EU의 대 발칸지역 ODA에 대한 연구

안성호(Sung Ho Ahn) 한국외국어대학교 동유럽발칸연구소 2014 동유럽발칸연구 Vol.38 No.5

EU국가들은 개발협력에 대한 평가와 대다수 개도국들의 절박한 경제사회의 현실을 직시하고, 변화하는 세계화 시대에 심화되는 상호의존성 및 동반자의식을 감안한 발칸지역의 국제협력의 시급성과 중요성을 새롭게 인식하고 있다. 정치경제학적으로도 원조 공여국은 원조기구를 통해서도 수원국에 영향을 미친다. 본 연구는 발칸지역에 대한 EU의 중요국가들인 영국, 독일, 프랑스, 스웨덴, 스페인, 이태리 등 6개국의 ODA 정책을 중심으로 상호 원조개발문제에 있어 어떠한 협력관계를 갖고 있는지를 분석 정리하였다. 발칸지역은 유고연방해체 이후 각각 개별적으로 EU국가들과의 협력을 통해 그동안의 민족분규에 따른 부정적 이미지를 축소하고 EU 가입목표를 향해 ODA 정책을 수립하고 동유럽 발칸지역 주변국가와의 협력을 통하여 적극적인 시장개척을 위한 기반 조성을 해나가고 있다. 발칸지역국가중 중심적인 국가인 세르비아가 아직은 EU 가입국가가 아니며 정치경제적으로도 과도기에 있어 EU를 비롯한 국제기구와 유럽선진국의 ODA 정책 수원국 입장에 있다. EU의 중요 회원국의 ODA원조는 각각 발칸지역의 수원국가를 중심으로 협력관계를 지속하고 있다. EU 중요국가의 ODA 기준 등이 유사한 목표를 갖고 있으며 이는 공여국과 수원국간의 글로벌한 협력을 추진함에 있어 하나의 기준이 되고 있다. 그동안 EU의 ODA는 인종갈등, 민족분쟁 으로 인하여 정책환경이 부재하거나 제 기능이 발휘되지 못한 국가들에게는 그들이 분쟁에서 벗어날 수 있는 외부적 지원을 강화하여 왔다. 그리고 분쟁이후에도 이러한 국가가 처한 현실을 경감시킬 수 있는 긴요한 원조 정책을 여러 분야별로 수립하고 있다. 앞으로 EU 를 중심으로 한 유럽선진국가들은 세르비아, 코소보를 비롯하여 발칸지역국가에 대한 ODA 정책에 더 깊은 관심을 갖어야 한다고 생각한다. Recently the Balkan's political economy as a whole, and it is expected that this project will contribute to better mutual understanding among the participant countries. ODA (Official Developement Assistance)of EU are the model of politics, economy, history and culture all over the world. Some of EU major membership countries(UK,Germany, France, Sweden, Spain, Italy) assist and support developing countries and countries in transition as the executing agency of EU ODA. In accordance with its vision of Inclusive and Dynamic Development, Major membership countries of EU are in charge of administering ODA such as technical cooperation, ODA loans and grant aid in integrated manner, exept contributions to international organization. Major membership countries of EU aim to provide assistance for growth and stability in the Balkan region, working mainly in the areas of environmental conservation, private sector development and the consolidation of peace. In this paper, I will examine how much the Balkan's decision have a international meaning for the solution of the Ethnicity problem. Also I will analyze about the aspects and the efforts of Major membership countries of EU and I will explain about the historical contents on the Balkan's ODA policy and role. In addition, This study discuss major factors on the ODA of EU related to political economy and the future of the Balkans.

민족적 기원의 역사를 통해본 세르비아와 크로아티아의 차이 : Perspectives from the History of Ethic Origins

권혁재 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 1997 국제지역연구 Vol.7 No.4

2차세계대전후 가장 잔인한 전쟁이라 평가되는 발칸분쟁의 주역인 세르비아와 크로아티아의 갈등에 관한 연구는 최근 들어 여러 학문분야에서 다양한 각도로 연구되고 있다. 남슬라브 지식인들의 통합 이데올로기였던 19세기 “남슬라브주의(Illyrism)"나, 모든 민족적 차이를 극복하고 하나의 남슬라브인으로 새롭게 태어나고자 호소했던 구(舊)유고연방시절 티토(Tito)의 ”유고슬라비즘(Yugoslavism)"도 두 민족의 이질성을 순화시키지는 못했다. 외세의 침탈기에 민족적 생존을 위해 강요받아진 통합이론은 오히려 두 민족의 갈등만으로 증폭시켰고 결과적으로 두 민족의 비극적인 결별로 이어졌다. 이 연구는 갈등의 원인을 기존의 연구들에서는 다루지 않은 민족적 기원이라는 새로운 관저에서 연구해 보았다. 발칸에서 남슬라브인의 역사가 시작된후 그 어 떤 이상적인 이데올로기로도 희석시킬 수 없었던 갈등의 밑바탕에는 두 민족의 근원적인 차이가 있다. 두 민족의 근원적 차이에 대한 연구는 슬라브화 이전의 역사로부터 시작해야 된다. 그러나 남슬라브인 이전의 두 민족의 근원에 대한 연구는 국내외적으로 매우 빈약한 상태이며 대부분의 세르비아와 크로아티아의 역사서도 이 문제를 자세히 다루고 있지 않다. 이 연구는 두 민족의 슬라브화 이전의 민족역사에서 출발하여 두 민족의 슬라브화 과정 발칸에서 남슬라브인의 역사가 시작되며 두 민족의 문화적 차이에 가장 큰 영향을 끼친 사건인 기독교의 전파 과정과 결과를 다루어 보았다. 결론적으로 서로 다른 민족적 기원과 역사, 문화적 토양을 가진 세르비아와 크로아티아는 분명 서로 다른 민족이다. 두 민족 모두 자신들의 독립국가에서 민족적 정통성과 문화를 펼칠 권리를 가지고 있다. 그러나 이 권리가 다른 민족에 대한 배척과 침탈을 정당화해주지는 않는다. 세르비아와 크로아티아는 수세기동안을 함께해온 이웃 민족이며 친구이다. 두 민족의 평화적 공존은 서로의 차이점을 인정하고 존중함으로써 이루어질 수 있을 것이다. Recently, scholars have been studying in divers aspects the conflict between Serbia and Croatia. which has been regarded ad the cruelest war in the post World War Two period and as the main factor for the complication within the Balkans. This study is trying to examine the causes of their conflict from the ethnic origins with the new approach that has never been tried. On the basis of the conflict that cannot be dilted by any kind of ideal ideology ever since the history of the southern Slavic history began in the Balkans., lie the fundamental differences between those two ethnic groups. The study of the original differences of the two should be started from the history going back to the earlier period than the Balkans became Slavic. Nevertheless, the study on the origins of both ethnics prior to the formation of the Southern Slaves is rare in domestic and abroad. Otherwise, most historical works on Serbia and Croatia hardly deal with this question. Beginning with the study on the pre-Slavic history of the both ethnic groups, then examining their course of Slavic development to launch the Southern Slavic history in the Balkans, this study dealt with the process and result of the propagation of Christianity, which was the most influential event that affected on the formation of cultural differences of the two ethnics. In conclusion, Serbia and Croatia, which have different ethnic origins and history and different cultural texture each other. are certainly different ethnic groups. Therefore, the both have their own rights to hold on to their own ethnic authority and identity within their own independent nation state respectively. However, such rights would not justify to deny and invade the other ethnics. Serbia and Croatia have been good neighbors living

동유럽 발칸지역의 이슬람에 대한 연구

김원회 중앙대학교 외국학연구소 2016 외국학연구 Vol.- No.38

In this paper I investigate the Islamic features and characteristics of cultures in East Europe and the Balkans. The phrase “East Europe” dates back to the time of the Cold War and may be regarded by some as an out-of-date term. However, Islamic cultural features are spread around the geographical region of East Europe, especially the Balkans, so I have decided to use this terminology. The history of Islamic culture in this region mainly begins after its conquest by the Ottoman Empire in the 14th century. The Ottoman Empire governed the area through social institutions such as timar (a tax system), millet (culture-based communities) and devshirme ( regional human resource development programs). Of these three institutions, timar and devshirme helped spread Islam the most rapidly throughout this region. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Western European powers divided up the region according to their political interests without considering the religious and ethnic classifications of its peoples. Thus, in Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo and Bulgaria, religious and ethnic conflicts arose between Muslims and Orthodox Christians, and between ethnic Albanians, Turks, and Slavs. Based on my research, I found two main tracks of conflict related to Islam in the region. One is the struggle for political autonomy and independence of the Muslims and ethnic Albanians in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Kosovo. Its proponents were more radical and confrontational in their tactics than in the other conflict, which was for the political autonomy of Muslims and ethnic Turks in Bulgaria.

Greece`s Trade With The Balkan Countries: Is It Too Little?

( Panagiotis Liargovas ),( Dionysios Chionis ),( George Zanias ) 세종대학교 경제통합연구소 (구 세종대학교 국제경제연구소) 2002 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.17 No.3

In this paper we use a gravity model in order to estimate the magnitude of potential trade flows between Greece and nine Balkan countries. We adopt a two stage approach. At the first stage the coefficients of the gravity model for the implemented trade between Greece and thirty trade partners are estimated by using the method of Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR). At the subsequent step, we implement a research exercise by incorporating the estimated parameters to a gravity equation of Greece and the Balkan countries. It appears that Greece is “under-trading” with all the countries in the reference sample. The ratio of actual over potential exports/imports is less than unity in all cases. Under-trading is more pronounced in the case of imports, where the actual value approaches almost two per cent of the potential.

Greece's Trade With The Balkan Countries : Is It Too Little?

Chionis, Dionysios,Liargovas, Panagiotis,Zanias, George 세종대학교 국제경제연구소 2002 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.17 No.3

In this paper we use a gravity model in order to estimate the magnitude of potential trade flows between Greece and nine Balkan countries. We adopt a two stage apporach. At the first stage the coefficients of the gravity model for the implemented trade between Greece and thirty trade partners are estimated by using the method of Seemingly Unrelated Regression(SUR). At the subsequent step, we implement a research exercise by incorporating the estimated parameters to a gravity equation of Greece and Balkan countries. It appears that Greece is "under-trading" with all the countries in the reference sample. The ratio of actual over potential exports/imports is less than unity in all cases. Under-trading is more pronounced in the case of imports, where the actual value approaches almost two per cent of the potential.

슬로베니아의 관광지리경관에 대한 고찰

이혁진,김경님 한국사진지리학회 2019 한국사진지리학회지 Vol.29 No.3

Slovenia is a country located in the northwestern part of the Balkans and is bordered by the Adriatic Sea to the southwest. Slovenia was a member of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, but Slovenia achieved its most stable economic growth after independence. As a result, Slovenia joined the EU and NATO in 2004 and became the first formerly communist country to join the Euro zone in 2007. The purpose of this paper is to descript its country’s historic and geographic backgrounds and characteristics of tourism geography and landscape by being focused on the slovenian regional study. The findings are as follows: Slovenia offers tourists a wide variety of cultural and natural destinations. The nation’s capital, Ljubljana, has many interesting sites; castle and plaza, church and symbolic bridges. The northwestern part has outstanding natural sceneries such as Lake Bled and Triglav National Park. As southwestern Adriatic Sea area, Koper and Piran city offer tourists with evidence that reflects the influence of the former Venetian Republic. The South is well known for its The Karst Plateau and the representative examples are Postojna Cave and the UNESCO-listed Škocjan Cave. Tourism in Slovenia is of high value in terms of the uniqueity of the cultural landscape of the south slavic people, the utilization of medieval and venetian landscapes, mysterious natural landscape and leisure use and geographic accessibility and transportation with neighboring countries.

식민지 조선인의 제1차 세계대전 인식과 3・1운동

최우석 수선사학회 2019 史林 Vol.0 No.70

This study is attempts to expand the existing view of finding the international background of the March 1st Movement only after the end of World War I. This will be examined the colonial Koreans' awareness of World War I and identify the points where it was connected to the independence movement. The Great War changed the direction of solidarity with the direction of independence movement. Germany was noticed as a new savior. In 1917, the Korean representatives pushed for an independence petition against the German emperor. This failed, but the efforts to form a “national representative” had a effect on the March 1st Movement. After the surrender of Germany, Wilson's self-determination emerged as the core logic. But Korean independence activists were not sure. Therefore, the Korean representatives insisted on “the actual victory of complete self-determination.” They called for independence by comparing Korea to the Balkans of the East.

Muslim circulations and networks in West Asia: Ethnographic perspectives on transregional connectivity

Magnus Marsden1,David Henig 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2019 Journal of Eurasian Studies Vol.10 No.1

This article explores the concept of West Asia in relationship to recent work in the global history of Islam that points toward the existence of transregional arenas of historic significance that incorporate many of Asia’s Muslim societies. Recent anthropological work has also brought attention to the dynamic nature of the relations and cultural connections between peoples living in regions that once formed part of expansive arenas of interaction yet were divided by imperial and national boundaries, as well as the ideological conflicts of the Cold War. Against this political and historical context, we deploy West Asia as a geographical scale that brings to light interconnected forms of life that have been silenced by traditional area studies scholarship. We compare our field work experiences with two different networks made-up of Muslims that span different axis of Muslim Asia. We argue that “West Asia” brings attention to influential connections, communities, and circulations that both bear the imprint of deeper pasts as well as the influence of emergent and shifting transregional dynamics in the present. Furthermore, by emphasizing connective dynamics that move beyond the rather conventional focus on east–west relationships, the category West Asia also encourages scholarship to highlight multiple yet hitherto little explored inter-Asian north–south connections.

Special issue dedicated to Professor Cae-One Kim : How Far and Soon to the East? The Prospects for Future EU Enlargement

( Milenko Petrovic ) 한국EU학회 2004 Asia-Pacific Journal of EU Studies Vol.2 No.2

평화의 조건: 보스니아의 평화는 무엇으로 결정되었나?

허창배,황수환 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2020 평화학연구 Vol.21 No.2

As great power politics ended with the dissolution of the Cold War, instead of war between nations, a new form of violent conflict took its place: civil war. Bosnia–Herzegovina, where European, Orthodox, and Islamic civilizations meet, has long been subject to a clash of collective identities from different cultures, religions, and languages. As the structural changes of democratization in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union unfolded and the loose federal system under Tito’s dictatorship transitioned to the strengthened federal union of collective leadership, Bosnian leaders began to divide and clash. The purpose of this study is to examine why unexpected peace came to Bosnia–Herzegovina, where ethnic cleansing had previously occurred, and to determine when and how the conflict turned to peace. This study divides Bosnia’s peace factors into internal and external factors. The former include political, economic, cultural, and ideological factors, and the latter are generally security factors. The Bosnian conflict resolved into peace the moment the disputing parties signed the Dayton Agreement. In essence, external leadership from the United States facilitated this peace. Genuine reconciliation and cooperation among Bosniaks, Croatians, and Serbs are needed to establish harmonious relations. 냉전의 해체로 미소 간 강대국정치(power politics)가 막을 내리자 국가들 간 전쟁 대신 내전이라는 새로운 형태의 폭력적 충돌이 그 자리를 대신했다. 유럽과 정교, 이슬람 문명이 만나는 곳에 위치한 보스니아-헤르체고비나는 서로 다른 문화와 종교, 언어를 가진 집단 정체성들이 오랫동안 충돌해온 지역이다. 동유럽의 민주화와 소련의 붕괴라는 구조적 변화, 티토 1인의 느슨한 연방제에서 연방의 권한을 강화한 집단지도체제로의 이행이라는 제도적 변화 속에서 이른바 국내적 무정부 상태가 나타나자 보스니아의 지도자들은 분열하며 피의 소용돌이 속으로 빠져들었다. 본고의 연구목적은 인종청소가 만연할 정도로 강한 폭력성이 관찰된 보스니아에 왜 갑작스러운 평화가 찾아왔는지, 분쟁은 언제, 어떠한 방법으로 평화로 전환되었고 보스니아의 평화는 지속될 수 있는지에 관한 의문을 해소하는 것이다. 본고는 보스니아의 평화 요인들을 대내적 요인과 대외적 요인으로 나누고, 전자는 정치적 요인, 경제적 요인, 이념과 문화적 요인을 중심으로, 후자는 안보적 요인을 중심으로 고찰한다. 결론적으로 보스니아 내전은 분쟁 당사자들이 데이튼 협정에 서명하는 순간 평화로 전환되었다. 이 평화가 미국이라는 외부 지도국에 의해 주어졌다는 점에서 분쟁 당사자들 간 진정한 화해와 협력을 통한 조화로운 발전이 요구된다.