The Effects of Man`s Remarriage and Adoption on Family Succession in the 17th to the 19th Century Rural Korea: Based on the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy

( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 동아시아학술원 2010 Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.10 No.1

Based on the demographic data from the Andong Kwon clan genealogies, the rates of men`s remarriage reached a peak in the late 17th century but it gradually fell afterwards. Men`s remarriage was no longer considered as an effective means of having a legitimate son. On the other hand, having too many legitimate sons could cause a risk of degrading the family`s financial strength and social status. o control the risk. In the mean time, The rates of adoption increased beginning in the late 17th century and soared in the 19th century. People were giving up on their efforts to have a legitimate son and instead making an attempt to maintain the family`s social status and financial means through a kyeja. As the only son, the adopted heir could inherit the family`s property all alone and the rest of his family members at his original home could control the dispersion of the family`s financial resources caused by the continued practice of the partible inheritance. Especially under the situation where the social status and financial strength of the high class was getting weaker in the 19th century, the distribution of property through adoption helped stabilize the household economy.

조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 대동문화연구 Vol.77 No.-

The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.

조선후기 비총제(比摠制) 재정의 비교사적 검토

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.81

The “Bu'yeok Shilchong” (The Complete Numbers on Compulsory Labor), a book from the end of the 18th century recorded the formal financial resources which were controlled by the central government of the Joseon dynasty. The aim of this book was to establish a centralized financial system by checking the various state agencies' competitive financial security activities and by protecting the financial operations at the level of counties and prefectures. Next to this monetary tax system, many other kinds of taxes such as those paid by rice or cotton were still being levied by various state agencies. In addition, the public expenditure for local governments remained relatively small compared to those of the central government and were never extensive. In contrast, according to the local financial budget report, which was included in the "Bu'yeok Jeonseo" (Complete Book on Compulsory Labor), shows that during the Ming and Qing dynasties taxes for the central government and the expenditure for the frontier military were unified in a land tax collection which was paid in silver. The detailed recording of the local expenses shows that a centralist control of financial operations was promoted with the Ministry of Revenue as its central financial agency. The implementation of a local financial policy based on a fixed-amount tax like the Regressive tax along with the land taxation and other various taxes paid by currency like the mobilization of labor force, can be seen as a more advanced stage of the financial centralization process. However, the characteristics of the autocratic financial system are that it continuously produced irregularities in its individual and dispersive financing. Therefore the Joseon dynasty pursued a tax collection system in which distribution was paid for by the central government, including the management of financial resources and estates, and the whole process of authorization to the local government offices was to minimize costs. This was a rational financial operation plan that shows that, in an underdeveloped market, the state controls the market in accordance with its own financial operational needs.

18세기 말의 지역별 호구총수(戶口總數), 그 통계적 함의

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 사림 Vol.0 No.38

The central government of Joseon Dynasty announced household and population statistics by regions in 1789. This document was made at the same time when statistics by regions of various kind of dynasty finances were set. The statistics of the household and population of the state scale grew rapidly in the latter half of the 17th century, when the time of rehabilitation from disasters war against Japan and Qing China. However, these statistics remained unchanged during 18·19th century in spite of time changed. The household statistics of Joseon dynasty was made by just adding up the statistics of the local household register. Because household register would not find out all real inhabitants, it has many omissions and mistakes about the population of registration. The number of the households and the population by regions was fixed in the process of organizing of household, and was simultaneously distributed to an affiliation administration area. The investigation of the household register and the management of statistics by regions were left to the local government, and it was inflected by financial administration.

역사상(歷史上)에서의 인구조사(人口調査)와 통치구조(統治構造) ; 식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 사림 Vol.0 No.40

Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.

책봉체제하(冊封體制下)에서의 `국역(國役)` ― 조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 재정시스템의 특징과 관련하여 ―

손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 수선사학회 2017 사림 Vol.0 No.59

The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.

조선왕조 재정과 시장의 관계 재론; 『조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근』(이헌창 편, 2010)에 대한 비평

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 경제사학회 2012 경제사학 Vol.52 No.-

State Finance and the Market in Late Choson Korea: An Economic Systems Theory Approach, studied by Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research tries to understand the state finance system of Choson Dynasty as a monarchy`s state redistribution-centered economic system. ``State redistribution is an economic activity that all the financial sources are comprehensively inspected, unitarily collected, and redistributed by the state for guaranteeing the implementation of public affairs and agricultural reproduction. In this mechanism, ``finance`` and ``market`` are the two major institutions of redistribution. This book ultimately aims at analyzing a relationship between these two institutions of redistribution through in-depth studies of central finance and Seoul Market. This book`s contribution to the literature goes beyond applying the lens of modern capitalism or the conventional way of understanding the economic system of Choson Dynasty. The studies included in this book focus on finding some unique features of the Choson Dynasty`s economic system and meticulously tracking its historical transformation. They find that this economic system has a dualistic character of centralizing official state finance and decentralizing unofficial state finance and labor services. Each chapter analyzes such a critical feature in terms of each sector of state finance and their respective relations with its market. These studies, however, excessively focus on the centralization of official state finance and moreover, show some markedly negative understanding of the co-existence of the official and the unofficial state finance systems. Even though it tries to show the primary features of the state finance system of Choson Dynasty, it also oversimplifies them as another case of modern capitalistic transition in the end. When analyzing the economic system of Choson Dynasty, the authors should notice that first, the autonomous and flexible management of unofficial finance sectors ironically helps the centralized finance management; and second, the state controlled market as a part of state finance system to maintain such a subtle mechanism.

조선시대 호적대장과 족보를 통해 본 사회사의 재조명 13~16세기 호적과 족보의 계보형태와 그 특성

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2010 대동문화연구 Vol.71 No.-

1900년대 『광무호적(光武戶籍)』의 “사(士)”와『민적(民籍)』의 “양반(兩班)” 기재

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2013 대동문화연구 Vol.81 No.-

``Sa(士)`` referred to the upper class of typical status system in traditional East Asian society. In korea household register, everyone was given a state status called ``Jigyeok(職役)``. But in 『Kwangmuhojeok(光武戶籍)』of Taehanjieguk(大韓帝國; 1896~1910), ``Sa`` first became term referring to upper class. And in 『Minjeok(民籍)』around 1910, it was replaced by ``Yangban(兩班)``. ``Yangban`` was a legislative term to define central bureaucrat as aristocrat status in Koryo Dynasty who listed his official title in household register. In Joseon Dynasty, ``Yangban`` was not defined by law, but only meaned upper class by social perception which was called ``Sajok(士族)``. In Joseon`s household register, their ``Jigyeok`` appeared as official, successful examinee, ``Yuhak(幼學)``, etc. But in 18~19c, person who was aimed to become ``Yangban`` is listed as these ``Jigyeok`` on a large scale. The gap with upper class by social perception became bigger. The ``Sa`` in 『Kwangmuhojeok』can be regarded as an effort to reduce the gap and actualize the status system. The relatives who were regarded as ``Yangban``, especially the first son from generation to generation tend to registered as ``Sa``. It means the person who is upper class socio-eco-nomically is also matched by status record in household register. So in early colonial period`s household register, ``Yangban`` was recorded as one status. But it does not mean the person recorded as ``Yangban`` is upper class socio-economically. We should notice that the status system which was mobile and deprived of reality in Joseon Dynasty continuously recorded in household register of Taehanjieguk and colonial period. It is can be understood that the old East Asian status system was applied as an idea and method of centralized way of controlling people. And this policy was also related to the tendency of ``Yangban`` orientation`s expension to all people. Whe the status system of dynasty disappeared, ``Yangban`` culture was booming extensively. This is also an extension of ``Yangban`` orientation.