綜合討議

김병기,임병락,양한성,문기식,이은주,오종용 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 1989 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 학술대회지 Vol.1989 No.5

러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

[신앙의 명가를 찾아서_평신도편] 김병기 · 병인박해 순교자 김보현(요한) 4대손, 고 김수환 추기경 친조카

김병기 미래사목연구소 2016 사목정보 Vol.9 No.2

The graph numbers under graph operations

김병기 청주대학교 학술연구소 2014 淸大學術論集 Vol.22 No.-

For a connected graph G, there are graph numbers such as the geodetic number, the hull number, and the convexity number. A subset is called a geodetic set if and is called a hull set if . The geodetic number is the minimum cardinality of its geodetic sets and the hull number is the minimum cardinality of its hull sets. In this paper we investigate the geodetic number and the hull number under graph operations such as the join and the composition of two connected graphs.

도계( 屠鷄 )처리방법이 근육내 대사 및 육질에 미치는 영향

김병기,이유방 ( Byong Ki Kim,Yu Bang Lee ) 한국축산학회 1979 한국축산학회지 Vol.21 No.6

Both field investigations and laboratory analyses were conducted to evaluate the current status of preslaughter handling and slaughtering method of chicken at the conventional chicken retail stores in Seoul area, and to study the effect of such slaughtering method on postmortem muscle biochemistry and meat quality. The results obtained were as follows: 1) The average bleeding time was 66 sec with wide variations from 30 to 105 sec. In general, the total bleedout was not adequate as a result of relatively short bleeding time and improper bleeding methods. 2) The scalding temperature was generally too high and showed wide variations, the mean value and range being 76℃ and 65-85℃ respectively. The scalding time also showed wide variations from 10sec to 45sec with the mean value of 19sec. This means that no standard processing procedure was employed by local processors. 3) The number of aerobic plate count on carcass skin and cutting table surface was extremely high, as shown by 12,000 - 157,000 cells/sq ㎝ and 290,000 - 10,700,000 cells/ sq ㎝, respectively. Such a high contamination was attributed to unsanitary processing environment and inadequate handling of carcass. 4) Breast muscles from the market birds showed extremely low levels of ATP and glycogen, indicating the rapid breakdown of muscle energy sources possibly due to the preslaughter stress and improper slaughtering method. In contrast, control birds immobilized by electrical stunning and slaughtered by modern methods showed high initial energy levels immediately after slaughtering and subsequent slow depletion during aging. 5) The shear values of cooked breast meat were 3.5 ㎏/ sq ㎝ and 2.3 ㎏/sq ㎝ for the market birds and control birds, respectively. The conventional slaughtering method by local processors appeared to affect meat tenderness adversely.

EC 보험시장통합에 관한 고찰

김병기 한국보험학회 1990 保險學會誌 Vol.35 No.-

8인치 소형망원경을 이용한 소행성 탐색

김병기 강원과학교육연구회 2003 강원과학교육연구회지 Vol.8 No.2

환경법상 ‘협력의 원칙’의 법적 성질

김병기 행정법이론실무학회(行政法理論實務學會) 2007 행정법연구 Vol.- No.19

환경법상 ‘협력의 원칙’의 법적 성질攀‡ 중앙대학교 법과대학 교수攀攀김 병 기‡

The forcing geodetic numbers of graphs

김병기 청주대학교 학술연구소 2013 淸大學術論集 Vol.20 No.-

G. Chartrand 와 P. Zhang 이 forcing geodetic 수를 소개하였는바, 본 논문에서는 특수한 그래프들의 forcing geodetic 수를 조사하고 인 정수 에 대하여 인 연결그래프가 존재함과 나 인 정수 에 대하여 , 그리고 인 연결 그래프의 존재성을 연구하였다.

秋史書藝의 轉變에 대한 중국 시·서론의 영향 연구 : 朴珪壽와 權敦仁의 評語에 대한 분석을 중심으로 through the analysis of Bak Gyu-Su's and Kwon Don-in's critical remarks

金炳基 한국중국문화학회 2002 中國學論叢 Vol.14 No.-