점기 유교의 종교화운동은 현실 유교의 개혁을 통하여 민족의 단합을 도모하였다. 유교의 종교화운동을 진행한 사람들 가운데서 이병헌과 송기식을 중심으로 검토하고자 한다. 두 사람의 공통점은 중국 공교운동의 지도자 캉유웨이(康有爲)의 영향을 받았으며 대동사회를 건설하고자 하였다. 교주로서 공자의 신성성을 인정하고 숭배의 대상으로 삼았다. 두 사람은 모두 유교의 대중화를 지향하였다. 이들은 매주 정기적으로 모여서 강론을 듣는 교회식 유교의 종교화를 실현하고자 하였다. 이병헌과 송기식은 모두 서양철학을 탐독하고 세계정세에 밝았다는 점이다. 이병헌과 송기식의 차이점은 이렇다. 조선총독부는 1915년 「포교규칙」을 공포함으로써 유교를 종교의 범주에서 제외시켰다. 총독부는 종교를 신도(神道)ㆍ불교ㆍ기독교로 국한시켰다. 이병헌은 이 사실을 알고 있었으며 개인적인 차원에서 일본 내각과 총독부에 11차례나 시정을 촉구하는 서한을 개인적으로 또는 뜻을 함께하는 사람들과 연명으로 보내서 해결하려 하였다. 송기식이 「포교규칙」을 알고 있었느냐 하는 사실에 대해서는 의문의 여지가 있다. 그의 글 속에는 여기애 대한 서술이 없기 때문이다. 그러나 송기식의 학문의 깊이나 세계 정세인식으로 보면 이 사실을 몰랐다고 보이지는 않는다. 이 시기 송기식은 1919년 3ㆍ1운동 당시 청년 학생들과 더불어 만세 시위에 참가하였으며 이로 인하여 2년 동안 옥중생활을 하였다. 이병헌은 고향인 경남 산청에 배산서당을 건립하여 공자와 자신의 조상을 모셨지만 송기식은 고향인 안동에 인곡서숙을 세워 후진을 양성하였다. 이병헌은 조선에 중국 공교회의 지부를 설립하려고 하였지만 전국에 교회를 세워야 한다고 주장하였다. 이처럼 두 사람의 공교운동은 같은 점이 많지만 차별성 또한 적지 않다. 하지만 이병헌과 송기식의 공교운동은 총독부 체제하에서는 종교에서 제외된 유교를 종교화하려는 노력이었다. 그렇다면 이들이 전개한 공교운동은 넓은 의미에서 식민지 지배체제에 저항하는 운동이었지만 또한 체제 내에서 진행된 운동이었기 때문에 한계성 또한 분명하였다. Most intellectuals were living until the late period of Chosun by possessing Confucian knowledge by laying weight on Confucianism. The intellectuals who stand on Confucianism as their ideological base were divided diversely along with the type of receiving the foreign power in the late period of ChosunㆍJapanese colonial era, and they each had different recognition on reality and different confrontation method. Though the line that the Confucian intellectuals took were different from each other, however the common ground that they had was the point that the teachings of Confucianism must be practised widely in reality because it is very noble and pure (至高至純). They considered that the problems in reality can be overcome if only Confucianism is properly practised. In the Confucian world during Japanese colonial era, there were two types, one is those who resisted colonization and another is those who compromised it. The research on Confucian world’s activities in Japanese colonial era which has been researched until now mostly has proceeded as anti-Japanese movement and pro-Japanese movement. Though pro-Japanese and anti-Japanese started from the same Confucianism, however they were divided due to the difference in interpretation which applied the theory of social evolution, the theory of civilization, the argument for Asian solidarity, etc. to the reality. This thesis intended to investigate the 3rd stream of Confucian world by departing from this dichotomous view. The 3rd stream means religionization of Confucianism. Religionization of Confucian during Japanese colonial era aimed at the unity of the national people through the reformation of the actual Confucianism. Among those who proceeded religionization of Confucianism, this research intended to consider them mainly with Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik. The common feature of the two persons was that they were influenced by Kang-yuwei (康有爲), who was the leader of Confucianism movement in China, who attempted to construct a big society. As a religious leader, he acknowledged Confucius' sacred character and made him as the target of cult. The two persons both aimed at the popularization of Confucianism. They intended to realize the religionization of Confucianism in church style which is to attend sermon in every week regularly. Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik both avidly read western philosophy and were instructed in the world situation. The different points between Lee, byung-heon and Song, gui-shik were as follows. Chosun government-general excluded Confucian out of the category of religion by proclaiming 「Regulations of Propagation」 in 1915. Chosun government-general limited religion to Shinto(神道)ㆍBuddhismㆍChristianity. Lee, byung-heon knew this fact and attempted to solve this matter by sending the letters in personal dimension on 11 occasions urging correction to the Japanese cabinet and government general personally or under joint signature with participants. It is open to question regarding fact whether Song, gui-shik knew 「Regulations of Propagation」 or not. Because there’s no description in his writings about this matter. However, it doesn’t seem that Song, gui-shik didn’t know this fact if we consider the depth of his study or his recognition on the world situation. In this period, Song, gui-shik participated in hurra movement along with young students during March 1st Independence Movement in 1919, due to this, he had been in prison for 2 years. Lee, byung-heon founded Bae-san seodang in his homeland, Gyeongsangnam-do Sancheon and enshrined Confucius and his ancestors, however Song, gui-shik founded In-gok seosuk in his homeland, Andong and fostered the younger generation. Lee, byung-heon attempted to establish a branch of Chinese Confucianism in Chosun, however Song, gui-shik asserted to build churches all over the country. This way, the two persons’ Confucianism movement had lots of common ground as well as d...

서구의 유교종교론 - 유교의 초월성에 대한 담론을 중심으로 -

이연승 ( Lee Youn-seung ) 한국동서철학회 2016 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.81

It is well-known that there have been long discussions on the religiosity of Confucianism over 120 years in East Asian countries, due to the problem introduced by the Sino-Japanese translation of the Anglo-European words for ‘religion’. Whereas outside the Chinese-Characters Cultural Spheres, scholars generally have treated Confucianism just as the cornerstone of traditional Chinese culture. Even though Confucianism has been considered as one of the world religions since around the end of the 19th century, throughout most of the 20th century, it was the predominant view that Confucianism was not eligible for membership of world religions. However there still have been the discussions of whether or not the Confucian tradition can be considered as a religious tradition, and moreover on the religiosity of Confucianism. This paper is an attempt to explore the study of Confucianism focusing the religiosity in Western Academy. Firstly, the ‘axial age’ thesis and its ‘breakthrough’ idea developed by Jaspers had widely accepted by the late 1970s, and the discussions on the transcendence of Confucianism also held lively from time to time. Next, Theodore de Bary has provided intellectual leadership in the development of Neo-Confucian studies in North America, which also made the discourse on the transcendence of Confucianism extensive and diversified. Lastly, Mou Zongsan(牟宗三), the representative of the contemporary New Confucianism described the Confucian idea of ultimate reality, Tian(天) or Tiandao(天道) as ‘immanent transcendence’, and the concept of ‘immanent transcendence’ has widely been acclaimed especially among Chinese scholars, however, there have been some pros and cons presented concerning this idea. We can say that the concept of ‘transcendence’ always has been at the center of discourses on the religiosity of Confucianism in the Western Academy.

Some Main Characteristics Of Vietnamese Confucianism

( Nguyen Tai Thu ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2010 유학연구 Vol.21 No.-

Characteristics of Vietnamese Confucianism are investigated from several aspects. Firstly, from the perspective of the role of Confucianism for the independence and sovereignty of the feudal society of Vietnam, the author comes to the following conclusions: Confucianism as an exotic ideology was received and transformed but still retained all its essential principles. Confucianism as the ruling theory had contributed to the promotion of Vietnamese feudal society toward the centralization and unification. It was also a useful theoretical tool for thinkers in validating the patriotism and national independent movements. It also had a strong influence on Vietnamese cultural life. Secondly, from the dimension of the direction and motivation of the development of Vietnamese Confucianism, the author argues that, although feudal royal courts as well as intellectuals were aware of consolidating and developing Confucianism, their activities could only resulted in the stability of institutions. Theoretically, all these conditions were not enough to bring about any turning-point or advance. There was no great school, no discussion, and no self-reflection. Vietnamese orthodox Confucianism could not escape from the stronghold of conservatism. Thirdly, from perspective of thinking style, the author claims that almost all Vietnamese Confucians were only attracted to practical and utilitarian elements, avoiding the metaphysical; liked simplicity and conciseness whose impacts were the simplicity in thinking and working and the evasion of meditative and creative issues; revered deities; had the eclectic and combinative method of thinking which easily accepted the mixture of three teachings - Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, etc. Thence the author attempts to find some reasons behind these characteristics of Vietnamese Confucianism. According to him, during the history, Vietnamese Confucianism experienced many unfavorable stages: in the Chinese domination period, it was an ideology strange to Vietnamese; in the early independent period, it yielded to Buddhism; up to the period of centralizing and autocratic feudal system, it was under the influence of Confucianism of Han and Song Dynasties which were dogmatic and inflexible, and moreover must develop in the only direction of serving the feudal governance, and thus had no room for the creation. Above all, the backwardness in economy and society itself hampered the progress of Confucianism. In sum, due to the particular historical situation, the spread, study and creation of Confucianism in Vietnam only reached to the ordinary level. In the thousand-year history of Confucianism as the orthodox ideology in Vietnam, there emerged only some great thinkers.

사례로 본 조선시대 평민유학

서욱수 (사)율곡학회 2024 율곡학연구 Vol.57 No.-

This thesis proposes a new perspective on the aspects of Confucianism in the Joseon Dynasty. In fact, our view of Confucianism today remains in an extremely biased perspective. It is a carelessness that blindly equates the Confucianism of a small number of yangban who occupied the Joseon Dynasty with the Confucianism of the common people. The yangban and the commoners were clearly different in all areas, including political status, economic conditions, and social customs. Therefore, the cultures that these two classes accepted were also different in many conditions. For example, the yangban accepted the Confucian culture that was introduced starting from the Three Kingdoms period, while the commoners and below were more interested in traditional shamanism or Buddhism. However, the culture of difference that lasted for a thousand years also went through a process of integration into a single ideology called Confucianism starting from the Joseon Dynasty. However, it is important to note that the commoners’ culture centered on shamanism or Buddhism did not converge with the Confucian yangban Confucianism centered on Confucianism, but rather evolved while maintaining their own dual characteristics within the category of Confucianism. In other words, yangban Confucianism demanded order between generations or classes within a logical and theoretical framework, while commoner Confucianism selectively accepted the advantages of Confucianism according to practical and realistic needs. In this paper, this difference in the commoners’ attitude toward Confucianism is collectively called commoner Confucianism. Therefore, this paper discusses the historical background in which this type of culture with commoner Confucianism arose and what characteristics it has.