삼일/오사의 접점으로서의 ‘문화(운동)’

김현주 연세대학교 국학연구원 2018 동방학지 Vol.182 No.-

This paper focuses on the transition from civilization to culture and the growth of culture in East Asia in the post-World War I period. In particular, it analyzes the culture (cultural movement) theory as a point of contact between the Independence Movement, otherwise known as the March 1st Movement of Korea, and the May 4th Movement in China. In Joseon, the “culture” (cultural movement) driving the Independence Movement—its revolution-based uprooting of the political status quo and political idealism—displayed post-modern and post-capitalist tendencies mixed with social revolution theory. In the early days of Dong-A Ilbo, however, the politicization of this "culture" was deeply resonant with China 's own cultural movement of the time. Importantly, it was not the “nation” or “literary art” that Dong-A Ilbo referred to, cited, or appropriated when it first encountered the Chinese cultural movement, but “society” (revolution). In this context, this paper first attempts to revise and supplement the research that either unified the idea of “cultural movement” as a culturalist philosophy upheld by a group of Korean students studying in Japan, or that defined its ideological basis as liberal nationalism or bourgeois nationalism. Through this discussion, it suggests that particular attention should be paid to the “social” imagination of cultural concepts, which is a key element of Korean nationalism, modernization, liberalism, socialist revolution, traditional theory, "Naeseon Ilchae" theory, and the East Asia community theory. 이 논문은 제1차 세계대전을 전후한 시기 동아시아에서 문명에서 문화로의 전환 또는 문화의 인플레이션 현상에 주목했으며, 특히 한국의 삼일운동과 중국의 오사운동의 접점으로서 문화(운동)론을 분석했다. 한·중 양국에서 ‘문화’는 삼일과 오사의 과제를 계승하는 동시에 그것을 특정한 시좌에서 확장하려한 다양한 주체들의 실천에 의해 복잡하고 풍부한 의미를 작동시키게 되었다. ‘문화운동’은 그 첫 번째 실천형식이었다. 이 논문에서는 한·중의 문화(운동)론이 접촉한 첫 단계인 초창기 『동아일보』에서 당시 중국에서 진행되고 있던 문화운동이 어떤 방식으로 참조되고 평가되고 또 전유되고 있었는지를 들여다보았다. 한국에서 ‘문화’는 1910년대 후반에 문명화의 비전과 능력을 두고 식민 권력과 타협/경쟁한 일본 유학생 그룹에 의해 운이 떼어진 이념이었으며, 근대 서구를 목표로 한 문명화 담론의 일부였다. 그런데 삼일운동기의 혁신적 정세와 정치적 이상주의를 호흡하면서 ‘문화(운동)’은 단번에 비약하여 사회혁명론과 결합하여 탈근대적, 탈자본주의적 지향을 보였다. 초창기 『동아일보』에서 이와 같은 ‘문화’의 정치화는 당시 진행되던 중국의 문화운동에 대한 깊은 공명 속에서 진행되었다. 즉 『동아일보』가 중국의 문화운동을 맨 처음 접했을 때 중요하게 참조하고 인용하고 전유한 것은 ‘민족’이나 ‘문학’이 아니라 ‘사회(혁명)’이었다. 이러한 논의를 통해 본고는 우선 한국에서 문화운동의 사상을 일본유학생 집단이 실어 나른 문화주의철학으로 단일화하거나 그 이데올로기적 기반을 자유주의적 민족주의 또는 부르주아 민족주의로 규정해온 기왕의 연구를 수정, 보완하고자 했다. 아울러 본고는 식민지기에 민족주의, 근대화론, 자유주의, 사회주의혁명, 전통론, 동아협동체론 등 중요한 정치사회적 기획과 담론에서 키워드가 된 문화 개념의 ‘사회적’ 상상에 주목할 것을 제안했다.

내몽골 문화대혁명과 ‘呼三司’

孫承會(SON SEUNGHOI) 중국근현대사학회 2020 중국근현대사연구 Vol.85 No.-

‘Husansi(呼三司)’, a representative united organization of the Red guards in early Inner Mongolia, developed the Cultural Revolution forming the close relationship with the Revolution Committee(革命委員會) in which Tenghaiqing(滕海淸) had taken the lead just after ‘8 Red Decisions( 紅8條)’. The advent and development of the comprehensive organ newspaper, Husansi(『呼三司』), reflects such situation. However, as ‘Husansi’ went through the process of criticism struggle over the Conservatives(保守派) the Ultra left(極左派) the Peripatetic(逍遙派), it underwent gradual conservatism, which prevented it from fully revealing the previous aspect as a ‘Revolutionary Rebels(革命造反派)’. The geopolitical position of the Inner Mongolia, adjacent to the Soviet Union and the Outer Mongolia, provided a backdrop for the precipitation of conservatism. Therefore, the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia showed an aspect distinguished from the nationwide trend which presented a shift from confrontations between the Conservatives/the Rebels to confrontations between radicalism and moderation within Rebels. As a consequence, taken as a whole, the Cultural Revolution was reduced to a top-down mobilization movement with the activity of radical Rebels remained inconspicuous, which opposed the handling of the Cultural Revolution by military-centered the Revolution Committee. It is plausible that the Genocide of Mongols following ‘the Expulsion Movement(‘挖肅運動’)’ and the ‘Neirendang(內人黨)’ detection struggle which was aggressively fueled by Tenghaiqing can be attributed to the ‘deviation’ of the Cultural Revolution caused by conservatism of Rebels, than to the radicalization of the Cultural Revolution. Taken as a whole, Husansi cooperated with ‘the Expulsion Movement.’ However, as it extended to ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, the objecting atmosphere in Inner Mongolia began to be reinforced. A part of ‘Husansi’ was passive to ‘the Expulsion Movement’ and took exceptional passive attitude to the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, and Mongol-centered ‘Liansi(聯社)’ strongly opposed to them. The fact that Hongweibing(『紅衛兵』) substituted Husnansi(『呼三司』), and propagated the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle actively, reflected the discontent of Tenghaiqing on ‘Huansi’. If then, isn’t it possible to say that the passive resist of ‘Husansi’ was the manifestation of class line to check the ‘deviation’ of the Revolution Committee which wanted to confine the Cultural Revolution in the category of the ethnic issues? Also, during the process in which Tenghaiqing was criticized by ‘Husansi’, and Husansi substituted Hongweibing again, the previous victims were reinstated, and this is a symbolic event showing complicated interrelation between the ethnic contradiction and the class contradiction in the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia. It deserved to be evaluated as one of the ‘self-purification’ endeavors against the Cultural Revolution ‘deviation’. Eventually, it cannot be said that the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia which was seen by mainly paying attention to ‘Husansi’, only developed in the framework of the ethnic issues. The proper class issue of Cultural Revolution was a prominent power of the movement as well. Though it was incapable of inhibiting the genocide due to the conservatism of ‘Husansi’ which was fulfilled in the limitation of geopolitics, the limited autonomy of “Husansi” was represented as the passive resist against the ‘Neirendang’ detection struggle, and as criticism movement over Tenghaiqing.

文化大革命시기 「國民經濟發展」구상과 三五계획

박선민(Seonmin Park) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.89 No.-

The Third Five-Year Plan of the People"s Republic of China(PRC) was an economic development plan that was supposed to launch from 1966 to 1970, the first half of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution(Cultural Revolution). In previous studies, the effectiveness of the Third Five-Year Plan was undervalued, and that is why the full-fledged research has not been carried out on this topic. In-depth analysis, however, is necessary for two reasons. Firstly, the economic development strategy, which PRC leadership meant to implement at the Cultural Revolution, can be found by studying the Third Five-Year Plan. Secondly, the profound change, which implies the economic situation during the early period of the Cultural Revolution, occurred when PRC establishing the Third Five-Year Plan. This study starts at the comparison between two documents, the initial and the revised drafts, both of which were written for the setting of the Third Five-Year Plan. The causes of changing and economic debates in the early times of the Cultural Revolution are followed after that analysis. This study led to the following conclusions. First of all, the Chinese leaders, the so-called faction of radicals on the Cultural Revolution, did not abandon the economic development. For Mao Zedong and other leaders, the development of "the National Economic" has always been the key issue for the nation"s survival. Next, the process of variation in the Third Five-Year Plan and its contents were closely related economic damages which were result of debates among Chinese leadership in the early days of the Cultural Revolution. The Third Five-Year Plan underwent a significant change when a large-scale war preparation plan called the Third-Front Movement was incorporated into it. Through this process, the initial plan, which was composed stably based on the experience of the Great Leap Forward movement and the period of adjustment, was changed to be the revised plan, which was more rigid and goal-oriented. Unfortunately, the problems caused by this change have remained unsolved. Finally, the Third Five-Year Plan was not overwhelmed by the Cultural Revolution, but it managed to exert a certain influence on the economic. In the second half of 1966, economic debates arose to complete the Third Five-Year Plan, and the Chinese leadership decided to spread the Cultural Revolution to the economic areas. On the contrary, when it was confirmed that the Cultural Revolution had negative impacts on the economy, the Chinese leadership tried to quickly stabilize the political situation by mobilizing the People"s Liberation Army. These adjustments show that the Chinese leadership considered the Third Five-Year Plan as an independent policy package from the Cultural Revolution.

68학생운동의 한국적 수용

정현백 한국독일사학회 2008 독일연구 Vol.- No.16

Nowadays the 68 movement goes beyond the earlier interpretation of eurocentric movement and is regarded as a global act. Looking from the perspective of transnational history, it was a happening which took place in Europe, North & South America, Africa and Asia. Then how was the 68 Movement transferred to and received in South Korea? This article tries to survey the process of transfer and reception of the 68 movement in South Korea through analysis of newspapers and magazines and interviews of former student activists and publishers. This movement was partially introduced to South Korea, but was not adapted seriously. The newspapers reported the facts shortly, but without interpretations. In case of magazines and student magazines there even appeared some negative comments. The 68 movement seemed to be regarded as students' childish acts from developed countries and therefore their issues and strategies were not so attractive to korean students. Behind such interpretations lay some strong pride of patriotic and self sacrificing South Korean student movements since colonial times till the democratization movements of the 60's and 70's. In other words, to the South Korean social movements it was impossible to understand the social contexts and action programs of western 68 movements. Rather the chinese culture revolution, composing the other pole of global 68 movement, was adopted more actively to korean social movements. In analysing the newspapers, the articles about chinese culture revolution were 5 times more than the western 68 movement. During these times South Korean social movements fixed on its own serious problems. The fight against the revision of the constitution for the third presidential nomination of military dictator Park Chung Hee, and the arrest of students under the cause of building a communist party, TongHyeokDang, etc overburdened the student movement. It was not in a situation to receive new problem-consciousness raised from the outside. But with the translation of several books of Herbert Marcuse, korean intellectuals understood the background of the 68 movements slowly and the number of the students, who had studied in western developed countries, began to translate the books and wrote articles about the 68 movements. Such introductions were only possible after the realization of political democratization of Korea in 1990's. But it is sceptical on how serious such introduction of the 68 movements has been received by south korean intellectuals and activists of social movements. It is proved by the fact that the South Korean participatory democracy has developed very well since the last 40 years but the necessity of culture revolution and consciousness revolution is not realized in South Korean society until now.

청년문화론에서의 ‘문화/정치’의 경계 문제

박대현 한국문학이론과비평학회 2012 한국문학이론과 비평 Vol.56 No.-

It is impossible to argue about youth culture in 1960s~1970s without premising the April Revolution. Because the minor generation experiencing the April Revolution is the subject of ‘youth culture’ formed at the end of the 1960s. The political consciousness inculcated after the April Revolution begins to decay rapidly after 5·16 military coup. As the subject of Revolution returned to their everyday lives in the repression of military regime, there is a serious crack between consciousness and behavior. The Self-governing subjects in the April Revolution returned to the helpless subject again. College Students’ voluntary ‘new life movement’ got to lose even the subjective will because of being absorbed into the military regime’s policies, and the new phenomenon called ‘youth culture’ became to occur in the late 1960s. ‘Youth culture’ seemed to take passive or unconscious resistance against system, but this was basically no more than a form of culture as indirect or suppressed politics. In this regard, it is supposed that ‘youth culture’ in the military regime occured in the process that political youth get down to de-political one. It is enough to say that the April Revolution symbolized by Kim, Ju-Youl dominated the time as a form of repetition compulsion, which shows exactly what ‘youth culture’was short of. And Lim Joong-Bin is likely to say what is the nature of ‘youth culture’, claiming that one shift ‘youth culture’ into student movement by inscribing the student movement to youth culture for the cultural revolution preceding a political revolution. The nature of ‘youth culture’ is just crack itself forming a boundary line of ‘Politics’ and ‘culture’. The very boundary line and crack are depth of ‘youth culture’, and give us a perspective to understand the source of youth culture. 1960~70년대의 청년문화는 4월혁명을 전제하지 않고는 논의가 불가능하다. 4월혁명을 체험한 미성년의 세대가 60년대 말에 형성된 청년문화의 주체이기 때문이다. 4월혁명 직후의 비등했던 정치의식은 5·16 군사쿠데타 이후 급격히 소멸되기 시작한다. 군사정권의 억압 속에서 혁명 주체들이 일상으로 돌아감으로써 의식과 행동 사이에 심각한 균열을 안게 되었다. 4월혁명 때 체험했던 자기통치적 주체들이 다시 무기력한 주체로 되돌아간 것이다. 대학생들의 자발적인 ‘신 생활운동’마저 군사정권의 정책에 흡수됨으로써 그 주체적 의지가 상실되고 마는데, 1960년대 말에 이르면 ‘청년문화’라는 새로운 현상이 발생한다. ‘청년문화’는 소극적이거나 무의식적인 체제저항성을 지닌 것으로 볼 수 있지만, 이는 기본적으로 정치를 문화의 형태로 간접화하거나 억압한 것에 지나지 않는다. 그런 점에서 군사정권 아래에서의 청년문화는 정치성에서 탈정치성으로 전락(顚落)하는 과정에서 발생한 것이다. 청년문화 현상이 지배적일지라도 김주열로 상징되는 4월혁명은 반복강박의 형태로 당대를 지배했다고 할 수 있는데, 이는 청년문화가 무엇을 결여하고 있는지를 정확히 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 정치혁명에 선행하는 문화혁명을 위해 학생운동을 청년문화에 기입함으로써 청년문화를 문화운동으로 전환시키자는 임중빈의 주장은 청년문화의 본질이 정확히 무엇인가를 말해준다. 청년문화의 본질은 바로 ‘정치’와 ‘문화’의 경계를 이루고 있는 균열 그 자체이다. 이 경계와 균열이야말로 청년문화의 심층을 이루고 있으며, 청년문화를 이해하는 근원적인 시각을 제공해준다.

백원담-차오정루(曺征路) 대담 ― 『민주수업』의 문화대혁명 성찰과 그 후

백원담 한국중국현대문학학회 2015 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.75

This conversation between Chinese novelist Cao Zhenglu, who pioneered the “netherworld” literature with works such as Lessons in Democracy and There, and Asian modern thoughts scholar Paik Wondam focuses upon the novel Lessons in Democracy. The story suggests a solution to the difficulties China has faced after the Reform and Opening Up by reflecting them from a perspective of the Cultural Revolution. The writer looks squarely at the reality in which the senior party officials who were purged in the Cultural Revolution returned to vilify it for their interests, and studies of the Cultural Revolution becomes yet another academic topic and pedantry. Cao questions, “What is revolution for? What did people get from it?” He argues that revolution is meaningless when people fail to become masters, and ridiculed by a handful of ruling class. He concludes that the Cultural Revolution was a great lesson in democracy, and explains how he represented it in the family and social relationships of the Red Guards. Paik notes how Cao understood the main goal of the Cultural Revolution was to defeat the capitalism-leaning senior party officials in intraparty class struggle, and reconstructed it in the everyday experience of a school girl and her family. Here, an entirely new vision of the Cultural Revolution opens up. She particularly praises his profound understanding of the Cultural Revolution as the question of “popular democracy” and remarkable skills in portraying it in consciousness and practices of the Red Guards of the time. She contends that the Cultural Revolution should be understood as a world historical event appropriated across national borders rather than just a past history of China.

문화대혁명(文化大革命) 초기 호남(湖南)의 급진적 조반(造反) 운동과 그 참여 동기 -성무련(省無聯)의 결성과 참여 세력 분석을 중심으로-

서석하 ( Seo Sukha ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2019 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.76 No.-

본 연구는 문화대혁명 초기 진행된 湖南의 조반 운동, 특히 호남의 조반 조직인 ‘省無聯’이 진행한 조반 운동을 분석한다. 구체적으로, 호남의 지역적 정치 상황과 ‘성무련’의 성립 배경, 그리고 참여 세력의 동기를 규명하여, 1967년 중순 당 중앙의 질서 회복 정책에도 불구하고 ‘성무련’이 체제 이반적인 조반 운동을 지속하게 된 현실적 원인을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 문화대혁명의 질서 회복 국면에서 성립한 ‘성무련’에는 서로 다른 성격을 가진 집단들이 참여하였다. 이들 참여 세력은 참여 동기에 따라 크게 세 가지로 구분할 수 있다. 첫째, 학생조직들의 경우 ‘계속혁명’을 주장하며 모택동이 애초에 제시하였던 급진적 이념을 추구하기 위해 ‘성무련’에 가담하였다. 둘째, 문화대혁명에서 배제된 조반파들은 문화대혁명 과정에서 자신을 보호하고 영향력을 계속 유지하려는 동기를 가지고 있었다. 셋째, ‘조반’의 권리를 실질적으로 행사하지 못했던 ‘經濟主義’, ‘右派’ 집단들은 아직 개선하지 못한 자신의 경제적 빈곤, 낙인의 제거 등 사회경제적 문제를 해결하는 것을 그 목적으로 삼고 있었다. 이처럼 상이한 입장들을 하나로 묶어낼 수 있었던 것이 바로 ‘성무련’이었다. ‘성무련’이 당시 주변부적 위치에서 질서 회복 정책을 거부하며 ‘성혁주’와 대립하고 있었다는 점, 그리고 참여 집단들에게 장래의 상황 개선 기회를 보장해주고 그 기간 역시 연장시켜줄 수 있다고 기대되었다는 점이 크게 작용하였다. ‘성무련’ 참여 동기에 대한 분석은 다양한 집단들이 어떻게 ‘성혁주’의 질서 회복 정책에 대한 거부라는 지점에서 수렴되어 ‘성무련’의 체제 이반적인 조반 운동에 참여하였는지를 보여준다. 이를 통해 당 중앙의 지지 아래 시작된 초기의 조반 운동이 체제 이반적 성격으로 변화하는 데에는 이념적 요인뿐만 아니라 지역의 정치 역학과 사회경제적 상황 등 현실적 요인이 크게 작용하였음을 알 수 있다. This study aimed to illustrate the rebel movement in Hunan province in the early phase of the Cultural Revolution(1966~1968), with the emphasis of Shengwulian 省無聯, a local rebel organization formed in Hunan during the Cultural Revolution. As the first empirical study on Shengwulian, this study analyzed how Shengwulian was initially formed and organized. In addition, it focused on each participant joined in Shengwulian, making sense of the strong motivation that drove the Shengwulian’s rebel movement onward even under the campaign of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) to restore order against the rebels since the mid-1967. The participants who joined in Shengwulian had the antagonism against the party and Shenggechou 省革籌. On the basis of their anti-establishment antagonism, the participants of Shengwulian shared three motivations. First, some of them, especially students, insisted the Mao’s theory of Continuous Revolution, participating in Shengwulian to pursue the ideal of the Cultural Revolution. Second, the rebels excluded from the Cultural Revolution by Shenggechou hoped to defend themselves and retrieve their influence in the Cultural Revolution. Lastly, the “rightests 右派” and “economistic 經濟主義” groups of the lowest class of Hunan society, which did not have the right to rebel, joined in Shengwulian to elevate their socio-economic status out of stigma and poverty. Shengwulian was able to bring people of diverse backgrounds together into one. It is because the participants could be against Shenggechou that threaten them at that time and shared a sense of hope to resolve each their own difficulty by taking part in the Shengwulian. This study on motivations of participants shows that why various social groups was against Shenggechou’s policy that sought for the restoration of the social order and participated in the rebel movement of Shengwulian. In this respect, this study validated that the power dynamics and socio-economic condition in local level as well as ideological factor played a major role in making the rebel movement started by the support of CCP turn rebellious and against the party's direction during the Cultural Revolution.

문화대혁명(文化大革命)과 ‘혈통론(血統論)’

손승회 ( Son Seung Hoi ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.115 No.-

In this paper, I examined the emergence of “bloodline theory”, the debates between “bloodline theory” and “identification theory”, the debate between “the clique of 4 ㆍ 3” and “the clique of 4 ㆍ 4”, and finally the problem of “the children who can be well educated.” Through this, it was revealed that “bloodline theory” was continuously functioning throughout the entire Cultural Revolution period. Despite the formal denial of the clique of the Cultural Revolution, the “bloodline theory” could be maintained. It was because “bloodline theory” was one of the fundamental reasoning structures for maintaining the People’s Republic of China.” In particular, in the period of the Cultural Revolution, which was characterized by the distinction and confrontation between enemy and friend of the class, the bloodline could be the most definite political asset and burden. This, on the other hand, is an example of the irony that the Cultural Revolution possesses, that is to say, the its conservative character. Meanwhile, the victim of the Cultural Revolution, who emerged in the process of “bloodline controversy” and “the downward movement” of “the children who can be well educated” soon emerged as a major force leading the radical stream of the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution was a new possibility for those victims who experienced the rebel in the irrational and violent discrimination of bloodline. In this context, some of them were able to move to the path of the idealistic clique of the ultra-leftist who opposed to the real and central Cultural Revolution.

신해혁명 시기 신사상운동의 전개과정과 내용

오수열 동의대학교 인문사회연구소 2009 인간과 문화 연구 Vol.- No.15

신해혁명은 좁은 의미로는 1911년 무창(武昌)에서 폭발한 혁명을 지칭하지만, 넓은 의미로는 1894년부터 1912년까지의 10여 년에 걸친 일련의 혁명과정을 지칭한다. 신해혁명의 발발은 1860년부터 시작된 양무운동(洋務運動)이 성공을 거두지 못한 채 청조(淸朝)가 쇠락의 길을 걷게 되면서 민중의 삶 또한 곤궁해진 데 대한 반발의 결과이다. 손문(孫文)을 비롯한 한족(漢族)의 지도자들은 양무(洋務) 및 변법(變法)과 같은 개량적 방법으로는 중국을 구제할 수 없다고 판단하고 청조를 타도하고 새로운 공화국(共和國)을 수립해야 한다고 주장하게 된 것이다. 손문 등이 이처럼 공화국 수립을 주장하게 된 데에는 당시 사회의 여러 상황이 반영되었을 뿐만 아니라, 그러한 주장을 뒷받침하는 사상(思想)들이 이미 존재하고 있었기 때문이다. 이른바 ‘신사상(新思想)’이라고 불리는 이러한 시대적 조류는 첫째, 전제군주에 대한 반대, 둘째, 그동안 남권(男權)과 부권(父權)에 억눌렸던 여권(女權)의 신장, 셋째, 가족관계의 변화, 넷째, 미신(迷信)에 대한 무신론(無神論)의 대두, 다섯째, 신교육(新敎育)의 진흥 등으로 요약할 수 있다. 신해혁명 시기의 이러한 신사상운동은 신해혁명의 성공으로 ‘중화민국’이 수립됨으로써 그 역할이 끝난 것이 아니고, 1919년 ‘5․4운동’의 발발에까지 커다란 영향을 미치게 된다. 즉, ‘5․4신문화운동(5․4新文化運動)’의 뿌리에는 ‘신사상운동’이 놓여 있는 것이다. 이것이 신해혁명 시기의 신사상운동에 대해 관심을 갖게 하는 이유다. Chinese Revolution refers to a reform occurring in Wǔcháng in 1911 in a narrow sense, but refers to a reformative process over 10 years from 1894 to 1912 in a broad sense. The outbreak of Chinese Revolution was a result of impoverished life of the people as Qing Dynasty declined due to failure of the movement of strenuous efforts that began in 1860. Chinese leaders including Sun Wen judged that China could not be saved with enriching methods such as introduction of foreign matters and reforms and insisted that Qing Dynasty had to be overthrown and a new republic had to be established. Sun Wen's suggestion to establish a republic reflected various conditions of the society and ideas that supported such suggestion already existed. That is, historical trends of what is so-called ‘new ideology’ can be summarized as follows: First, opposition against autocrats; Second, the extension of women´s rights oppressed by men's right; Third, changes in family structures; Fourth, appearance of atheism against superstition; and fifth, promotion of new education. Such new ideology movement in the Chinese Revolution did not complet its role as Republic of China was established with a success of the Chinese Revolution. Rather, it had a great influence on the outbreak of New Cultural Movement in 1919. That is, New Ideology Movement lied in the root of May 5 New Cultural Movement. It is the reason that we should pay attention to New Ideology Movement in Chinese Revolution.

구술 증언록의 문화 융합 콘텐츠로서 활용 가능성 : 구술 증언록 3 8민주의거는 끝나지 않았다 를 중심으로

이내관(Lee Naekwan) 한국문화융합학회 2021 문화와 융합 Vol.43 No.9

이 연구는 (사)3 8민주의거기념사업회가 2019년에 디지털 아카이브 작업을 통해 완성한 구술 증언록 3 8민주의거는 끝나지 않았다 의 문화 융합 콘텐츠로서 활용 가능성을 탐색한 것이다. 3 8민주의거는 1960년 3월8일 대전지역 고등학생들이 자유당 정권의 부정과 부패에 맞서 투쟁한 대전 충청권 학생운동으로 4 19혁명의모체가 된다. 그럼에도 불구하고 3 8민주의거의 역사적 의의와 가치가 널리 알려지지 못한 것이 현실이다. 이에이 연구에서는 증언록의 내용을 토대로 구성한 의거의 전개과정을 활용하여 증언록이 새로운 문화 융합 콘텐츠가될 수 있다는 점을 다음과 같이 밝혀내었다. 첫째, 구술 증언록의 내용은 3 8민주의거가 지닌 역사적 의의와 정체성뿐만 아니라 대구 2 28민주운동, 마산3 15의거, 4 19혁명, 나아가 5 18민주화운동, 6월항쟁과 맥을 같이 하고 있음을 밝혔다. 이러한 의미는 3 8 민주의거가 지닌 정체성을 다양한 항쟁사와 함께 논의함으로써 새로운 민주화 콘텐츠를 만들어 낼 수 있는 기회를 제공할 것이다. 둘째, 구술 증언록에는 대전 지역뿐만 아니라 증언자들이 태어나 성장한 곳의 다양한 이야기역사와 문화가 축척되어 있었다. 무엇보다 구술자의 증언 내용이 새로운 콘텐츠로 개발된 사례도 있음을 확인할수 있었다. 셋째, 증언록에 담긴 3 8정신이나 4 19정신은 선비정신과 연결되어 있다는 사실이 드러났다. 이러한사실은 3 8민주의거를 단순히 1960년의 저항정신으로만 논의하여서는 곤란하다는 점을 시사한다. 끝으로 3 8민주의거의 시작과 시위 경로를 알리는 3 8민주로 명예 도로명판을 활용하여 새로운 대전의 역사 투어 코스를 개발할 수 있는 기회를 제공할 수 있다. In this study, the possibility of use as cultural and convergence contents of the oral testimonial record “The 3 8 Democratic Residence is not over” was explored in 2019 by the 3 8 Democratic Movement Residence Memorial Project Association through digital archive work. The 3 8 Democratic Movement is a student movement in Daejeon and Chungcheong Province in which high school students in Daejeon fought against the corruption of the Liberal Party on March 8, 1960, and it became the ancestor of the 4 19 Revolution. Nevertheless, the reality is that most of the historical significance and value of the 3 8 Democratic Movement are not widely known. Therefore, in this study, the development process constructed based on the contents of the testimonies and the fact that it can be used as a new cultural and convergence element is revealed as follows. First, through oral testimonies, the historical significance and identity of the 3 8 Democratic Movement Uprising are in line with the Daegu 2 28 Democratic Movement, the Masan 3 15 Uprising, the 4 19 Revolution, and furthermore, the May 18 and June Uprising. This historical significance makes it possible to create new content for democratization by discussing the identity of the 3 8 Democratic Movement Residence with various intentions or protest history. Second, the oral testimony records not only the Daejeon area, but also the history and culture of various stories of the places where the witnesses were born and raised. It was confirmed that there were cases in which the testimonies of the narrator were developed as new contents in later generations. The contents of the testimonials will be the basis for the development of contents that can recall the lives of the 3 8 Democratic Movement. Third, the spirit of 3 8 and the spirit of 4 19 contained in the testimonies is connected with the spirit of scholars. Finally, a new history tour course in Daejeon can be developed by using the honorary road signboard of the 3 8 Democratic Road that informs the beginning of the March 8th Democratic Movement and the route of the demonstration.