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이상오 한국중앙영어영문학회 2007 영어영문학연구 Vol.49 No.3
The objective of this paper is to provide the possibility that DP can be included in the phase system and the to discuss the phasehood of DP. Chomsky (2000, 2001a, 2001b) assumes that a phase is CP or vP and that derivations should proceed phase by phase. However, I propose that DP is also a phase, and the specifier position of DP functions as a relevant escape hatch of wh-extraction. One argument for this proposal derives from the fact that extraction from DPs is blocked by a filled [Spec, DP]. This suggests that wh-extraction from DPs is impossible unless the Spec of DP is vacant and available as an escape hatch for movement. The fact that the specifier position of DP functions as a relevant escape hatch for the wh-extraction from DP helps the argument for the phasehood of DP as well as CP and vP. The interpretation of reflexive pronouns also supports that idea. Two relatively defined phase systems suggested by Den Dikken (2006) and Shin’ya (2006) are discussed to give more reasonable grounds for the phasehood of DP. Den Dikken’s (2006) idea of phase extension explores the extended notion of phase and gives DP a qualified status of phase. Shin’ya’s (2006) phase system is also discussed to show that DP can be included in the phase system and more unified explanation for the effect of Specificity Condition is given under his framework of phase system.
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이상오 한국중앙영어영문학회 2006 영어영문학연구 Vol.48 No.3
Abstract Movement Analysis and Non-movement Analysis of PRO Lee, Sang-Oh (Howon University) The purpose of this paper is to claim that there is little reason to think that control is a special phenomenon of movement. The approaches advocated by Hornstein(1999, 2001) and Chomsky(2000, 2001) have a certain appeal, but they are not without serious problems. Hornstein’s movement analysis of control constructions overgenerates ungrammatical sentences and has theory-internal problems. His “control as movement” approach presents no obvious way to block the incorrect outputs of control. Chomsky’s analysis of control structure as a consequence of the syntactic operation “Agree” also has some conceptual problems based on the movement analysis of PRO, which assumes that after PRO agrees with control T, PRO moves to the Spec of TP to meet the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and then PRO is assigned with the null Case. The argument against the PRO-movement analyses is based on the empirical evidence from the behavior of floating quantifier all (Baltin(1995)), and conceptual consideration that the EPP is a phonological requirement (Lasnik(1999)). They are discussed to show the evidence that PRO does not move to the subject position of control T which does not allow the EPP-feature unlike other finite clauses and that PRO agrees in the base-generated position in order for its derivation to be converged. Key Words: Agree, Move, Merge, Match, feature, Probe, Goal, θ-role, Minimal Link Condition, floating quantifier/ 일치, 이동, 병합, 대응, 자질, 탐침, 목표요소, 의미역, 최소연결조건, 유동양화사 (투고일: 2006. 7. 25, 심사일: 8. 10, 심사완료일 8. 25)
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