‘신문지면의 역사가’ 문일평의 조선사 연구 과정과 학술 진흥 인식 - 1934년 일기에 대한 분석을 중심으로

조형열 한국사연구회 2025 한국사연구 Vol.- No.211

문일평(1888~1939)은 식민지기를 대표하는 민족주의 역사가로서 많은 관심을 받아왔다. 이 글은 문일평의 1934년 일기를 분석한 결과로서, 기존 연구가 문일평의 학술활동 공간이 신문사였다는 것을 소홀히 보았다는 점에 주목했다. 문일평은 신문사의 각종 기획에 개입하며 조선사 읽을거리, 사설 등의 집필을 책임지는 가운데 연구논문 성격의 글을 쓰기 위해 노력했다. 이를 위해 이병도와 진단학회 소속 인물 등을 비롯하여 정인보 등과도 접촉하며 각종 학문적 네트워크를 바탕으로 조선사 연구를 전개했다. 그리고 이 가운데 조선인을 위한 학술 진흥에 대한 강한 열망을 가지고 있었다. 문일평은 신문사라는 비제도적 학술장에 서있었지만 제도적 학술장의 수립을 위해 노력했고, 여기에는 서북지역 인사들과 잦은 교류를 보이는 것에서 알 수 있듯이 자립적 근대화에 대한 공감대가 있었다. Moon Il-pyeong has long been recognized as a prominent nation- alist historian during the Japanese colonial period. This study analyzes Moon’s diary from 1934, focusing on a critical but often overlooked aspect of his career: the fact that his primary academic activities took place within the setting of a newspaper office. While Moon held the responsibility of producing editorials and public- facing historical content for various newspaper projects, he simul- taneously strove to publish works characterized by rigorous aca- demic depth. To this end, he cultivated an extensive scholarly network, engaging with figures such as Yi Byeong-do and members of the Chindan Hakhoe, as well as Jeong In-bo, to advance his research on Korean history. Deeply embedded in his work was a strong aspiration for the promotion of academic learning for the Korean people. Although he operated within the "non-institutional" academic space of the press, Moon consistently worked toward the establishment of formal academic institutions. This effort was rooted in a shared consensus on independent modernization, as evidenced by his frequent interactions with intellectuals from the North-west(Seobuk) region.

1930년대 민간 한글신문에 조선역사문화 연구는 어떻게 게재되었나?

조형열 역사교육학회 2025 역사교육논집 Vol.90 No.-

The private Korean-language newspapers, Dong-A Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo, in the 1930s served as an important platform for the presentation of research on Korean history and culture, functioning as a ‘non-institutional academic sphere’ during the period of Japanese colonial rule, where an independent, institutional academic field for Koreans was absent. In the initial phase, long-form research papers by scholars such as Choi Nam-seon and Kim Tae-jun were published freely. However, toward the late 1930s, the publication of independent, long-form serializations declined, and the focus shifted to planned feature articles that emphasized current relevance. The newspaper companies took the lead in planning initiatives that stressed the excellence of national culture and the national spirit, thereby absorbing Korean history and culture research into the framework of journalism. In this process, the relationship between the internal planners of the newspaper companies and external scholars was readjusted. Among the writers, internal planners and advocates for popular dissemination continued to be actively involved. This signifies that the newspapers evolved from being mere media for mediating academic research to playing a role in ‘organizing’ the direction and form of the research itself. The private Korean-language newspapers of the 1930s, in their role as a space for mass-oriented scholarship on Korean history and culture, embodied both its positives and negatives.

1960년대 이후 대한민국 임시정부 헌법 연구의 경과와 성격 - '민족사 정통성론'에서 민주공화제 기원론으로, 입헌주의 성립사의 남는 문제들 -

조형열 역사와교육학회 2024 역사와 교육 Vol.39 No.-

이 글은 1960년대부터 현재까지의 임정 헌법 연구를 시간적 배경과 연구 방법을 중심으로 세 시기로 나누어 검토했다. 첫째 시기인 1990년대까지에는, 냉전하 체제 대립과 1987년 개헌 당시 임정 법통 명문화를 바탕으로 임정 헌법을 반공주의의 일환으로 인식하며 정통론의 요체로 규정했다. 헌법 내용보다 좌익‧북한과의 정통성 경쟁을 위해 민주공화제라는 정치체제에 주목했다. 둘째 시기는 2000년대로 민주화의 진전에 대한 자긍심을 배경으로 민주주의 정치사상사의 흐름 가운데 임정 헌법을 연구하는 경향이 대두했다. 근대전환기부터 제헌헌법 성립까지를 내재적인 ‘헌법혁명’ 과정으로 이해하며 임정 헌법을 민주공화제 기원으로 평가했고, 조소앙의 삼균주의로부터 영향을 받아 좌우합작과 혼합경제를 지향했다고 보았다. 한편 이 시기에는 임정 헌법을 한국 근대 입헌주의 경험과 실험이라는 차원에서 운동 정세와 결합하여 분석하려는 연구도 시작되었다. 셋째 시기는 2010년대 이후 현재까지로, ‘건국절’ 제안에 대한 반발로 민주공화제 기원론에 정통성을 부여하는 방식의 연구관점이 확산되었다. 또한 연구의 양적 확대를 통해 ‘헌정’의 구체성을 회복하기 위한 시도도 이어졌다. 이상의 분석을 바탕으로 이 글은 향후 헌법 성립의 조건과 3.1운동 이해의 상관성, 민주공화 개념의 성립과정과 삼균주의에 의한 혼합경제 실현 가능성 등이 더 깊이 있게 연구되었으면 하는 바람을 제시했다. 아울러 임정 헌법이 민족해방운동 지도기관이자 정부로서의 활동을 위해 작성되었다는 역사상에 충실할 때 정통과 기원으로부터 자유로운 연구가 심화될 수 있다는 점을 제기했다. This study examines the research on the Constitution of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea(PGRK) from the 1960s to the present, dividing it into three periods based on temporal context and research methodology. The first period, spanning until the 1990s, was shaped by the ideological conflicts of the Cold War and the institutionalization of the PGRK’s legitimacy during the 1987 constitutional amendment. Research from this period interpreted the PGRK Constitution as part of anti-communism, positioning it as a core element of the “theory of national history’s legitimacy.” Instead of focusing on the Constitution’s content, studies emphasized its role in competing for legitimacy against leftist and North Korean ideologies. In this context, the political system of the democratic republic was emphasized. The second period, during the 2000s, was marked by growing pride in the progress of democratization and a tendency to study the PGRK Constitution within the broader context of the history of democratic political thought. Research from this period interpreted the transition from the modern era to the establishment of the 1948 Constitution as an intrinsic process of “constitutional revolution.” The PGRK Constitution was evaluated as the origin of the democratic republic, with notable influence from Cho So-ang’s Samgyunism(Three Principles of Equality). It was interpreted as embodying cooperation between leftist and rightist forces and as advocating for a mixed economy. Furthermore, research efforts emerged to analyze the PGRK Constitution in conjunction with the sociopolitical movements of its time, interpreting it as an experimental experience in the establishment of constitutionalism in modern Korea. The third period, spanning from the 2010s to the present, has been marked by the expansion of research advocating for the legitimacy of the democratic republic’s origins, in opposition to proposals for establishing a “National Foundation Day.” During this phase, studies have increasingly aimed to recover the specific historical context surrounding Korea’s constitutional history, alongside a marked growth in the quantity of research. Based on this analysis, this study suggests that future research on the PGRK Constitution should delve deeper into several issues: the conditions for the Constitution’s establishment and its connection to the March 1st Movement, the process of forming the concept of the democratic republic, and the feasibility of implementing a mixed economy influenced by Samgyunism. Moreover, the study emphasizes the need to recognize that the PGRK Constitution was created to enable the Provisional Government to function as both a leading body of the national liberation movement and a government. By faithfully incorporating this historical understanding, it is possible to advance research that is free from the constraints of legitimacy and origins.

1930년대 민간 한글신문 학예면의 운영과 학술 기획

조형열 수선사학회 2025 사림 Vol.- No.94

. This article explored the role and limitations of the the Arts & Culture Pages(hakye-myeon) of Dong-A Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo in the 1930s as a ‘non-institutional academic sphere.’ The increase in newspaper size in the late 1920s and the expansion of the academic pages after 1933 led to a significant increase in academic discourse. At the time, Korean public opinion expected the academic pages to contribute to the development of Korean culture, serve a comprehensive university-like role in disseminating knowledge, and provide popular academia. The operation of the academic department was stabilized, focusing on figures like Seo Hang-seok at Dong-A Ilbo and Hong Ki-mun at Chosun Ilbo, and academic capacity was strengthened through the invitation of external scholars as guest contributors or the appointment of editorial advisors. However, the academic pages suffered from instability in page allocation due to the logic of advertising revenue, and towards the end of the Japanese colonial period, projects conforming to the logic of wartime mobilization appeared. Furthermore, the editorial policy, which considered readability for the general public, led to the limitation of academic research becoming oriented toward mass appeal. Although the academic pages attempted to gather Korean academic capacity and compensate for the absence of institutional academic spheres, they ultimately formed a unique academic atmosphere within the constraints of commercialism, colonial reality, and the nature of journalism.

한국의 사회주의는 어떻게 역사가 되었나-홍종욱, <민족과 혁명>(역사비평사, 2025)-

조형열 역사학회 2025 역사학보 Vol.- No.266

건설업 종사자의 상지 근골격계 증상에 영향을 미치는 업무관련 요인

조형열,박종,이철갑 한국산업보건학회 2018 한국산업보건학회지 Vol.28 No.2

Objectives: The purpose of this study was to identify work-related risk factors associated with upper extremity symptoms among construction workers using the fourth Korean Working Condition Survey(KWCS). Methods: Subjects were 2,724 construction workers selected from 50,007 respondents in the 2014 KWCS. The presence or absence of upper extremity symptoms and work-related risk factors, including individual, physical, and psychosocial factors, were used as variables. A multiple logistic regression analysis was performed in order to evaluate the relationship of the upper extremity symptoms with work-related risk factors. Results: Upper extremity symptoms were significantly associated with: employment type(OR: 1.57, 95% CI: 1.18~2.09); job satisfaction(OR: 2.06, 95% CI: 1.33~3.18); verbal abuse(OR: 2.06, 95% CI: 1.33~3.18); tiring or painful posture(OR: 2.33, 95% CI: 1.73~3.15); carrying or moving heavy loads(OR: 1.68, 95% CI: 1.23~2.24); repetitive hand or arm movement(OR: 1.42, 95% CI: 1.06~1.91)Conclusions: In order to prevent the upper extremity musculoskeletal disease in the construction industry, it is necessary to stabilize employment, enhance job satisfaction, and eliminate violence in the workplace and improve physical work environment.

일제하 사회운동 연구의 방향 모색- 2000년대 이후 연구성과에 대한 검토를 바탕으로 -

조형열 부경역사연구소 2022 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.51

이 글은 2000년대 이후 일제하 사회운동 연구 동향을 점검하고 사회운동의 연구가 나아갈 방향을 모색한 결과로, 세 가지 점을 집중적으로 다루었다. 첫째, 그동안 사회운동 연구의 기본 시각은 사회주의자가 주도한 일종의 조직 확장 운동으로부터 시작하여 민족독립운동의 부문운동으로 고착되었다. 따라서 사회운동에 참가한 주체들의 능동성이 충분히 규명되긴 어려웠다. 둘째, 2000년대 이후 연구가 1980~ 1990년대보다 크게 위축되었다는 것을 지역사회운동, 청년운동, 학생운동, 소년운동, 노동운동, 농민운동, 여성운동, 형평운동, 협동조합운동 등에 대한 검토를 통해서 확인할 수 있었다. 여전히 민족독립운동의 부문이라는 관습적 서사가 반복되고 있는 점 등을 비판하였고, 기존의 틀을 깨기 위한 실험적 연구성과에 주목했다. 셋째, 이 글은 사회운동 연구의 나아갈 방향을 의식적으로 민족독립운동과의 ‘긴장’을 회복하는 것에서부터 시작해야 한다고 강조했다. 그리고 짧은 시간대의 사건에 대한 서술, 사회운동 주체들의 일상과 생활에 대한 탐구, 사회운동을 사회와 공동체를 만들어가는 과정으로 분석할 것 등을 주요한 과제로 제시했다. This article focused on three points as a result of examining the trends of social movement research under the Japanese colonial rule since the 2000’s and searching for the direction for social movement research. First, the basic view of social movement research started from a kind of organizational expansion movement led by socialists, and social movement research was fossilized as a part (sector movement) of the national independence movement. Therefore, it was difficult to fully identify the proactivity of the subjects who participated in social movements. Second, it was possible to confirm that research after the 2000’s was contracted significantly as compared to the 1980’s and 1990’s by examining the community movement, youth movement, student movement, juvenile movement, labor movement, peasant movement, women's movement, social equity movement, and cooperative movement, etc. This article criticized the fact that the conventional narrative, i.e. social movement is a part of the national independence movement, was still being repeated, and paid attention to the results of experimental research to break the existing framework. Third, this article emphasized that the future direction of social movement research should start from consciously restoring ‘tension’ with the national independence movement. In addition, this article presented the following main tasks: to describe events in a short time period, to explore the daily lives of social movement subjects, and to analyze social movements as a process of creating society and community.

다시, ‘식민지란 무엇인가’ 말하기 위한 축적의 힘을 믿으며 - 2022~2023년의 일제식민지시기 연구동향에 대한 검토 -

조형열 역사학회 2024 역사학보 Vol.0 No.263

일제식민지시기 연구는 다양성, 개별성을 확인하려는 목표 아래 주로 대중의 일상과 관련된 주제를 많이 다루고 있다. 그 가운데 식민지시기를 민족적 구도로 단일하게 보기보다 계급, 지역, 젠더 등에 의하여 구성된 복합성‧중층성에 주목하거나, 전통과 근대의 접합 등에 의하여 만들어진 지식 체계를 규명하려는 시도들이 이어졌다. 민족해방운동사가 식민권력의 민족차별적 통치의 규정력을 강하게 의식하는 한편 사회사는 해방 이후 국가권력과의 연속성을 강조하는 경향이 좀 더 두드러지는 등 차이가 있고, 특정 분야에 대한 편중도 있으나 일제식민지시기 연구는 꾸준히 증가하고 축적되면서 새로운 모색의 가능성을 만들고 있다. 그렇지만 식민지에서 삶의 제반 조건이 한반도, 일본제국 내에서만 독자적으로 결정되지 않음에도 불구하고 우리가 쌓고 있는 지식이 인물‧텍스트‧지역이라는 소재를 중심으로 한반도 안으로 계속 제한되는 측면에 대한 성찰이 필요하다. 이 글은 지난 2년 동안의 연구에서 충분히 고려되지 않은 국제적인 변동 가운데 결정되는 조건들에 더욱 관심을 기울일 것을 제안한다. 식민지란 무엇인지, 식민주의 극복이란 무엇이 되어야 하는지 고민하는 기회들을 만들어가는 데 한반도 밖으로 시야를 확대하려는 노력도 중요하다. With the goal of identifying diversity and individuality, studies of the Japanese colonial period often deal with topics related to the daily lives of the masses. Among them, rather than viewing the colonial period as a single ethnic construct, there have been attempts to focus on the complex and layered nature of class, region, and gender, or to identify the knowledge systems created by the confluence of tradition and modernity. Although there are differences and biases in certain fields, such as the history of national liberation movements being strongly conscious of the regulatory power of the colonial power’s racist rule, while social history tends to emphasize the continuity with state power after liberation, the steady increase and accumulation of research on the Japanese colonial period has created new possibilities for exploration. However, it is necessary to reflect on the ways in which our knowledge continues to be limited to the Korean peninsula, even though the conditions of life in the colonies were not determined exclusively within the Korean peninsula or the Japanese empire. This article proposes to pay more attention to the conditions determined by international fluctuations that have not been sufficiently considered enough. The effort is important in creating opportunities to consider what colonization is and what overcoming colonialism should be.

『조선지광』에 투영된 사회주의자의 국제정세 인식

조형열 한국독립운동사연구소 2024 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.85

『조선지광』의 국제관계 기사 내용을 전반기(1925~1928)와 후반기(1929 ~1932)로 나눠 국제관계 기사의 내용을 분석한 이 글은, 『조선지광』의 매체적 성격을 규명하는 데 일조하고, 1920년대 중반부터 1930년대 초반으로 이어지는 사회주의자의 국제정세 인식을 파악해본 결과물이다. 『조선지광』은 경영상의 문제와 필진의 변화 등으로 일관된 논지를 취하기 어려웠지만, 자본주의적 상품 판매 경쟁이 전쟁의 원인이라고 하면서 제국주의 열강의 대립이 평화를 해치는 근본문제라고 상정했다. 자본주의 국가의 반소 정책을 딛고 피압박대중의 투쟁을 지원하던 소련의 역할에 대해서 긍정하며, 세계 노농계급의 해방과 계급적 국제연대를 희망했다. 그러나 그러한 논조의 수위는 정세 변동의 영향을 받으며 조금씩 달라졌다. 중국의 혁명운동을 중심으로 본다면, 전반기에는 소련의 기여와 피압박대중의 투쟁을 중요하게 다루면서도 계급운동이 민족통일전선운동에서 주도권을 가져야 한다는 점을 부각시키려고 하였다. 대공황의 영향을 받은 후반기에는 『신계단』으로 이어지는 새로운 필진이 등장하면서 소련과 중국의 중동철도 분쟁을 계기로 하여 세계를 자본주의 체제와 사회주의 체제의 대립으로 보는 진영적 이해가 확고해졌다. 이에 따라 투쟁으로써 소련을 수호해야 한다는 인식이 강화되었으며 남경정부에 대한 철저한 투쟁이 노농계급의 임무로 강조되었다. This article, which analyzes the contents of articles on international relations by dividing Joseonjigwang (Light of Joseon) into the first half (1925~1928) and the second half (1929~1932), contributes to identifying the media characteristics of Joseonjigwang, and results from understanding socialists’ perception of the international situation ranging from the mid-1920s to the early 1930s. Joseonjigwang had difficulties maintaining a consistent argument due to management problems and changes in writing staff, but it assumed that capitalist competition in selling products was the cause of the war and that the conflict between imperialist powers was the fundamental problem that undermined peace. It affirmed the role of the Soviet Union which overcame the anti-Soviet policies of capitalist countries and supported the struggles of the oppressed masses, and hoped for the liberation of the world’s worker-peasant class and the international solidarity of the class. However, the level of such an argument changed little by little under the influence of political changes and Comintern (a.k.a. communist International) policies. If we focus on China’s revolutionary movement, in the first half, it placed importance on the contribution of the Soviet Union and the struggles of the oppressed masses while trying to emphasize that the class movement should take the lead in the National United Front Movement. In the latter half, affected by the Great Depression, a new group of writers who segued into Shingyedan (New Stairs) emerged, and the Middle East railway dispute between the Soviet Union and China solidified the camp-based understanding of the world, which views the world as a conflict between the capitalist system and the socialist system. Accordingly, the awareness that the Soviet Union must be defended through struggle was strengthened, and thorough struggle against the Nanjing government was emphasized as the duty of the worker-peasant class.

한국의 사회민주주의가 ‘또 다른 사회주의’라는 도전적 질문

조형열 한국독립운동사연구소 2025 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.90