북한이탈주민과의 대화

김진웅,민선주,홍병조,김진웅,최장원 ACTS 북한선교학회 2003 북한선교 Vol.2 No.-

"後修正主義(Post-Revisionism)"와 冷戰의 起源

金辰雄 경북대학교 교육대학원 1987 논문집 Vol.19 No.-

No topic in American diplomatic history in the past decade has inspired as much literature or provoked as much acrimony as the origins of the Cold War. Since the 1940's, historical writing on the war has gone through the three unusually distinct phases-the "orthodox," "revisionist," and "post-revisionist" schools of thoughts. Since the mid-1970's, most writing about the Cold War has reflected a position somewhere between the "orthodox" and "revisionist" camps: both the United States and the Soviet Union are acknowledged to have shared responsibility for the Cold War and the war is regarded to have been inevitable.

독일 언론대기업의 시장지배 구조

金鎭雄 관훈클럽 1998 관훈저널 Vol.- No.68

조선공산당 창립 전후 재일본 조선인 사회주의자의 동향: 안광천과 이헌을 중심으로

김진웅 역사학연구소 2025 역사연구 Vol.- No.54

This paper examines the activities of Korean socialists in Japan in the context of the founding of the The Korean Communist Party in April 1925, focusing on An Gwang-cheon, leader of the ideological group Ilwolhoe, and Lee Heon, head of the Federation of Korean Laborers in Japan. Previous studies have largely concentrated on the origins and activities of Korean socialist organizations or highlighted An Gwang- cheon’s editorials about the united front and his trajectory after joining the party. In contrast, this paper seeks to contribute to the historiography of the movement between 1925 and mid-1926 by tracing these two figures. The analysis reveals that Lee Heon was active as a member of the Bukpungpa, that An Gwang-cheon maintained close relations with its members, and that both continued to maintained those ties afterwards. It further confirms that they were involved in, or attentive to, efforts to form a separate central committee under Bukpungpa leadership after the Japanese suppression of the party in November 1925. These findings call for a reconsideration of the prevailing view that Korean socialists in Japan upheld strict neutrality and devoted themselves to front unification.

대학생 글쓰기에 나타나는 결속기제의 양상-연세대학교 1학년 즉시 쓰기 과제를 중심으로-

김진웅,주민재 한국국어교육학회 2013 새국어교육 Vol.0 No.97

The purpose of this study was to investigate the aspects of cohesive ties which occur in the college freshmen essays. The role of cohesive ties builds up the coherence which is the semantic relation in the text and connects the clauses or sentences. Out of 72 essays which had been rated holistically by three raters, we selected 13 essays given the lowest score by three raters and 14 essays given the highest score. We analyzed the basic usages of coherent ties of 27 essays. High-scored essays are longer. Specifically, for high-scored essays, the mean number of cohesive ties per essay is 101.3 and for low-scored essays, the mean number of cohesive ties per essay is 73.14. That is, the number of cohesive ties affects the quality of college essays. The number of errors of cohesive ties is higher in high-scored essays than in low-scored essays. The highest frequency of errors of cohesive ties is anaphora. The most frequently occurring types of errors of cohesive ties is an ambiguous interpretation of anaphoric expressions. The results of our analyses show that high-scored essays include more immediate ties than low-scored essays. As a result, remote ties lower the coherence of text. 본 연구에서는 연세대학교 1학년 즉시 쓰기 과제에서 나타난 결속기제의 양상에 대해 분석했다. 결속기제는 “텍스트 안에 존재하는 의미 관계”인 결속구조(cohesion)를 담보하는 핵심 기제로 문장들을 긴밀하게 연결하는 응집단위이다. 총 72명이 작성한 즉시 쓰기 텍스트를 3명의 평가자가 총체적 평가를 하여 상위 25%(상위 집단 13명)와 하위 25%(하위 집단 14명)를 구분하고 결속기제의 사용 양상을 분석했다. 텍스트의 길이는 상위 집단이 하위 집단에 비해 길었다. 또한 하위 집단은 텍스트 당 결속기제의 수가 평균 73.14로, 평균 101.30인 상위 집단의 약 72% 밖에 되지 않았다. 즉, 결속기제의 수가 텍스트의 질을 높이는데 일정한 영향을 미치고 있는 것이다. 결속기제 오류의 수는 하위 집단이 상위 집단에 비해 현저히 높았다. 결속기제의 오류 빈도에서 가장 높은 것은 대용이었다. 대용의 오류 현상 가운데 가장 흔하게 나타나는 유형은 하나의 대용 표현이 중의적으로 해석되는 경우였다. 또한 상위집단에서는 바로 앞선 절에 선행어가 존재하는 경우는 직접 결속(immediate ties)을 선호하며 텍스트의 응집성을 높이는 반면, 하위집단에서는 선행어와 결속기제 사이에 하나 이상의 절이 존재하는 원격 결속(remote ties)을 사용함으로써 텍스트의 응집성을 떨어뜨리고 있었다.

언론(言論)의 한자(漢子)관련(關聯)기사 : 한자교육(漢字敎育)

김진웅 전국한자교육추진총연합회 2013 한글+한자 문화 Vol.169 No.0

冷戰時代 美蘇外交의 比較

金辰雄 단국대학교 미소연구소 1991 미소연구 Vol.5 No.-

The intent of this study is to compare American and Russian diplomacy in the Cole War. It could be argued that the main similarity between U.S. and Soviet diplomacy in the conflict-ridden era was the quest for legitimacy. It means that both nations were hoping for recognition as the leading successor state to the European “world empire” that began to collapse after World War Ⅰ. Stalin’s one bloc “isolationism,” on the other hand, contrasted sharply with the “Pax Americana Technologica” that arose with Roosevelt’s commitment to building a huge air force and navy in World War Ⅱ. Actually, Russia’s emergence out of bloc isolationism was facilitated most of all by America’s failures in the “Third World.” More specifically, the two great nations sought in the unstable international environment to satisfy their particular needs and ideas, to expand their divergent interests and principles. Americans were universalist on behalf of an ideology linking peace, prosperity, democracy, and the open door policy. Russians, on the other hand, preached a universal message of inevitable proletarian revolution. Americans reached for foreign outposts and markets to meet their strategic-economic needs. The Soviets found as well that their security and economy required expansionism. The United States held impressive and influential power-economic, political, and military-on a global scale. The Soviet Union also commanded regional authority in Eastern Europe through the power of the Red Army. In the pursuit of their objectives, leaders in Washington and Moscow conducted diplomacy with a personality and style that annoyed their opposites and obstructed negotiations. American and Soviet diplomats who eyed one another across the bargaining table harbored strong dislikes, betraying considerable suspicion and distrust. And the american and Soviet political systems were such that diplomacy rested in the hands of Truman and Stalin and their immediate advisers, who faced few domestic restraints and were thus able to define the character of the postwar confrontation.

지방의회의 본질적 지위와 정책지원관의 역할: -지방의회 당면 한계와 극복 방안을 중심으로-

김진웅 국립부경대학교 지방분권발전연구소 2025 지역과 정치 Vol.8 No.2

지방자치제도는 지난 30여년 동안 주민자치 및 단체자치 등 발전을 이룩하면서 상당한 진전을 거듭하며 성장해왔다. 또한 지방행정을 주무하는 집행기관의 기능이 전문화, 세분화되면서 권한이 강화된 반면에 집행기관을 견제, 감시하는 헌법기관인 지방의회의 본질적 지위는 약화되고 있어, 지방자치의 의미가 퇴색되고 있다. 이러한 한계를 보완하는 차원에서 지난 2021년 1월 「지방자치법」이 전부 개정됐다. 이 때 지방의회 정책지원관 운영에 대한 근거가 마련되었는데, 정책지원관제도는 ‘지방의회 전문성 강화’에 대한 염원에 의해 도입된 것으로 지방의원 정수 1/2 범위 내에서 시행되고 있다. 그러나 여전히 잔존한 지방의회의 본질적 지위를 위협하는 당면 한계들이 있다. 이는 집행기관 대비 의회 조직 규모가 협소한 점, 지방의회의 정보접근권과 자료 취급의 한계가 있는 점, 미완성된 인사권 독립과 정책지원관 제도의 활용 문제다. 이에 이러한 지방의회가 당면한 한계를 극복하기 위해 인사권 독립, 의회 전문 공무원 양성, 정책지원관 역량강화 등을 대안으로 제시했다. 이상의 논의를 통해 집행기관을 효과적으로 견제, 감독하는 지방의회의 본질적 지위를 회복하고, 정책지원관 제도 활용 방안을 모색할 수 있다. The local autonomy system has grown with considerable progress over the past 30 years as it has made developments such as resident autonomy and collective autonomy. In addition, as the function of the executive agencies in charge of local administration has been specialized and subdivided, the authority of the executive agencies has been strengthened, while the essential status of the local council, a constitutional agencies that checks and monitors the executive agencies, is weakening, fading the meaning of local autonomy. To compensate for these limitations, the Local Autonomy Act was revised in January 2021. At this time, the basis for the operation of the local council policy support oficer was established, and the policy support Oficer system was introduced with the desire to "strengthen local council expertise" and is being implemented within one-half of the number of local council members. However, several immediate operational constraints continue to undermine the substantive status of the local council. These persistent challenges are manifested in the following critical areas: the inherent organizational asymmetry between the legislative and executive branches, the council's restricted access to administrative information and data resources; the incomplete devolution of personnel management authority; and issues pertaining to the optimal utilization of the newly institutionalized policy support officer system.

얄타회담과 미소관계 - 동부 유럽문제를 중심으로 -

김진웅 역사교육학회 1987 역사교육논집 Vol.11 No.1

이원적 경쟁체제하의 방송시장 집중 : 독일사례를 중심으로

김진웅 문화방송 2000 방송과 커뮤니케이션 Vol.1 No.-