『대산종사법어』「신심편」의 성찰적 접근

류성태(柳聖泰) 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2017 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.72 No.-

대산종사탄생백주년(2014)을 기념하여『대산종사법어』가 발간되고, 뒤이어 본 법어집이 원불교의 공식 교서로 확정되면서『대종경』,『정산종사법어』와 더불어『대산종사법어』의 교서적 위상이 확고해졌다. 위의 경전들이 원불교의 정식 교서인 바, 오늘날 교조정신을 계승하기 위해 경전 사경이나 법어봉독으로 활용되고 있다. 본 교서들은 소태산 대종사와 역대 종법사의 언행록적 성격을 띤다는 점에서 원불교 교리 이해와 신행(信行), 스승관 정립 등에 큰 도움이 되는 것이다. 따라서『대산종사법어』는 원불교 신앙인의 종교적 감성을 북돋워주고 수행의 지침서로 그 역할을 충실히 할 수 있으리라 본다. 본 법어는 대산종사 생전 법어로서 그 역할을 하고 있기 때문에 각 구절마다 그의 신앙·수행과 관련한 의미 심대함이 드러나 있다. 하지만 모두 15편에 해당되는 각 법어 문구가 신앙적 감성에 기대어 권위적으로 접근되다 보면 대산종사의 본의가 자칫 맹목적으로 이해될 수도 있다. 여기에서「신심편」25장의 ‘대종사가 곧 법신불’이라는 문구 이해에 냉철한 성찰적 접근이 필요하다고 본다. 대산종사의 법문 이해에 신중을 기할 필요가 있다는 것이며, 관련 법어는 법신불관 및 대종사관 중심으로 해석학적 차원에서 접근한 이유이다. 본 연구에서 주목할 것으로, 소태산이 전통불교의 등상불 숭배가 갖는 한계를 인지, 불법연구회의 법신불(일원상) 숭배로 혁신했다는 점을 고려하면서 교조 숭배와 원불교 신앙관의 차별화를 부각시키려는 것이다. 그것은『조선불교혁신론』의 7가지 혁신항목 가운데 ‘등상불 숭배를 불성 일원상 숭배로’라는 항목에 근거한다. 신앙대상의 이해에 대한 교학적 검토와 더불어, 그것이 인격신앙으로 흐를 수 있다는 점을 밝힘과 동시에 진리신앙으로 유도하려는 점이 본 연구의 의의라 본다. Since the Scripture of Prime Master Daesan published on the commemoration of the Centennial Ceremony of him, it was decided as a formal Sacred Book of Won Buddhism such as a status of Sotaesan’s Scripture and Jungsan’s one. The Scriptures above said is the formal Sacred Book of Won Buddhism, which make the use of writing & reading in succession of Great Master’s teaching. These Books stand for the hagiographic characteristics of Sotaesan and prime masters to help understand the doctrine of Won Buddhism, practice, and view of teachers. Accordingly, Prime Master Daesan’s scripture seems to boost a religious sensitivity for Won Buddhists and plays a faithful role of guidelines of practice. This Book reveals a significant meaning in every passages of belief and practice as a his living years, however, 15 parts of his Book lead to an authoritarian personality to the readers, stick to blindly every dharma words against his will. The 25 chapter of devoutness in his Book, “The Great Master is Dharmakaya Buddha”, should be approached as an introspective accession. It should be careful to understand each Dharmas of Daesan Prime Master in which the related Words such as Dharmakaya Buddha and Great Master approached from hermeneutic model of inquiry. This paper is worthy of notice to clear the difference between the worship of the Founding Master and Won Buddhist view of belief by which Sotaesan recognized the limit of worship of the Buddha Statue in revolution to worship of the Dharmakaya Buddha or Irwonsang. It is based on the item such as “to worship of Irwonsang from worship of the Buddha Statue”among 7 items of the Revolution Theory of Chosun Buddhism . It is significant to lead to the belief of the truth from the personal belief by way of doctrinal examination of the object of belief.

원불교 『대종경』의 수사학적 연구

이주연 한국종교학회 2019 宗敎硏究 Vol.79 No.2

This study aimed to examine the rhetoric of the Won-Buddhist 『Great Master’s Discourse』 and delineate the characteristics of the rhetorical expressions contained therein. By doing so, the focal point of 『Great Master’s Discourse』 was explored. Rhetoric refers to the means necessary to effectively accomplish the truth from the point of view of the writer and at the same time allows the reader to understand the truth independently. Rhetorical expressions in the 『Great Master’s Discourse』 have the following four characteristics. First, it is transferred to a familiar sense. Second, it inspires motivation. Third, it conveys a sense of gravity and anxiety . Fourth, it allows for greater understanding. From a cognitive perspective, as the rhetorical expressions in the 『Great Master’s Discourse』 become easier to understand and more familiar, the reader can gain a better understanding of the meaning . Thus the rhetoric serves as a ‘bridge’ that allows the reader to grasp profound truths that cannot be conveyed by words alone . Also, from an affective perspective, the rhetoric employed induces t motivation in the reader, and also conveys a sense of gravity and and concern about conversion and practice. In this way, the reader-centered nature of the 『Great Master’s Discourse』 stems from the doctrinal characteristics of Won Buddhism as a public-oriented religion. In other words, the 『Great Master’s Discourse』 , based on the rhetoric employed in the text, seeks to instruct 이 연구는 원불교 『대종경』을 수사학적으로 연구하여 『대종경』의 언어적 특성과 의의를 탐색하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 수사학이란 진리를 효과적으로 관철시키는 동시에 주체적으로 진리를 이해하기 위해 필요한 방법을 의미한다. 『대종경』에 나타난 수사학적 표현들은 다음의 네 가지 성격을 가진다. 첫째, 익숙한 의미로 전이된다. 둘째, 동기 유발을 유도한다. 셋째, 간절함과 염려를 전한다. 넷째, 보다 쉬운 이해로 안내한다. 이 성격들로부터 『대종경』의 수사학적 표현들의 특성을 도출할 수 있다. 먼저 인지적 측면에서는 쉽고 익숙한 의미로 전이됨으로써 오히려 원초적이고 낯선 기분을 느끼게 하고, 나아가 독자로 하여금 능동적으로 의미를 구성하도록 유도한다. 이는 언어로 설명할 수 없는 현묘한 진리에 도달하기 위한 ‘교량’으로서의 역할에 해당된다. 또한 정의적 측면에서는 독자의 동기유발을 유도하고 그들의 발심과 실천에 대한 간절함과 염려를 전하고 있다. 이와 같이 『대종경』의 구성 방식이 독자를 중심에 두는 것은 대중 지향적 종교로서 원불교의 교법적 특징에서 기인한다. 수사학을 토대로 본 『대종경』은 인류의 성불제중을 위해 언어로 나타난대공사(大公事)이며, ‘개인’에서 ‘대중’으로의 확장이라 볼 수 있다.

교서결집에 대한 연구-『대종경』을 중심으로-

류성태 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2014 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.60 No.-

On the occasion of a centennial anniversary of Won Buddhism found in 1916, recompilation of Dharma-treasure Scriptures appears as its order task. The Great Master’s Discourse is a chronicle of Sotaesan’s sayings and doings as the Dharma Words. This study is to take note on reaching the limit of language survey between the founder at that time and belivers at this tome because of the liquidity of Dharma words. Accordingly, as the urgent task of the Scriptures recompilation, Won Buddhism should reflect on the barriers in delivering Sotasan’s Dharma words efficiently since the Great Master’s discourse had been published by Jeonghwa publisher in 1962. We have to recognize that, in the necessity of the Scriptures recompilation, the Dharma words of the Great Master’s Discourse are related to lacking the then situations that he preached. Namely, it is essential that the Scripture should be published again by excavating some the materials and checking the Dharma words relating to the situation he sermoned for the purpose of expanding the vitality of the Great Master’s sermon. Also, noticeably, it is natural that the Scriptures should recompile because randomly had sampled the content of the manuscript in the publishing process of the Great Master’s Discourse. As appeared in the Great Master’s Discourse, it needs some supplements those are inadequate since it is very difficult in the aspects of its terminology, spelling and context. Because any Religions meet with some difficulties to deliver the founder’s Dharma words to the current followers efficiently in the long history, they should recompile their Scriptures to read them easily as the existing religions do. The Great Master’s Discourse had better be careful to approach the Scripture recompilation in a bid to the holy task in order not to violate the founder’s spirit of the religion. 원불교는 1916년 4월 28일 창립된 이래, 교단성업 100년에즈음하여 법보경전의 재결집이라는 교단적 과제를 안고 있다. 『대종경』은 원불교 법보경전이자 소태산 대종사(이하 소태산)의언행록이라는 점에서 재결집이 필요한 시점이라는 것이다. 이에 본 연구는 교단 창립의 역사가 흐름에 따라 『대종경』에 수록된 용어의 가변성으로 인하여 교조가 사용한 당시의 언어와 오늘날의 언어 사이에 소통의 한계를 드러낼 수밖에 없는 점을 주목해 보아야 한다. 경전의 재결집이라는 과제를 안고 있는교단으로서 원기 47년(1962) 정화사에서 출간된 『대종경』이50여년의 세월의 흐름 속에서 교조 소태산 법어의 효율적 의사전달에 장애 현상은 없는지에 대한 성찰이 시급하기 때문이다. 특히 경전 재결집의 필요성에서 주목해 볼 사항으로 현행본 『대종경』 법문의 상당수가 상황법문의 미완이라는 문제점으로 노출되고 있다. 이에 소태산 법어의 상황법문과 관련한 사료적 근거를 발굴, 점검함으로써 법어의 생생한 생명력의 확충을 위해서는 경전의 재결집이 필수적이다. 또한 『대종경』 편수과정에서 나타난 ‘자료 첨삭의 임의성’이 적지 않았다는 점을 주시, 절장보단된 자료의 보완이라는 과제는 경전 결집의 당위성으로 나타난다. 『대종경』 법어로 구술된 용어, 맞춤법, 문맥 파악에 난해한 부분이 적지 않다는 사실에서 이의 보완도 필요하다. 어느 종교든 교조의 사후 역사가 깊어짐에 따라 교조가 설한 법어 전달에 어려움이 등장하므로 이의 용이성을 위해서는 경전 재결집이 수반될 수밖에 없으며, 그것은 기성종교들의 경우에서도 잘 알 수 있다. 『대종경』 재결집의 과업은 교단 성업의 일환으로 전개될 필요가 있으며, 이는 교조의 근본정신을 훼손하지 않는 차원에서 조심스럽게 접근되어야 할 것이다.

明代 石田 沈周의 倣古繪畵硏究

金信永(Kim Shinyoung) 미술사연구회 2007 미술사연구 Vol.- No.21

This paper focuses on two points: it will discuss the complex background and reasons for a Ming Painter Shen Zhou(1427~1508)'s absorption by and fascination with the revival of the old painting styles of the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan as seen through the context of the 15th century painting. And also the particular styles of each Four Great Masters, as well as their macroscopic features will be observed. Shen Zhou's imitation of old painting styles can be seen as having been achieved by locating his creativity at a point between the “vertical lineage”of his highly cultured and historically and artistically connected family, and the “horizontal lineage”of both the revivalist movement taking place at his time. His extraordinary network of acquaintances, which, among other things, gave him access to a great number of works from the Yuan Dynasty and earlier antiquities. Observing Shen Zhou's attitude towards revivalism, we notice his style of making the artist whom he was referring was adopted by later artists and adapted to the point of overtly inscribing “in the manner of □□”on the work itself. In practice, while he followed the old masters, the fact that he seriously considered his own personality when he created through “Xing”(興) also has a thread of connection with the Wang Yangming doctrine's emphasis on “Xin”(心). His attitude toward the painting of actual landscapes was based on tradition, by which he grasped the old masters'style and its complementary relation to nature. Above all, he made efforts to learn directly from the Dong Yuan-Ju Ran(abbreviated as Dong-Ju) and Jing Hao-Guan Tong(abbreviated as Jing-Guan) traditions, as had been his ultimate goal, and yet, since in Shen Zhou's period it was hard to view their actual works, he instead learned through the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan (he was less influenced by Zhao Mengfu. Differing from Dong Qichang's view that the Four Great Masters all imitated the style of Dong-Ju, Shen Zhou stated consistently that not all of the four imitated Dong-Ju, because, in Shen Zhou's opinion, Ni Zan had instead followed Jing-Guan). Shen Zhou's preference for the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan was quite different from the dichotomous viewpoint of the Late Ming Dynasty that was to follow. On account of Shen Zhou's adoption of the styles of Wang Meng, Huang Gongwang, Ni Zan and Wu Zhen (who was, relatively speaking, not widely known) as his major influences, they were later named the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan by Dong Qichang and were deeply revered until the Qing Dynasty. Due to his own tastes, the effects of his elder family members, certain regional features, and the inspiration he drew from the older Wu artists, the influence of the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan existed even in the early stages of Shen Zhou's painting. However, in Shen Zhou's actual work the styles of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen appear fairly late. In particular, Wu Zhen's influence became possible because Shen Zhou had an opportunity to appreciate a good deal of Wu's work around the 1480s. On the one hand, his early work in the Wang Meng and Huang Gongwang style was based on the work which Shen Zhou could easily appreciate around himself, and yet those early works were immature, as if they were synthetic. On the other hand, while following Wang Fu and Lu Zhi's interpretation of the works of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen, in his latter period Shen Zhou's own works in the style of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen reached a completely unique stage. Also, each painting style of the Four Great Masters contributed variously to the formation of Shen Zhou's painting styles: Wang Meng's dynamic screen process and longer screen format became Shen's screen style; Shen took Huang Gongwang's mountain style as the basic composition while exercising different artistic modes and eclecticism in the same paintings; Ni Zan's composition and motifs were in various ways repeatedly applied in Shen's albums, hand sc

교서결집에 대한 연구

류성태(柳聖泰) 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2014 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.60 No.-

원불교는 1916년 4월 28일 창립된 이래, 교단성업 100년에 즈음하여 법보경전의 재결집이라는 교단적 과제를 안고 있다.『대종경』은 원불교 법보경전이자 소태산 대종사(이하 소태산)의 언행록이라는 점에서 재결집이 필요한 시점이라는 것이다. 이에 본 연구는 교단 창립의 역사가 흐름에 따라『대종경』에 수록된 용어의 가변성으로 인하여 교조가 사용한 당시의 언어와 오늘날의 언어 사이에 소통의 한계를 드러낼 수밖에 없는 점을 주목해 보아야 한다. 경전의 재결집이라는 과제를 안고 있는 교단으로서 원기 47년(1962) 정화사에서 출간된『대종경』이 50여년의 세월의 흐름 속에서 교조 소태산 법어의 효율적 의사전달에 장애 현상은 없는지에 대한 성찰이 시급하기 때문이다. 특히 경전 재결집의 필요성에서 주목해 볼 사항으로 현행본『대종경』 법문의 상당수가 상황법문의 미완이라는 문제점으로 노출되고 있다. 이에 소태산 법어의 상황법문과 관련한 사료적 근거를 발굴, 점검함으로써 법어의 생생한 생명력의 확충을 위해서는 경전의 재결집이 필수적이다. 또한 『대종경』 편수과정에서 나타난 ‘자료 첨삭의 임의성’이 적지 않았다는 점을 주시, 절장보단된 자료의 보완이라는 과제는 경전 결집의 당위성으로 나타난다.『대종경』 법어로 구술된 용어, 맞춤법, 문맥 파악에 난해한 부분이 적지 않다는 사실에서 이의 보완도 필요하다. 어느 종교든 교조의 사후 역사가 깊어짐에 따라 교조가 설한법어 전달에 어려움이 등장하므로 이의 용이성을 위해서는 경전 재결집이 수반될 수밖에 없으며, 그것은 기성종교들의 경우에서도 잘 알 수 있다.『대종경』 재결집의 과업은 교단 성업의 일환으로 전개될 필요가 있으며, 이는 교조의 근본정신을 훼손하지 않는 차원에서 조심스럽게 접근되어야 할 것이다. On the occasion of a centennial anniversary of Won Buddhism found in 1916, recompilation of Dharma-treasure Scriptures appears as its order task. The Great Master’s Discourse is a chronicle of Sotaesan’s sayings and doings as the Dharma Words. This study is to take note on reaching the limit of language survey between the founder at that time and belivers at this tome because of the liquidity of Dharma words. Accordingly, as the urgent task of the Scriptures recompilation, Won Buddhism should reflect on the barriers in delivering Sotasan’s Dharma words efficiently since the Great Master’s discourse had been published by Jeonghwa publisher in 1962. We have to recognize that, in the necessity of the Scriptures recompilation, the Dharma words of the Great Master’s Discourse are related to lacking the then situations that he preached. Namely, it is essential that the Scripture should be published again by excavating some the materials and checking the Dharma words relating to the situation he sermoned for the purpose of expanding the vitality of the Great Master’s sermon. Also, noticeably, it is natural that the Scriptures should recompile because randomly had sampled the content of the manuscript in the publishing process of the Great Master’s Discourse. As appeared in the Great Master’s Discourse, it needs some supplements those are inadequate since it is very difficult in the aspects of its terminology, spelling and context. Because any Religions meet with some difficulties to deliver the founder’s Dharma words to the current followers efficiently in the long history, they should recompile their Scriptures to read them easily as the existing religions do. The Great Master’s Discourse had better be careful to approach the Scripture recompilation in a bid to the holy task in order not to violate the founder’s spirit of the religion.

문산 김삼룡박사의 생애와 사상

양은용 원광대학교 마한백제문화연구소 2015 馬韓, 百濟文化 Vol.25 No.-

본고는 문산 김삼룡(文山 金三龍, 1925-2014)의 생애와 사상을 밝히는 것이 목적이다. 그는 원불교 창립기에 교조 소태산대종사(少太山大宗師, 朴重彬, 1891-1943)와 2대 종법사인 정산종사(鼎山宗師, 宋奎, 1900-1962)가 집안에서 제우(際遇)한 인연으로 어린 시절, 원불교 교역자의 길에 들어선다. 그의 생애는 크게 6기로 나눌 수 있다. 제1기는 성장교육기(成長敎育期)로, 1925년(1세) 출생에서부터 1938년(14세)까지의 재가 유․소년기이다. 제2기는 출가수학기(出家修行期)로, 소태산대종사 문하에 출가하여 주경야독으로 수행과 연구를 시작하고부터 1956년(33세) 동국대학교 불교학과를 졸업하고 원광대학 강사로 임용되도록까지의 청년기이다. 제3기는 창학교수기(創學敎授期)로, 원광대학 강사로 대학의 기틀을 쌓는데 참여하고부터 1972년(48세) 원광대학교가 종합대학으로 승격되어 교무처장에 취임하도록까지의 장년 1기이다. 제4기는 연구활동기(硏究活動期)로, 원광대학이 종합대학으로 개편되고부터 대학과 교단, 그리고 지역사회를 잇는 활발한 활동과 함께 마한․백제문화연구소를 중심한 익산문화와 미륵신앙연구에 박차를 가하고, 1986년(62세)에 총장에 취임하도록까지의 장년 2기이다. 제5기는 경영지도기(經營指導期)로, 원광대학교 총장에 취임하여 교단과 지역사회를 대표하는 대내외의 활동을 전개하고부터 2000년(76세) 정산종사탄생100주년기념사업회 회장으로 성업을 성공리에 마치도록까지의 장년 3기이다. 제6기는 수양보은기(修養報恩期)로, 정산종사관련 성업의 회향으로부터 원로수도원에 안주하여 교단원로로 수양하며 법문집 등을 펴내는 보은행을 하다가 2014년(90세) 열반에 들도록까지의 만년기이다. 그의 업적은 원불교의 문화사업과 원광대학교의 교육․연구사업, 그리고 지역사회의 발전을 위한 활동을 통해 드러난다. 원불교신문사의 설립과 <원불교신문>의 창간, 마한․백제문화연구소 초대소장으로서 익산지역의 백제왕도 구명, 전북애향운동본부 총재로서 인재육성사업 등이 그 대표적인 예이다. 문산의 사상은 원불교사상의 전개를 바탕으로 하여 미륵신앙 등의 다양한 분야에 걸쳐 있다. 이를 정리하면 우선 다음과 같은 네 가지를 들 수 있을 것이다. 첫째, 새 회상관(會上觀)으로, 대종사의 대각으로부터 전개된 구세제인(救世濟人)을 위한 모임의 실체관이다. 둘째, 새 회상관에 새 주세불관(主世佛觀)으로, 소태산대종사를 새로운 주세불로 본다. 셋째, 사생관(死生觀)으로, 모태에서 와서 모태로 돌아간다는 모태회귀의 관점을 가지고 있다. 넷째, 국가‧민족관(國家民族觀)으로, 한민족인 세계정신의 지도국, 인류도덕의 부모국으로 거듭잘 것이라는 전망이다. 다만, 문산의 생애와 업적 등은 앞으로 세밀한 보충이 요망된다. 그의 저술을 비롯하여 대담이나 회고 등을 포함하면 그의 사상은 좀더 다양하고 풍성한 관점이 드러날 것이다. The Life and Thoughts of Dr. Munsan Samryong Kim Eunyong Yang Honorary Professor Wonkwang University ABSTRACT The present article aims to observe the life and thoughts of Munsan Samryong Kim (1925-2014). Thanks to the connection of his family with the Great Master Sotaesan (Jungbin Park, 1891-1943), the founder of Won-Buddhism, and the 2nd Master Jeongsan (Gyu Song, 1900-1962), he began his career as a priest of Won-Buddhism from early in his youth. His lifetime might be divided into 6 phases. The 1st phase is the period of his growth and education, ranging from his birth in 1925 (age 1) to his teen ages in 1938 (age 14) when he spent his childhood and adolescence at home. The 2nd phase corresponds to the period of his youth during which he left home, entered Buddhist priesthood as a disciple of the Great Master Sotaesan, working and practicing during the day and studying at night, and was appointed as lecturer of Wonkwang College upon graduation from the department of Buddhism, Dongguk University in 1956 (age 33). The 3rd phase is the first part of his middle age during which he contributed to laying the groundwork for Wonkwang College as its lecturer and took office as dean of the academic affairs when the school was upgraded to university in 1972 (age 48). The 4th phase of his life covers the second part of his middle age during which, since reorganization of college to university, he had been actively engaged in researches of Iksan culture and studies on Maitreya belief with Mahan-Baekje Cultural Research Institute as his base together with other joint activities with the academic circles and local community until he was appointed the president of the university in 1986 (age 62). The 5th phase corresponds to the third part of his middle age, called the period of management consultation during which he performed domestic as well as foreign duties as president of Wonkwang University representing the religious order and the local communities until he successfully retired from chairman of the foundation for the 100th anniversary of the birth of the Master Jeongsan in 2000 (age 76). In the 6th or last phase of his life, to be duly called the period of mind cultivation and repayment of kindness, he retreated to the abbey for seniors spending days publishing the collection of his talks, recollecting the projects related to the Master Jeongsan and cultivating his mind as senior member of the religious order, and at last passed away in 2014 at his age of 90. His achievements could be summed up in the cultural projects of Won-Buddhism, education and research programs of Wonkwang University and activities for development of the local communities. Typical examples of his achievements include establishment of Won-Buddhism Newspaper Company, the first publication of Won-Buddhism Newspaper, research of Iksan area as capital city of Baekje Kingdom in the capacity of the first director of Mahan-Baekje Cultural Research Institute, and initiative in manpower training as president of the Love Jeonbuk Movement. Munsan's thoughts showed a broad range of spectrum, starting from development of Won-Buddhistic ideas as basis to Maitreya belief. His areas of concern and activities may be classified in the following categories: First, a new 'view of hoesang' (會上觀) that represents substance of meetings for 'save the world and govern the people' (救世濟人) developed from enlightening of the Great Master. Second, a new view of main Buddha in addition to the new view of hoesang in which the Great Master Sotaesan shall be regarded as a new main Buddha. Third, a view of living and death from the viewpoint of recurrence of uterus which everything comes from and returns ultimately to. Fourth, a view of nation and state believing that the Korean people shall be reborn as those of the leading country of the world or parent country for human moralism. More refined studies are requested to fill up the vacancy in the ...

백용성 대종사 자료 조사기

한상길 ( Han Sang Gil ) 동국대학교 전자불전문화콘텐츠연구소 2016 전자불전 Vol.18 No.-

The academy of buddhist studies in Dongguk university goes on the business of the Archive of Buddhist Culture (ABC project) supported by the Ministry of Culture and Sports. For this project, I could have a chance to participate into the business of publishing `A collection of the great master Baek, Yongseong`. In order to publish the series, it was necessary to investigate original sources, translations, treatises, letters he left and take some photos. Based on my experiences for researching old literatures and taking some photos for last four years, I launched the project together. The materials related to the great master Baek, Yongseong are mostly housed in the Yongseong memorial hall at Jukrim Jeongsa, Jangsu. And the sources of his disciple, Bong`am Wolju, are at the Daegwangsa in the Jinhae district and the Wonyunghoguksa in the Jincheon district. As a main director of the collection in the ABC project, I was in charge of taking photos of those materials in high resolution and including them to make a collection. This paper is a sort of report to file the processes of investigating relics and taking photos. And also, I went on the exhaustive search for the sources of the Seon master Gyeongbong at the Geukrak`am of the Tongdosa as a part of the ABC project, in here, I newly found out a letter exchanged between the great master Baek, Yongseong and Bong`am Wolju. Disclosing this new source here, I look forward to have this research helpful for the study of the great master.

근대 실내 공간 구성원리의 한국적 변형에 관한 연구 : 김수근과 김중업 작품의 실내공간 분석을 중심으로

김은홍;남경숙 한양대학교 2007 韓國 生活 科學 硏究 Vol.27 No.1

Modernism Architecture in international style has made new spatial paradigm using steel and glass until 1900s. This paradigm influenced in indoor space was shown to Works of four great masters, Mies van der rohe, Le Corbusier, Aalvar alto, Frank L. Wright, and some characteristics are found in four great masters' works in common. These characteristics are simplicity of spatial form, usefulness and functionality of design, openness of indoor space, Total design, internal and external interpenetration. These are shown in interior space of Korea modern architecture as changing their conditions. This study drives at what major characteristics changes the way of proper transformation and adaption in two modern architect of Korea, Kim Swoogeun and Kim Chungup as according to modern architecture principals. Some controlling principles are found out in their works, and the ways of transformation and adaption are analogy with its special occasion of Korea.

조선시대 三和尙(지공ㆍ나옹ㆍ무학)의 위상과 추념

황인규 한국정토학회 2017 정토학연구 Vol.27 No.-

본고는 여말선초기에 활동하였던 지공․나옹․무학 삼화상의 위상과 추념을 다룬 연구이다. 지공과 나옹은 여말선초 당대부터 부처의 화신 혹은 생불로 불렸으며 무학은 이성계의 왕사요, 나옹의 적통이었다. 이들의 문도가 조선전기 불교계를 주도하였으며, 조선후기 산중불교 시대에도 대표적인 고승으로 추앙되었다. 나옹과 무학이 승보도량인 송광사의 16국사와 더불어 18주지에 올랐을 뿐만 아니라, 삼화상은 불교의식에 있어서 최고의 증명법사로 신앙 되었으며, 진영도 최고의 삼화상 도량인 회암사를 비롯하여 전국에 봉안되어 추념되었다. 삼화상은 임란 후 국가재조운동이 전개되면서 성조 이성계의 위상이 제고되었으며, 무학의 위상도 더불어 부상하였으며, 무학의 스승 지공과 나옹도 삼화상의 함께 하였다. 이렇듯 지공․나옹․무학은 조선시대, 나아가 불교계의 최고의 삼화상 으로서 추념되었다. This paper is for the study dealing with status and tribute of the three great masters, the reverend Jigong, Naong, and Muhak, who worked in the late period of Goryeo and the early period of Joseon Korea. Since the time, from the late period of Goryeo and the early period of Joseon, the reverend Jigong and Naong had been called as the incarnation of Buddha and the living Buddha. And the reverend Muhak was the teacher for the King, Lee Seong'gye, and in the lineage of the reverend Naong. Their schools mainly led the buddhist world in the early period of Joseon Korea and were admired as the representative high priests also in the time of Mountain buddhism, the late period of Joseon Korea. The reverend Naong and Muhak were not only nominated as the eighteen abbots with the sixteen national teachers of the Song'gwang monastery, the place of Three Jewels, but the three great masters were also admired as the buddhist dharma teachers whenever the buddhist rituals were performed. Moreover their portraits were placed and worshiped nationwide including the Hoe'am monastery, the best place of the three great masters. After the Japanese invasion of Korea, the movement of reconstructing the nation was developed and the status of the King Seongjo, Lee Seong'gye, was reviewed again. Simultaneously the status of the reverend Muhak was also re-explored with the his teacher Jigong and Naong together. As the best three great masters, Jigong, Naong, and Muhak became the figures for admiration and tribute in the Joseon Korea and the buddhist world.

고려 전기 法號의 사용과 그 운영의 특징

박윤진 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2020 民族文化硏究 Vol.87 No.-

In the early Goryeo era, a precept name (beopho) was part of the official status granted to a Buddhist priest, along with the duty and rank of the monk. The presentation of a precept name is related to China's eulogistic title system that included the title of ‘Great Master’ (dashi). However, as greater importance was laid on Goryeo’s own unique Buddhist priest ranks than to the Chinese-style eulogistic titles during the era, precept names and ranks were used in an interconnected way. A precept name, or ‘beopho’ was also referred to as ‘beopching’ or ‘uiho’, and had the same significance as ‘hunho’ or ‘gongho’, a title given to those who made great contributions to the nation. Based on the historical sources identified so far, the eligibility for these precept names was limited to Buddhist priests with the rank of ‘daedeok’, which was the lowest, or above. As precept names were sometimes granted to a large number of priests at once, some of them were given the same names while they were active during the same period of time. Also, from the fact that the same precept names were granted at a regular interval, it can be presumed that the state had the principle for the presentation of specific precept names for certain achievements. On the occasion of major state rituals such as the enthronement of the king or the appointment of the queen, or a decree of amnesty, government officials were often given awards while Buddhist priests were assigned with official duties or ranks. However, the granting of these rewards was restricted due to the limited numbers of the duties and ranks allowed to monks. On the other hand, precept names did not lead to any major problems even if they were granted many times. As long as the state was willing to create a social atmosphere where monks with a precept name were better treated and those who had been granted several precept names were respected, precept names had significance as an element determining a monk’s status. 고려 전기 법호는 僧職이나 僧階와 함께 승려에게 국가가 하사한 공적 지위였다. 고려 전기의 법호는 중국의 ‘師號’가 大師라는 직함과 법호를 하사하는 방식이었던 것과 관련된다. 다만 고려 전기는 중국식 ‘師號’보다 고려의 독특한 제도인 僧階를 중시했기 때문에 법호와 승계를 연칭하여 사용하였다. 법호는 法稱이나 懿號로도 불렸으며, 勳號⋅功號와 같은 의미를 가졌다. 현재 확인된 사료에 근거한다면 이들 법호 수여의 대상자는 최하위 승계인 大德 이상이었다. 최소 2자에서 최대 34자의 법호를 하사받은 사례가 있으며, 해당 승려의 덕행을 드러내기 위해 주어졌다고 한다. 한편 다수의 승려에게 일시에 법호가 사여되면서 동일한 법호를 가진 승려가 동시기에 활동하기도 했다. 국왕의 즉위나 태후의 임명과 같은 국가적 의례 참석자나 사면령이 내려지는 시기에 관료들에 대한 포상과 함께 승려에게는 승계나 승직을 주기도 했다. 그러나 이와같은 보상은 한정적인 승계의 단계와 승직의 수 때문에 한계를 가졌다. 반면에 법호는 여러 차례 하사된다고 해도 큰 문제가 생기지 않았다. 승계처럼 계위를 가지는 것은 아니었지만, 여러 개의 법호를 누적해서 사용하는 방식으로 승려의 공적 지위를 보증해주었다. 법호가 功號나 勳號와 같은 의미를 가진 만큼 국가에서 하사한 법호의 보유와 누적은 이를 가진 승려의 지위를 보장해주었다. 게다가 특정 법회에 참여한 이에게 특정 법호를 하사하는 방식마저 있었다면, 법호를 통해 해당 승려가 참여한 법회나 공로를 파악할 수도 있어 그의 공로를 확인하는 방법도 되었을 것이다.