Indigenization of Global Trade Negotiation Model: Perspective from Southeast Asia

Hangga Fathana,Nandang Sutrisno,Enggar Furi Herdianto,Hilman Fauzi 부산외국어대학교 아세안연구원 2022 Suvannabhumi Vol.14 No.2

Over the last few decades, global trade activities showed a significant increase, resulting in a rise of the wider global economic growth. The achievement is partly due to the more integrated global trade system under global trade regime such as World Trade Organization (WTO) that standardized the practice of global trade. On the other hand, it could also be seen that regional trade negotiation became more important part of global trade activity. The trade negotiation itself was pushed and tailored by regional perspective, which indigenized trade agreement. This research aims to analyze the indigenization of ASEAN’s trade negotiation model. How has the current trade negotiation model within the region represented indigenous needs and aspirations? This study also offers to revisit the conceptual framework in identifying the trade negotiation model to measure the indigeneity of Southeast Asian automotive industry’s policy. This research concludes by explaining the case studies which measure the effect of indigenization to the practice of trade agreement in the region.

The Evolving Role of Trade Diplomacy in Multilateral Trade Negotiations - Experience of Agricultural Trade Liberalisation

Tissa Rajapakse,Ramanie Samaratunge 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2002 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.9 No.2

  This paper investigates the relationship between the growing significance of trade diplomacy and the changes in the relative bargaining position of the major players, the US and the EU, in GATT multilateral trade negotiations. As the variables of the negotiation equation grew in complexity in the later GATT trade rounds, middle-power trade diplomacy became an important force in influencing negotiation outcomes. It is argued that middle-power trade diplomacy played a significant role in bringing agriculture into the GATT trade negotiation agenda and facilitating the successful completion of the Uruguay Round negotiations.

정부의 대내 정책과 대외 협상의 결정요인에 관한 연구 : 통상정책을 중심으로

홍석빈 한국무역통상학회 2018 무역통상학회지 Vol.18 No.2

This study is purposed to figure out the mechanism of interaction effects of bureaucrat’s policy idea and the role of institution operated by bureaucrats, which play the role as determinant both on the domestic trade policy decision-making and on inter-governmental trade negotiation. For an example, a case analysis of Korea’s FTA policy and trade negotiation with China showed that both bureaucrat’s policy idea and governmental trade institution are the determinants which have strong influence on the trade deal result. According to the analysis of Korea-China FTA deal, it reached on the agreement at the lower level of market liberalization than it had been expected at the starting stage of the deal. From the viewpoint of the Korean government, the first reason of the result was an institutional structure change of trade policy decision-making process, which had happened in the middle of negotiation. If the institutional support can't hold up the trade bureaucrat's policy enforcement volition, even though the bureaucrats' policy idea is quite liberal, the trade deal might not reach an agreement at the high level of liberalization. At the initial stage of the Korea-China FTA deal, the level of bureaucrats’ strategic exploitation of institutional autonomy(slack) was higher in Korean negotiation group than in China. However after the control tower of trade policy of the Korean government had been changed from the former Office of the Minister for Trade (OMT) to the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy (MOTIE), the negotiation power of the Korean government has been weakened at the negotiation with Chinese counterparts. As a consequence of interaction effect between the bureaucrat's policy idea and the trade policy institution, the FTA deal resulted in the lower level of degree in market opening. This result implies that both the bureaucrat's belief in deciding the policy direction and the government‘s internal institutional structure play a key role as determinant factors in domestic decision-making process and inter-governmental trade deal with foreign countries.

Reshaping institutional arrangements for TPP ratification in Korea

김정숙,이지훈,고보민,허윤 한국무역학회 2016 Journal of Korea trade Vol.20 No.2

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the current state of Korea’s internal negotiation system and the role of domestic policy factors in the process of Korea’s joining the mega FTAs such as Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Design/methodology/approach – Along with Putnam’s three determinants of win-set size, the authors analyze a new set of policy factors – including Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), the FTA Domestic Planning Division, and the Trade Procedure Act – to examine the institutional arrangements available for the ratification of the TPP in Korea. Findings – To minimize the social cost of the internal negotiation process of the trade, better understanding of the role of domestic policy factors is essential. The paper proposes some important policy suggestions which will scale up the benefit of the trade. Research limitations/implications – The very same analysis can be easily extended to examine the domestic reactions for future FTA negotiation, especially for Mega FTA negotiation. Practical implications – The authors propose six policy suggestions: a Master Process Manual; measures to diagnose domestic reactions; emphasizing non-economic issues; strengthening human resources; considering the strategic role of the Trade Procedure Act; and reshaping TAA, to ensure that a tranquil environment exists for domestic negotiation and confirmation and the authors believe these policies can be implemented widely in trade negotiations. Originality/value – This paper contributes to the existing literature in at least three respects. First, the authors made the first attempt to integrate the domestic policy tools with the domestic determinants of trade negotiation outcomes. Second, the policy proposals can be extended to other countries’ cases with a minor adjustment. Finally, the analysis is based on the assumption that international trade negotiations are multi-level frameworks where domestic influences play a vital role in the aftermath of bilateral FTAs.

자유무역협정(FTA)의 정치경제학적 분석: 한-EU FTA를 통해 본 한국의 전략적 중요성

윤성욱 ( Sung Wook Yoon ) 아시아.유럽미래학회 2008 유라시아연구 Vol.5 No.1

Recently, multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO have been at a standstill, but the conclusion of regional trade agreements(RTAs) or free trade agreements(FTAs) has significantly increased. Many countries in the globe have been devoted to conclude regional trade agreements which seem to be much easier to conclude than multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO. Most of all, the EU which gives the priority to the multilateral trade system also stresses the necessity of free trade agreements and announces to start FTA negotiations with Korea, India and ASEAN in a new common commercial policy introduced in 2006. However, this research tries to find motivation for the growth of concluding FTAs other than no progress of the WTO/DDA negotiation. For this, this research looks at the motivation of selecting negotiation partners in case of Korea-EU FTA based upon factors categorised by Woolcock and Ravenhill. According to Woolcock, the motivation for promoting FTAs is categorised as ‘political or strategic factors``, ‘commercial benefits``, ‘response to globalisation``, and ``trade or regulatory policy factors``. In addition, Ravenhill categorises seven different motivations in terms of mainly political motivation. Based on these theoretical foundations, this paper looks at the conclusion of KORUS FTA, Korea`s intention of promoting FTAs with China and Japan, the possibility of creating regional community in Asia, and the strategic importance of Korea in establishing the international standard in case of automobile in order to analyse the reason for selecting the negotiation partner between the EU and Korea. Hence, this research claims that the strategic factor is also very important for the selection of the partner in the FTA negotiation in addition to the economic or commercial motivation.

한?중 대외무역법 비교 연구

김명호 한국동북아학회 2007 한국동북아논총 Vol.12 No.1

When " promotion of trade " in Korea's foreign trade law and " the regulation on facilitation of foreign trade in China's foreign trade law are reviewed, the thing in common is that both of them support foreign trade of medium- and small-size corporations. The difference between them is the way to facilitate foreign trade. Korea's foreign trade law designates general trading companies to support trade activities of medium- and small-size corporations. Then, it collects and analyses information from institutes or organizations relating to trade, and provide it to local governments and corporations to support export. China's foreign trade law regulates development of foreign trade through various styles of foreign investment, foreign work contract and foreign trade cooperation. In particular, it includes regulations on support of foreign trade development in autonomous districts and economically-underdeveloped areas. The common thing in regulations on export between both countries is that they maintain international peace and safety, and protect biological resources and domestic industries. The difference is that Korea implements an export authorization system and an import certificate application system while China requires a registration procedure for export of goods or technology. In the future, both countries have to resolve conflicts through negotiation. As trade conflicts may cause damage to both of them, they have to realize mutual interests through negotiation under the principle of mutual equality. Korea should improve unbalance in trade with China by increasing import from China. Both countries should find a proper way to promote trade by establishing special zones such as free trade zone. 한국 대외무역법은 자유롭고 공정한 원칙으로 대외무역을 진흥하고 공정한 거래질서를 확립하여 국제수지의 균형과 통상의 확대를 도모함으로써 국민경제의 발전에 이바지함을 목적으로 하고 있다. 이에 반해 중국 대외무역법은 평등호혜를 원칙으로 하며 대외개방의 확대, 대외무역의 발전과 대외무역 질서의 수호, 대외무역 경영자의 합법적인 권익보호 및 사회주의 시장경제의 건전한 발전을 목적으로 하고 있다. 한국의 대외무역법에서 “통상의 진흥”과 중국 대외무역법의 “대외무역 촉진에 관한 규정”을 보면 공통점은 모두 중소기업의 대외무역을 지원한다는 것이고 서로 다른 차이점은 대외무역을 촉진하는 방식이다. 한국의 대외무역법은 중소기업의 무역활동을 지원하기 위하여 무역거래자 중에서 종합무역상사를 지정하며 수출을 지원하기 위하여 무역 통상 관련 기관 또는 단체로부터 정보를 체계적으로 수집분석하여 지방자치단체 및 기업에 대하여 필요한 정보를 제공할 수 있도록 규정하고 있다. 중국의 대외무역법은 대외투자, 대외공사청부와 대외무역협력 등이 다양한 형식을 통해 대외무역을 발전시킬 수 있도록 규정하고 있으며 특별히 민족자치구와 경제 미발달지역의 대외무역 발전을 지원한다는 내용도 포함되어 있다. 또한, 수출입에 관한 규정에서도 양국의 공통점은 모두 국제 평화와 안전을 유지하고 생물자원 및 자국의 국내 산업을 보호한다는 것이고, 차이점은 한국은 수출허가제와 수입증명서 신청하는 제도를 실시하고 있으나 중국은 물품이나 기술을 수출하려면 등록등기 수속을 해야 한다는 점이 다르다. 향후 양국은 협상을 통해 분쟁을 해결해야 한다. 무역마찰이 쌍방 모두 다 피해를 입게 되니 호혜평등의 원칙 하에 협상을 통해 공동이익을 구축할 필요성이 있다. 따라서 한국은 중국에서의 수입물량을 점차적으로 늘려 나가면서 양국의 무역 불균형도 개선하도록 노력해야 한다. 양국은 무역자유구와 같은 특별지구를 창설함으로써 양국의 무역 증진을 획기적으로 도모하는 방안도 적극적으로 검토해야 한다.

중국의 무역통계 오차 일반화 검증과 재조정 문제

고정식 한국동북아경제학회 2007 동북아경제연구 Vol.19 No.1

Main purpose of this paper focus on two directions. One confirm facts that Chinese foreign trade statistics error is general phenomenon that is happened with main trade partner countries such as Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Germany, Britain, France as same as the United States of America. Up to now, it was hard to grasp whether Chinese foreign trade statistics error is phenomenon that is happened universally with the main trade partner countries, or a special existing circumstances that is limited in the some one or two country. Comparing Chinese foreign trade statistics error related with seven countries including the United States of America as Chinese main trade partner countries, this paper try to certify that statistical error problem of China foreign trade is universally happened. Also, this study analyze method of calculation how China and main trade partner countries use Hong Kong’s re-export statistics as a significant factor of chinese trade statistical distorted error. I compare distorted trade statistical error with reevaluated trade statistics with presumption like national profit maximization and finally confirm method of calculation of trade statistics of each of countries connected with chinese trade. It is confirmed through analysis of this paper that Chinese foreign trade statistics error is generalized phenomenon mostly in chinese main trade partner countries such as Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Germany, Britain, France etc as well as the United States of America, that is not limited in specific country. Therefore, problem of chinese foreign trade statistics error is proved to be a issue that should approach by cooperation through U.N and international organization such as WTO etc. which handle all the world foreign trade statistics and not topic to approach in individual national side with China. Finally, trade statistical error between china and main trade partner countries is improved sharply in this study that reevaluate simultaneously china and partner countries’ trade statistics with national profit maximization.

통상협상 분야 논문의 추이분석

배성호 ( Sungho Bae ) 한국통상정보학회 2018 통상정보연구 Vol.20 No.2

WTO체제 하에서 한국은 높은 무역의존도와 수출주도형 산업을 전제로 국제통상에서의 국익을 극대화하기 위해 다양한 통상협상을 진행해왔다. 그 결과로 현재까지 2018년 상반기 기준 15건의 FTA가 발효되었으며, FTA에 대한 강도 높은 통상정책은 지속 될 것으로 전망된다. 더불어 한국은 지금까지 8개국과 36개의 통상 분쟁 사건에서 제소 혹은 피소함으로써 통상 분쟁 해결을 위한 통상협상에도 적극적으로 대응해왔다. 본 논문은 한국통상정보학회의 출범 20주년을 기념하여 2006년부터 2017년까지 통상정보연구에 게재된 논문 중 ‘통상협상’분야로 분류된 논문의 추이를 분석하고 향후 통상협상 분야에 학술지가 기여할 수 있는 방향성을 제시하는 데 그 목적을 둔다. As an export-oriented country, Korea has sat at the various trade negotiation tables to realize its trade-related national interests. As a result, fifteen Free Trade Agreements (FTA) have been ratified as of 2018, and Korea will continue and develop its proactive trade negotiation strategies in the negotiations to come. In addition, Korea has been involved in thirty-six trade disputes with eight states either as a complainant or as a respondent. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the articles published under a “trade negotiation” category from 2006 to 2017 in International Commerce and Information Review followed by discussions on what types of research on trade negotiations are needed for the journal in the future.

'통상절차법안'의 비판적 검토

왕상한 법무부 2006 통상법률 Vol.- No.72

민주노동당 권영길 의원 등 여야 40명의 국회의원은 '통상협정의 체결절차에 관한 법안'을 공동발의 했다. 동 법안에 대해 노무현 대통령은 국내 한 언론과의 인터뷰에서 반대 입장을 분명히 했다. 이와 같은 대통령의 입장 표명에도 불구하고 이상경 의원은 열린우리당 14명의 국회의원을 대표하여 '통상조약의 체결절차 등에 관한 법률안'을 발의했다. 또 열린우리당내 한미자유무역협정 특별위원회 위원장인 송영길 의원이 열린우리당 의원 30인을 대표하여 '통상협상절차에 관한 법률안'을 발의했다. 중복 서명한 국회의원을 제외하면, 모두 76명의 국회의원이 적어도 통상절차법안의 필요성을 지지한 것이다. 특히 그 절대 다수가 여당 국회의원이라는 사실은 이것이 시사하는 바가 적지 않다. 3개 통상절차법안의 공통된 특징은 기본적으로 정부의 통상권을 국회가 견제, 보완한다는 취지로 요약할 수 있다. 따라서 이들 법안과 관련하여 가장 큰 논란은 대통령이 한 언론과의 인터뷰에서 밝힌 것처럼 그것이 대통령의 조약체결 및 비준권을 침해하는 것인지 여부이다. 그러나 이보다 중요한 것은 과연 이 같은 법안이 필요한지 여부라 할 것이고, 또 만약 이러한 법안이 필요하다면 헌법에 합치하도록 이를 구현할 수 있는 방법이 무엇인지라 할 것이다. 통상절차법안은 한마디로 한미자유무역협정과 같은 국가간 중요 조약을 체결하려할 때 국회가 조약 '비준' 시점이 아니라 조약 '추진' 시점부터 적극적인 역할을 수행하겠다는 의지를 담은 것이라 할 것이다. 이들 법안은 국회가 조약에 대한 비준 동의권 뿐만 아니라 체결 동의권까지 보유하고 있다는 전제에서 사실상 교섭권까지 국회가 행사하는 내용을 포함하고 있다. 국회는 그동안 비준 동의권조차 제대로 행사하지 못했다. 그러나 그 책임은 정보를 독점한 정부뿐만 아니라 그 내용을 제대로 심의하고 문제점을 논리적으로 지적하지 못한 국회도 공동으로 부담해야 할 책임이다. 여야 국회의원들은 이제 그동안 제기됐던 정부의 문제점을 바로 잡기 위해 대통령까지 반대한 내용의 법안을 제출했다. 정부의 병폐를 이렇게 해서 바로잡을 수 있다면, 그렇다면 국회의 고질병은 어떻게 해결할 수 있을까. 지금까지 조약 체결을 위한 통상교섭이나 그 비준에 있어 국회가 지나치게 소외된 것은 사실이다. 그러나 그 책임을 정부에게만 묻고 국회의 문제에 대해 대책이 마련되지 않으면 우리나라 통상 교섭의 원만한 추진은 앞으로 불가능할 것이다. The Law of Trade Negotiation Procedure is the one with which the National Assembly would be involved in the talks on trade by government to the trading partners. It is not the beginning of ratification but the very moment when the government would consider whether to negotiate that the National Assembly would participate in the negotiation procedure. The National Assembly of Korea has not played even a role in ratification as described in the Constitution regarding any treaty or convention on trade. It is not only because the government has kept all information to itself but also because the National Assembly has not paid any attention to the importance of the treaty or convention. The ruling party also submitted drafts when the President expressed his objection to this idea. The purpose of this would be not to repeat any mistake that was made through the monopoly of information by the government. If it would make possible to achieve this goal by this enactment, what should we do for not repeating the mistake made by the National Assembly? It is different by a member and by the party what would meet with the best interest of Korea. There are a lot of cases where we have seen different views and ideas on the issues from different perspectives. We also have noticed the serious conflicts at the National Assembly whenever there are conflicts of interests by each group of interest. We have hardly seen a compromise to make each party all winners. To improve the trust by people, we may now need the role by the National Assembly in the negotiation talk by the government to our trading partners. However, we must accept the fact that it would make any trade negotiation impossible if there would be no systematic safeguards for all members of the National Assembly would put more emphasis on the national interest than on his or her self interest.

국제통상문제의 정치경제적 접근에 관한 연구

최성일 ( Sung Il Cnoi ) 한국경제통상학회 2003 경제연구 Vol.21 No.1

With rapid growth in the volume of world trade and investment, borderless world economy is being formed. Trade frictions between countries are more often taking place. So trade policy in one country is determined not only by the country`s policy stances, but also by the counterpart country`s ones. As becoming more complex in trade policy-determining process, precise understandings in trade policy-determining mechanism are needed. This paper is to explain political-economic implications on protectionism, trade frictions and trade negotiations. The results of this investigation can be summarized as follows. First, although free trade gives maximum welfare to the whole society, some groups of the society get benefit from it and others do not. While the former groups are large in member and weak in political power, the latter are small and strong. This is why trade protectionism does not disappear. Second, multilateral and comprehensive trade negotiations are better than bilateral and independent ones for the whole society`s interests. But making the agreements politically is very difficult. Third, every countries in the world try to get their own interests in the multilateral negotiations, so it is not likely that any rules matching all country`s interests could be easily agreed. Furthermore America`s economic hegemony does not exist any more. In this situation, how to build institutions and rules of the world trade should be considered in multilateral dimensions.