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김옥균 암살의 재구성 - 청국·일본과 서구 외교문서로 바라본 김옥균 암살과 배후
김영수(Young-Soo Kim) 한국인간과자연학회 2025 인간과자연 Vol.6 No.1
김옥균 암살에 관련된 조선·청국·일본의 개입과 인물은 다음과 같다. 청국은 리징팡(李經方)과 위안스카이(袁世凱)의 계획을 통해, 일본은 오미와 쵸베(大三輪長兵衛)의 자금 지원으로, 조선은 고종의 지시에 따라 이세직(李世稙)과 홍종우(洪鍾宇)가 직접 실행했다. 이 과정의 배후에는 청국정부의 계획과 유인, 일본정부의 방조와 묵인, 조선정부의 지시와 실행이 있었다. 김옥균 암살에 대한 청국과 일본의 대응은 다음과 같다. 첫째 상해 주재 일본총영사대리 오코시 나리노리(大越成徳)는 김옥균이 상해에 오면 위험할 것이라 예상했음에도 암살 현장에 직접 나서지 않고 서기생을 파견하며 소극적으로 대처했다. 또한 그는 암살 현장에 있던 해군 대좌 시마자키 요시타다(島崎好忠)를 언급하지 않고 대신 청국과 조선정부의 역할을 강조했다. 둘째 상해 현령(上海知縣) 황청쉬엔(黄承暄)의 보고서는 개인적 의견보다는 사실 위주로 작성되었다. 그는 김옥균 암살의 주범으로 홍종우를 지목하고 그의 증언을 상세히 보고하며 조선정부와의 연관성을 자연스럽게 드러냈다. 셋째 북양대신 리홍장(李鴻章)은 김옥균을 “조선 반란의 주범”으로 간주하고, “홍종우를 조선으로 송환하라”고 지시하며 조선정부의 김옥균 시신 처리를 적극적으로 지원했다. 넷째 일본 외무대신 무쓰 무네미쓰(陸奥宗光)는 김옥균 암살 위험을 두 달 전부터 인지하고도 “언제나 청국이 주동자가 되도록 해야 한다”는 외교 방침에 따라 방조적 입장을 취했다. 서구 외교관들은 김옥균 암살과 관련해서 청국 또는 일본정부의 개입을 의심하면서 향후 청국과 일본 간 대립 가능성을 예상했다. 첫째 주청 러시아공사 까시닌(А.П. Кассинин)은 청국정부가 김옥균 암살을 주도했으며 조선정부가 암살자를 파견해 실행했다고 보았다. 그는 일본정부가 외교와 경제적 이익 때문에 암살 계획을 사전에 알았음에도 이를 묵인하고 방조했다고 판단했다. 특히 까시닌은 조선 쌀의 일본 수출 금지 조치가 해제되자 상해 여론에서 일본이 김옥균을 팔았다는 평가를 보고했다. 둘째 주한 프랑스공사 르페브르(G. Lefèvre)는 청국정부가 김옥균 암살을 사주했을 가능성을 제기하며 이 사건이 궁극적으로 청국과 일본 간 대립을 초래할 것으로 전망했다. 김옥균 암살과 관련해 조선, 청국, 일본 3국 정부는 모두 암살을 반대하지 않았다. 조선정부의 김옥균 능지처참 결정에 대해 주한 일본 공사를 제외한 서구 공사들은 직접적으로 반대하지 않았다. 특히 일본은 김옥균의 능지처참을 적극적으로 이용하여 전봉준의 1차 봉기와 김옥균 암살을 명분 삼아 조선 출병과 청일전쟁을 결정했다. 조선의 자주적 근대화, 정치 망명가 김옥균의 개혁과 인권 문제는 열강들에게 중요하지 않았다. 심지어 김옥균의 능지처참이라는 명백한 인권유린에도 주한 서구 공사관은 자국의 이익만을 우선시하며 미온적인 태도를 보였다. The involvement of Joseon, Qing, and Japan in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination is as follows: Qing orchestrated the plan through Li Jingfang (李經方) and Yuan Shikai (袁世凱), Japan provided financial support through Omiwa Chobe (大三輪長兵衛), and Joseon carried out the execution under King Gojong’s orders through Lee Se-jik (李世稙) and Hong Jong-woo (洪鍾宇). Behind this process were Qing’s planning and inducement, Japan’s tacit support and connivance, and Joseon’s directives and execution. The responses of Qing and Japan to Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination are as follows: First, Okochi Narimori (大越成徳), acting Japanese consul general in Shanghai, anticipated the danger to Kim Ok-gyun in Shanghai but took a passive approach by sending a secretary instead of attending the assassination site himself. He also avoided mentioning Navy Captain Shimazaki Yoshitada (島崎好忠), who was present at the scene, and instead emphasized the roles of Qing and Joseon governments. Second, Shanghai magistrate Huang Chengxuan (黄承暄) wrote a report focused on facts rather than personal opinions. He identified Hong Jong-u as the primary culprit in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and detailed his testimony, naturally revealing the involvement of the Joseon government. Third, Li Hongzhang (李鴻章), the Beiyang Viceroy, regarded Kim Ok-gyun as “the main instigator of rebellion in Joseon” and ordered, “Send Hong Jong-u back to Joseon,” actively supporting the Joseon government’s handling of the assassination. Fourth, Japanese Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu (陸奥宗光) was aware of the assassination risk two months prior but maintained a passive stance, following Japan’s diplomatic policy of ensuring “Qing always takes the lead.” Western diplomats suspected the involvement of Qing or Japan in Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and anticipated potential conflict between the two powers. First, Russian Minister to China, A.P. Kassinin, believed the Qing government orchestrated the assassination, with the Joseon government dispatching assassins to carry it out. He also concluded that the Japanese government, despite knowing of the assassination plan in advance due to diplomatic and economic interests, tolerated and even abetted it. Kassinin reported that after the ban on rice exports from Joseon to Japan was lifted, public opinion in Shanghai accused Japan of using and betraying Kim Ok-gyun. Second, French Minister to Korea, G. Lefèvre, suggested the Qing government might have instigated Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination and predicted that the incident would ultimately lead to a conflict between Qing and Japan. Regarding Kim Ok-gyun’s assassination, the governments of Joseon, Qing, and Japan did not oppose it. Western diplomats in Korea, except for the Japanese minister, did not directly object to Joseon’s decision to execute Kim by dismemberment. Japan, in particular, actively leveraged Kim’s execution, using it and Jeon Bong-jun’s first uprising as justification for military intervention in Joseon and the start of the First Sino-Japanese War. The issues of Joseon’s independent modernization, Kim Ok-gyun’s reforms as a political exile, and human rights were of no concern to the great powers. Even in the face of Kim’s brutal execution, a clear violation of human rights, Western legations in Korea prioritized their national interests and showed a passive stance.
김영수,김선우,성현일,김병수,박정한,Kim, Young-Soo,Kim, Sun-Woo,Sung, Hyun-Il,Kim, Byoung-Soo,Park, Jung-Han 한국천문학회 2007 天文學論叢 Vol.22 No.4
Many departments in the governmental organization including Ministry of Science & Technology (MOST) allocate some of their budget into research and development in astronomy and space science. We identify the research projects related to astronomy and space science that were funded by the government during fiscal years 2004-2005. Then the distribution of budgets of those projects is analyzed according to several classification schemes and characteristics in order to find out the status and trends of the investment in this field. Five departments had conducted more than 190 projects related to astronomy and space science, which accounted for 7.3% of the government R&D budget in space and aeronautics area. As for most fields of basic science, MOST and Ministry of Education & Human Resources Development invested the most of budget in astronomy related projects. We briefly discuss the implications of this study.
김영수(KIM Young Soo)(金英秀) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2018 신아세아 Vol.25 No.1
As the prospect of an inter-Korean summit in April has increased after the Pyeongchang Olympics, discussion of a possible US-North Korea summit in May has begun as well. Consequently, the future of the security environment on the Korean Peninsula is becoming a pressing matter. Does the willingness to engage in summit-level discussions indicate internal turmoil in North Korea or is it a reflection of Kim Jong Un’s diplomatic policy shift? Historically, North Korean elites have used external enemies to strengthen and solidify the regime’s power. If North Korea is serious about engaging the US, how will it rationalize this sudden shift to its citizens? In light of this change, we must scrutinize Kim’s underlying strategy. What is his next move? How will it impact the inter-Korean relationship as well as US-North Korea dynamics? To address these issues, we need to accurately assess North Korean politics and society. Only then can we formulate and prioritize options and strategize about a viable future relationship with North Korea.
1980년대 해위 윤보선의 정치노선 변화: 5공화국에 대한 협력, 현대사와의 화해, 정치적 삶에 대한 성찰을 중심으로
김영수 ( Kim Young Soo ) 한국정치평론학회 2024 정치와 평론 Vol.35 No.0
This paper intends to examine the changes in Haewi(海葦) Yun Bo-seon (尹潽善)'s political line and political reflection in the 1980s. Yun, ex-president, devoted himself to the democratization movement for 18 years during the Park Chung-hee(朴正熙) regime. However, he suddenly and quietly retired from politics in 1980, and then took a cooperative attitude toward the Fifth Republic of a military dictatorship. For this reason, the democratization movement camp criticized Yun as a ‘traitor.’ However, there are three main reasons for the change in Yun’s political line. First, when Kim Young-sam(金泳三) and Kim Dae-jung(金大中) failed to unify their presidential candidates in 1980, he was greatly disappointed with the morality of the democratization movement. Second, the leftward shift of the democratization movement was considered the country's greatest crisis. Third, he evaluated about 40 years of Korean modern history, 1945-1987 as ‘development.’ In his later years, Yun left both the ruling and opposition parties and worked for reconciliation between the two. He recognized it as the final calling given by God. Yun's political line was a pioneering path that preceded the political alliances - the three-party merger(1990) and the DJP alliance(1997) - of industrialization forces and democratization forces after 1987 democratization. In his later years, Yun completely left politics and converted to religion.
김영수,김태석,김상필,조한진,Kim, Young-Soo,Kim, Tae-suk,Kim, Sang-pil,Cho, Han-jin 한국정보처리학회 2003 정보처리학회논문지 A Vol.10 No.3
본 논문에서는 IEEE Verilog 1364-2001 표준을 지원하는 Verilog-2001 파서를 개발하였다. 개발된 파서의 어휘 분석 및 구문 분석기는 Verilog-2001을 지원할 수 있도록 개발되었으며 Verilog-2001 테스트 슈트(test suite)를 개발하여 검증하였다. XML 중간형식을 설계하여 사용함으로써 Verilog시맨틱 조작의 응용에 적합하게 설계되었으며 기존의 구조 수준의 파서의 단점을 극복하기 위하여 문맥 정보의 처리가 가능하도록 개발되었다. The Verilog parser libary for IEEE Verilog 1364-2001 Standard is developed in the paper. The lexer and scanner are developed and tested to handle "Yerilog-2001" which is the first major update to the Verilog language since its inception in 1984. Also the newly developed XML intermediate format for Verilog-2001 is presented. By using the XML intermediate, it allows the portable and scalable development of various kinds of verilog applications that are mainly focused on semantic manipulation.ipulation.
김영수(Young Soo Kim) 한국사회체육학회 2002 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.17 No.-
The purpose of this study was to analyze a relationship between physical activity participation and psychological factors in elderly. Life Satisfaction and Self-Esteem of the survey includes 497 male and female(male : 169, female : 328) over 65 years old and Loneliness, Depression and Self-Efficacy of the survey includes 424 male and female(male : 213, female : 211) over 65 years old in Seoul and Kyonggi areas. The survey methods of this research are the Affetometer-Ⅱ Life Satisfaction questionnaire(40 item) by Kammann & Flett(1983) translated by Hong, Gil-Dong(1995) and the Self-Esteem Scale(10 item) by Rosenberg(1965) translated standardized by Kim, Gui-Bong(2000). Loneliness are the 5 Likert Scale modified the UCLA Loneliness Scale(10 item) by Won, Hyung-Joong(1984) and Depression Scale(20 item) by Zung and Durham(1965) translated standardized by Yook, Young-Sook(1994). The used statistical methods for the data analysis were analysis of covariance, multiple classification analysis. Trough such data analysis, this study obtained the results as follows : first, The elderly involved the physical activities felt higher Life Satisfaction and Self-Esteem than the elderly did not. second, The elderly involved the physical activities felt less Loneliness and Depression than the elderly did not.
김영수(Kim Young-Soo) 비교민속학회 2003 비교민속학 Vol.25 No.-
While we read the old documentary records, what we should be careful about is that we should approach and analyze the real material through doubt if it has a non-logical structure. And we should avoid the way of blind following and accepting to the opinion that pre-researchers has given. Why I had interest in the myth of U-Juck-Ga(遇賊歌 : The song made by a monk 〈named Young-jae〉 of Sin-ra dynasty. Its title means the song when he met sixty bandits) was the point that the bandits reward giving the property. And at once they were very impressed after listening to the one song, and as soon as they listened to the song they turned into the buddhist. So it describes a happening like a miracle. So I think that we can't explain the identity of bandits and the meaning of song without solving this kind of strange and non-logical meaning. The background myth of U-Juck-Ga has the structure of the personal seeking after truth of monk named Young-jae(永才). The entering to mountain of the monk Young-jae has not the meaning of small hiding(小隱 : To hide somewhere like a mountain for seeking after truth 〈accompanying not so much pain or hardship〉)or big hiding(大隱 : To hide somewhere like a mountain for seeking after truth 〈accompanying very much pain or hardship〉) but almost like the meaning of being scattered hiding(散隱 : To hide like a person who doesn't exist for seeking the truth 〈accompanying extreme pain and hardship〉) as the classical scholar Huh-am(虛庵 : The title of Jung-hi-ryang〈鄭希良〉, one classical scholar of Cho-sun dynasty) appointed. We should regard him as not the monk who had fame and sang a song very well but the monk who tried to turn to buddha with his 90-year-old body. The fact that the monk Young-jae was quite good at making the Hyang-Ga(鄕歌 : a poem and song especially thrived in the period of unified Sin-ra dynasty) is just a little detail of describing about him. And we should regard that the bandits already knew the name of the monk as that the fame of the monk was already well-known to bandits. The reason why they let him to make the Hyang-ga is not because of his good talent to make it. That he was quite good at making Hyang-ga means that he had not only very high virtue but also had a good talent to persuade someone when he made Hyang-ga. As it were, it is not just a simple song but a song which is quite easy to be understood about the doctrine of buddhism. If the bandits let the 90-year-old monk sing a song just because he is good at singing a song, then it is just the behavior of making fun of him, and the fact that the bandits turned into the buddhist through the monk Young-jae can't not but to have a big contradiction. The identity of the bandits might reflect the hard time of that period, and also can be his spiritual enemy for testing his body and soul. As the U-Juck-Ga has the meaning of reflecting oneself on passed days, for the wandering bandits who had no fame the monk Young-jae could be the changed people of buddha. and In the aspect of Young-jae himself the identity of the bandits could be the changed people for testing his body and soul.
조선조 김시습론과 절의론: 남효온, 윤춘년, 이이, 박세당의 김시습 전기를 중심으로
김영수 ( Kim Young Soo ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2020 한국정치연구 Vol.29 No.2
The purpose of this paper is to examine not only the political fidelity, but also the tension between Confucianism and politics in Early Chosŏn Dynasty through understanding on Kim Si-sup’s life. Specifically, Nam Hyo-on, Yun Chun-Yeon, Yi, and Park Se-Dang’s will be reviewed. In Chosŏn Dynasty, political fidelity was the core paradigm to interpret Kim’s life, Then, the concrete contents of political fidelity suggest the fact that Confucianism faced tension and conflict in real politics. The most famous persons of political fidelity in Chosŏn Dynasty are Chung Mong-ju (鄭夢周), Gil-jae (吉再), Kim Si-sup, and Cho Kwang-jo (趙光祖). All of them resisted and failed in real politics. But they were recognized as the true spiritual heroes of Confucianism, because they were martyrs who had been devoted to the pure value of Confucianism and executed or deported by real politics. Therefore, this research will contribute to the concrete understanding of political ideology, political reality, and participation of intellectuals in Chosŏn dynasty. One also could understand Kim’s unique form of criticism on political power through his madness and satire.
노인의 지속적인 신체활동이 고독감 , 우울에 미치는 영향
김귀봉(Gui Bong Kim),김영수(Young Soo Kim),박주영(Joo Young Park) 한국체육교육학회 2002 한국체육교육학회지 Vol.6 No.2
The purpose of the study was to explore the effects of regular exercise on negative emotion such as loneliness and depression present the evidence that regular exercise can prevent and delay aging. The subjects of the study consisted of 21 old adults(male:l1, female:10) over 60 years in Seoul and Kyunggi-do areas. The survey methods of this research are the 5 Likert Scale modified the UCLA Loneliness Scale(10 item) by Won, Hyung-Joong(1984) and the Self-rating Depression Scale(20 item) by Zung and Durham(1965) translated standardized by Yook, Young-Sook(1994). The used statistical methods for the data analysis were mean, SD, relative frequency, two-way ANOVA analysis. The results obtained by the appropriate analytic processes were followed. First, in loneliness as sex and regular exercise, male were higher in post-exercise(M=3.79) than pre-exercise(M=3.47) Meanwhile, females were lower in post-exercise(M=3.53) than in pre-exercise(M=3.60). Second, in loneliness as age and regular exercise, the old adults below 65 years reported a higher score in post-exercise(M=3.84) than in pre-exercise(M=3.79). Likewise, the old adults over 66 years reported a higher score in post-exercise(M=3.49) than in pre-exercise(M=3.31). Third, in the case of depression, males showed a lower score in post-exercise(M=1.34) than in pre-exercise(M=1.71). For females the depression scores in pre-exercise(M=1.94) were higher than those in post-exercise(M=1.55). Fourth, in the case of the old adults below 65 years, depression was higher in pre-exercise(M=1.69) than in post-exercise(M=1.36). Likewise, the old adults over 66 years showed a higher score in pre-exercise(M=1.95) than in post-exercise(M=1.53).