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동유럽의 이질적 공간 융합과 통합전환 사례: ‘베를린 프로세스’를 중심으로
김철민 한국유럽학회 2025 유럽연구 Vol.43 No.2
동유럽은 역사적 피해 의식과 오랫동안 이어진 외세 지배로 인해 많은 갈등을 겪어야 했으며, 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등 여러 면에서 서유럽과 다른 이질적 공간을 형성하게 되었다. 이러한 동유럽 내 이질성은 양차 대전 시기와 함께 20세기 말 체제 전환 과정 속에 다양한 민족 갈등 및 인종 청소의 아픔을 남겼으며, 오늘날까지 영향을 미치는 중이다. 동유럽 이질성 극복의 첫 번째 통합 전환은 이념을 내세운 사회주의 시기 동안 진행되었다. 그리고 21세기 현재, 동유럽 국가들은 유럽화를 향한 EU 가입을 통해 두 번째 통합 전환을 시도하는 중이다. 오늘날 통합 전환의 경우 자발성과 적극성을 지닌다는 점에서, 과거 사회주의 때와는 차이점을 보인다고 할 것이다. 실제, 통합 전환의 매개체인 정치, 경제, 사회적 유럽화(EU와 유로존, 솅겐 가입) 과정은 동유럽 통합 전환의 미래를 추진해 가는 중요한 동력이 되고 있다. 동유럽 지역 중 아직 유럽화에 진입하지 못한 ‘서부 발칸’ 지역은 동유럽의 대표적인 이질적 공간이자, 이에 따른 갈등과 분열 그리고 통합, 융합의 가능성을 잘 보여주는 곳이라 할 수 있다. 오늘날 서부 발칸 국가와 민족들은 EU 가입을 통한 유럽화를 목표로 이질적 공간 고립에서 벗어나 다시 한번 새로운 통합을 모색하는 중이다. 그 핵심에 바로 정치적 유럽화라 할 수 있는 EU 가입이 자리하고 있으며, 이를 위한 매개체로 ‘베를린 프로세스’라는 지역 협력 기구가 자리한다. 본 연구에선 서부 발칸의 이질적 공간 융합과 통합 전환의 중요 매개체로 ‘베를린 프로세스’를 제시하고, 그 형성 배경과 의미를 분석하고자 한다. The Eastern Europe had to go through many conflicts due to historical victim consciousness and long-term foreign domination. As a result, it formed a heterogeneous space different from Western Europe in many aspects such as politics, economy, society, and culture. This heterogeneity within Eastern Europe left behind various ethnic conflicts and the pain of recognition cleansing during the period of the World Wars and the System transition in the late 20th century, and continues to have an impact to this day. The first integrated transition in Eastern Europe to overcome heterogeneity took place during the socialist period. And now in the 21st century, Eastern European countries are attempting a second integrated transition through EU accession toward Europeanization. Today’s integrated transition is different from the past socialist period in that it is voluntary and proactive. In fact, the process of political, economic, and social Europeanization (EU, Eurozone, and Schengen accession), which is the medium of integrated transition, is an important driving force for the future of integrated transition in Eastern Europe. The ‘Western Balkans’ region, which has not yet entered Europeanization, is a representative heterogeneous space in Eastern Europe. The Western Balkans can be said to be a place that well shows the conflicts and divisions that come with heterogeneous spaces, as well as the possibility of integration and fusion. Today, Western Balkan countries and peoples are seeking new integration once again, breaking away from the isolation of heterogeneous spaces with the goal of Europeanization through EU accession. At the core of this is EU accession, and the ‘Berlin Process’ is a representative regional cooperation organization for this. In this study, the ‘Berlin Process’ is presented as an important medium for the heterogeneous spatial fusion and integrated transition of Western Balkans, and its formation background and meaning are analyzed.
안성호(Sung Ho Ahn) 한국외국어대학교 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.5
EU국가들은 개발협력에 대한 평가와 대다수 개도국들의 절박한 경제사회의 현실을 직시하고, 변화하는 세계화 시대에 심화되는 상호의존성 및 동반자의식을 감안한 발칸지역의 국제협력의 시급성과 중요성을 새롭게 인식하고 있다. 정치경제학적으로도 원조 공여국은 원조기구를 통해서도 수원국에 영향을 미친다. 본 연구는 발칸지역에 대한 EU의 중요국가들인 영국, 독일, 프랑스, 스웨덴, 스페인, 이태리 등 6개국의 ODA 정책을 중심으로 상호 원조개발문제에 있어 어떠한 협력관계를 갖고 있는지를 분석 정리하였다. 발칸지역은 유고연방해체 이후 각각 개별적으로 EU국가들과의 협력을 통해 그동안의 민족분규에 따른 부정적 이미지를 축소하고 EU 가입목표를 향해 ODA 정책을 수립하고 동유럽 발칸지역 주변국가와의 협력을 통하여 적극적인 시장개척을 위한 기반 조성을 해나가고 있다. 발칸지역국가중 중심적인 국가인 세르비아가 아직은 EU 가입국가가 아니며 정치경제적으로도 과도기에 있어 EU를 비롯한 국제기구와 유럽선진국의 ODA 정책 수원국 입장에 있다. EU의 중요 회원국의 ODA원조는 각각 발칸지역의 수원국가를 중심으로 협력관계를 지속하고 있다. EU 중요국가의 ODA 기준 등이 유사한 목표를 갖고 있으며 이는 공여국과 수원국간의 글로벌한 협력을 추진함에 있어 하나의 기준이 되고 있다. 그동안 EU의 ODA는 인종갈등, 민족분쟁 으로 인하여 정책환경이 부재하거나 제 기능이 발휘되지 못한 국가들에게는 그들이 분쟁에서 벗어날 수 있는 외부적 지원을 강화하여 왔다. 그리고 분쟁이후에도 이러한 국가가 처한 현실을 경감시킬 수 있는 긴요한 원조 정책을 여러 분야별로 수립하고 있다. 앞으로 EU 를 중심으로 한 유럽선진국가들은 세르비아, 코소보를 비롯하여 발칸지역국가에 대한 ODA 정책에 더 깊은 관심을 갖어야 한다고 생각한다. Recently the Balkan's political economy as a whole, and it is expected that this project will contribute to better mutual understanding among the participant countries. ODA (Official Developement Assistance)of EU are the model of politics, economy, history and culture all over the world. Some of EU major membership countries(UK,Germany, France, Sweden, Spain, Italy) assist and support developing countries and countries in transition as the executing agency of EU ODA. In accordance with its vision of Inclusive and Dynamic Development, Major membership countries of EU are in charge of administering ODA such as technical cooperation, ODA loans and grant aid in integrated manner, exept contributions to international organization. Major membership countries of EU aim to provide assistance for growth and stability in the Balkan region, working mainly in the areas of environmental conservation, private sector development and the consolidation of peace. In this paper, I will examine how much the Balkan's decision have a international meaning for the solution of the Ethnicity problem. Also I will analyze about the aspects and the efforts of Major membership countries of EU and I will explain about the historical contents on the Balkan's ODA policy and role. In addition, This study discuss major factors on the ODA of EU related to political economy and the future of the Balkans.
민족적 기원의 역사를 통해본 세르비아와 크로아티아의 차이 : Perspectives from the History of Ethic Origins
권혁재 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 1997 국제지역연구 Vol.7 No.4
2차세계대전후 가장 잔인한 전쟁이라 평가되는 발칸분쟁의 주역인 세르비아와 크로아티아의 갈등에 관한 연구는 최근 들어 여러 학문분야에서 다양한 각도로 연구되고 있다. 남슬라브 지식인들의 통합 이데올로기였던 19세기 “남슬라브주의(Illyrism)"나, 모든 민족적 차이를 극복하고 하나의 남슬라브인으로 새롭게 태어나고자 호소했던 구(舊)유고연방시절 티토(Tito)의 ”유고슬라비즘(Yugoslavism)"도 두 민족의 이질성을 순화시키지는 못했다. 외세의 침탈기에 민족적 생존을 위해 강요받아진 통합이론은 오히려 두 민족의 갈등만으로 증폭시켰고 결과적으로 두 민족의 비극적인 결별로 이어졌다. 이 연구는 갈등의 원인을 기존의 연구들에서는 다루지 않은 민족적 기원이라는 새로운 관저에서 연구해 보았다. 발칸에서 남슬라브인의 역사가 시작된후 그 어 떤 이상적인 이데올로기로도 희석시킬 수 없었던 갈등의 밑바탕에는 두 민족의 근원적인 차이가 있다. 두 민족의 근원적 차이에 대한 연구는 슬라브화 이전의 역사로부터 시작해야 된다. 그러나 남슬라브인 이전의 두 민족의 근원에 대한 연구는 국내외적으로 매우 빈약한 상태이며 대부분의 세르비아와 크로아티아의 역사서도 이 문제를 자세히 다루고 있지 않다. 이 연구는 두 민족의 슬라브화 이전의 민족역사에서 출발하여 두 민족의 슬라브화 과정 발칸에서 남슬라브인의 역사가 시작되며 두 민족의 문화적 차이에 가장 큰 영향을 끼친 사건인 기독교의 전파 과정과 결과를 다루어 보았다. 결론적으로 서로 다른 민족적 기원과 역사, 문화적 토양을 가진 세르비아와 크로아티아는 분명 서로 다른 민족이다. 두 민족 모두 자신들의 독립국가에서 민족적 정통성과 문화를 펼칠 권리를 가지고 있다. 그러나 이 권리가 다른 민족에 대한 배척과 침탈을 정당화해주지는 않는다. 세르비아와 크로아티아는 수세기동안을 함께해온 이웃 민족이며 친구이다. 두 민족의 평화적 공존은 서로의 차이점을 인정하고 존중함으로써 이루어질 수 있을 것이다. Recently, scholars have been studying in divers aspects the conflict between Serbia and Croatia. which has been regarded ad the cruelest war in the post World War Two period and as the main factor for the complication within the Balkans. This study is trying to examine the causes of their conflict from the ethnic origins with the new approach that has never been tried. On the basis of the conflict that cannot be dilted by any kind of ideal ideology ever since the history of the southern Slavic history began in the Balkans., lie the fundamental differences between those two ethnic groups. The study of the original differences of the two should be started from the history going back to the earlier period than the Balkans became Slavic. Nevertheless, the study on the origins of both ethnics prior to the formation of the Southern Slaves is rare in domestic and abroad. Otherwise, most historical works on Serbia and Croatia hardly deal with this question. Beginning with the study on the pre-Slavic history of the both ethnic groups, then examining their course of Slavic development to launch the Southern Slavic history in the Balkans, this study dealt with the process and result of the propagation of Christianity, which was the most influential event that affected on the formation of cultural differences of the two ethnics. In conclusion, Serbia and Croatia, which have different ethnic origins and history and different cultural texture each other. are certainly different ethnic groups. Therefore, the both have their own rights to hold on to their own ethnic authority and identity within their own independent nation state respectively. However, such rights would not justify to deny and invade the other ethnics. Serbia and Croatia have been good neighbors living
김원회 중앙대학교 외국학연구소 2016 외국학연구 Vol.- No.38
In this paper I investigate the Islamic features and characteristics of cultures in East Europe and the Balkans. The phrase “East Europe” dates back to the time of the Cold War and may be regarded by some as an out-of-date term. However, Islamic cultural features are spread around the geographical region of East Europe, especially the Balkans, so I have decided to use this terminology. The history of Islamic culture in this region mainly begins after its conquest by the Ottoman Empire in the 14th century. The Ottoman Empire governed the area through social institutions such as timar (a tax system), millet (culture-based communities) and devshirme ( regional human resource development programs). Of these three institutions, timar and devshirme helped spread Islam the most rapidly throughout this region. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Western European powers divided up the region according to their political interests without considering the religious and ethnic classifications of its peoples. Thus, in Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo and Bulgaria, religious and ethnic conflicts arose between Muslims and Orthodox Christians, and between ethnic Albanians, Turks, and Slavs. Based on my research, I found two main tracks of conflict related to Islam in the region. One is the struggle for political autonomy and independence of the Muslims and ethnic Albanians in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Its proponents were more radical and confrontational in their tactics than in the other conflict, which was for the political autonomy of Muslims and ethnic Turks in Bulgaria.
유럽연합의 난민 및 불법 이주민 유입통제의 아웃소싱: 서부 발칸 국가를 사례로
문남철 국토지리학회 2024 국토지리학회지 Vol.58 No.3
To control the influx of unwanted refugees and illegal migrants, the EU is expanding outsourcing to monitor, control and detain them outside its territories, using a variety of means and assistance. As the Western Balkans become potential candidate countries for EU member and major transit countries for refugees and illegal immigrants, they become a major target area for EU outsourcing, which controls of refugees and illegal migrants inflow. The EU's outsourcing of refugee and illegal immigration control in the Western Balkan uses West Balkan countries’ joining process, visa liberalization, and financial support to sign agreements. Through these agreements, the EU delegates the monitoring, control, and detention of refugees and illegal immigrants to the Western Balkan countries.
Greece`s Trade With The Balkan Countries: Is It Too Little?
( Panagiotis Liargovas ),( Dionysios Chionis ),( George Zanias ) 세종대학교 경제통합연구소 (구 세종대학교 국제경제연구소) 2002 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.17 No.3
In this paper we use a gravity model in order to estimate the magnitude of potential trade flows between Greece and nine Balkan countries. We adopt a two stage approach. At the first stage the coefficients of the gravity model for the implemented trade between Greece and thirty trade partners are estimated by using the method of Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR). At the subsequent step, we implement a research exercise by incorporating the estimated parameters to a gravity equation of Greece and the Balkan countries. It appears that Greece is “under-trading” with all the countries in the reference sample. The ratio of actual over potential exports/imports is less than unity in all cases. Under-trading is more pronounced in the case of imports, where the actual value approaches almost two per cent of the potential.
Greece's Trade With The Balkan Countries : Is It Too Little?
Chionis, Dionysios,Liargovas, Panagiotis,Zanias, George 세종대학교 국제경제연구소 2002 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.17 No.3
In this paper we use a gravity model in order to estimate the magnitude of potential trade flows between Greece and nine Balkan countries. We adopt a two stage apporach. At the first stage the coefficients of the gravity model for the implemented trade between Greece and thirty trade partners are estimated by using the method of Seemingly Unrelated Regression(SUR). At the subsequent step, we implement a research exercise by incorporating the estimated parameters to a gravity equation of Greece and Balkan countries. It appears that Greece is "under-trading" with all the countries in the reference sample. The ratio of actual over potential exports/imports is less than unity in all cases. Under-trading is more pronounced in the case of imports, where the actual value approaches almost two per cent of the potential.
Chinese Structural Power in Central and East Europe: A Case Study of Hungary and Serbia
Zeljana Zmire,Sang Kyou Kim 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2024 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.22 No.3
Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), including the Western Balkans, has been considered an area with exclusive European Union (EU) influence. This started to change with the rising Chinese influence, represented by large infrastructure projects, acquisitions of companies, and the development of companies/factories from scratch. China formed its strategy through the “16+1” framework, a platform of cooperation with the CEE states, as a part of its larger Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This rapid increase of economic investments created worries that China might be using its economic influence as leverage in other spheres, such as politics and diplomacy as well. Departing from other studies that view China’s influence narrowly; as threatening to EU-established institutions, or as an absence of such threat, this study contends that China’s influence should be understood in a more broad and multifaceted manner. Therefore, the study proposes utilizing structural power theory expressed in three dimensions; economic, politico-diplomatic and environmental. These analytic tools are utilized to analyze the scope and limitations of Chinese influence in Hungary and Serbia, the two countries where China proved to have largest investments and the closest relations among CEE countries.
이혁진,김경님 한국사진지리학회 2019 한국사진지리학회지 Vol.29 No.3
Slovenia is a country located in the northwestern part of the Balkans and is bordered by the Adriatic Sea to the southwest. Slovenia was a member of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, but Slovenia achieved its most stable economic growth after independence. As a result, Slovenia joined the EU and NATO in 2004 and became the first formerly communist country to join the Euro zone in 2007. The purpose of this paper is to descript its country’s historic and geographic backgrounds and characteristics of tourism geography and landscape by being focused on the slovenian regional study. The findings are as follows: Slovenia offers tourists a wide variety of cultural and natural destinations. The nation’s capital, Ljubljana, has many interesting sites; castle and plaza, church and symbolic bridges. The northwestern part has outstanding natural sceneries such as Lake Bled and Triglav National Park. As southwestern Adriatic Sea area, Koper and Piran city offer tourists with evidence that reflects the influence of the former Venetian Republic. The South is well known for its The Karst Plateau and the representative examples are Postojna Cave and the UNESCO-listed Škocjan Cave. Tourism in Slovenia is of high value in terms of the uniqueity of the cultural landscape of the south slavic people, the utilization of medieval and venetian landscapes, mysterious natural landscape and leisure use and geographic accessibility and transportation with neighboring countries.
최우석 수선사학회 2019 사림 Vol.0 No.70
This study is attempts to expand the existing view of finding the international background of the March 1st Movement only after the end of World War I. This will be examined the colonial Koreans' awareness of World War I and identify the points where it was connected to the independence movement. The Great War changed the direction of solidarity with the direction of independence movement. Germany was noticed as a new savior. In 1917, the Korean representatives pushed for an independence petition against the German emperor. This failed, but the efforts to form a “national representative” had a effect on the March 1st Movement. After the surrender of Germany, Wilson's self-determination emerged as the core logic. But Korean independence activists were not sure. Therefore, the Korean representatives insisted on “the actual victory of complete self-determination.” They called for independence by comparing Korea to the Balkans of the East.