한국어 기쁨화행과 슬픔화행의 음성적 특징 연구

정종수,김진만 한국언어문화학회 2019 한국언어문화 Vol.0 No.68

This research examines the difference between the voice quality represented in pleasure speech-acts and sadness speech-acts of Korean language, with a particular focus on the moving time of pitch movements, the moving distance of pitch movements, the slope of pitch movements, the speech rate, and the last syllable duration in an intonational phrase. This study computes the data of statistical significance from the sample group comprised of pleasure speech-acts, sadness speech-acts, male, female, male pleasure speech acts, female speech acts, male sadness speech-acts, female sadness speech-acts. A closer look at the experiment results highlights that the moving time of pitch movements is the duration of the intonational change. In this case, the duration of female pleasure speech-acts was longer than male pleasure speech-acts. The moving distance of pitch movements, on the other hand, represents the degree of intonational change; as the degree of intonational variation was greater. In addition, the slope of pitch movements represents the variation of ascent and descent. In this case, male sadness speech-acts decreased with a greater slope than male pleasure speech-acts. In terms of speech rate, male was faster than female, and male pleasure speech-acts were faster than female pleasure speech-acts. The last syllable duration in an intonational phrase means the length of the last syllable of the entire articulation. Pleasure speech-acts were longer than sadness speech-acts, and female was longer than male. Moreover, male pleasure speech-acts were longer than male sadness speech-acts while female pleasure speech-acts were longer than female sadness speech-acts. 본고는 한국어 기쁨화행과 슬픔화행에 나타나는 음성적 특징의 차이를 밝히는데 그 목적이 있다. 음성적 특징으로는 음높이 움직임의 이동 시간, 이동 거리, 기울기, 발화 속도, 억양구 말 음절 길이에 주목하였다. 기쁨화행, 슬픔화행, 남자, 여자, 남자 기쁨화행, 여자 기쁨화행, 남자 슬픔화행, 여자 슬픔화행을 표본 집단으로 삼아서, 통계적으로 유의미한 것을 결과로 산출하였다. 연구 결과를 살펴보면, 음높이 움직임의 이동 시간은 억양의 변화 시간을 의미하는데, 여자 기쁨화행이 남자 기쁨화행보다 더 오래 걸렸다. 음높이 움직임의 이동거리는 억양의 변화정도를 의미하는데, 남자가 여자보다 더 길어서 변화 정도가 더 컸다. 음높이 움직임의 기울기는 억양의 상승이나 하강의 정도를 의미하는데, 남자 슬픔화행이 남자 기쁨화행보다 더 기울어져서 하강하였다. 발화 속도는 발화의 빠르기를 의미하는데, 남자가 여자보다 빨랐고, 남자 기쁨화행이 여자 기쁨화행보다 빨랐다. 억양구 마지막 음절 길이는 전체 발화의 마지막 음절의 길이, 즉 여운을 의미하는데, 기쁨이 슬픔보다 길었고, 여자가 남자보다 길었다. 그리고 남자 기쁨이 남자 슬픔보다 길었고, 여자 기쁨이 남자 기쁨보다 길었고, 여자 기쁨이 여자 슬픔보다 길었다.

Coordination of Mood Phrases in Korean

염재일 한국언어정보학회 2019 언어와 정보 Vol.23 No.2

In this paper, I attempt to find the answers to the questions of what a speech act comes from and how a MP is interpreted. To do this, I discuss whether Mood Phrases (= MPs) can be conjoined or disjoined, and why they can or cannot, in matrix and embedded clauses. If a MP is used as a matrix one, it becomes a speech act. If some phenomena are observed only in matrix MPs, they are phenomena of speech acts. If some phenomena are observed in embedded MPs, they are phenomena of MPs. Based on these criteria, I claim that a speech act comes from the utterance of a MP as a separate sentence, not from the MP itself. This is also supported by the fact that there is no conjunction connective that combines two MPs. Based on these observations, I also claim that kuliko ‘and’ and hokun ‘or’ are coordinators of speech acts. Speech acts can be conjoined relatively freely, but they can be disjoined only if a preceding speech act can be re-interpreted as contributing to a larger speech act. And there is only one coordinator -kena ‘or’ that disjoins embedded MPs and there is no conjunction connective of embedded MPs. I explain all the observations based on the claim that the use of a MP presupposes an event or state that involves the meaning of the MP. It is an utterance event when a matrix MP is used and it is an event or state introduced in the context when an embedded MP is used. This allows us to explain that MPs can be disjoined only if the disjunction connective takes wide scope over a predicate that introduces an event or state that involves the MPs, and leads to the meaning of conjunction. Hence no conjunction connective of MPs is necessary.

Coordination of Mood Phrases in Korean

( Jae-il Yeom ) 한국언어정보학회 2019 언어와 정보 Vol.23 No.2

In this paper, I attempt to find the answers to the questions of what a speech act comes from and how a MP is interpreted. To do this, I discuss whether Mood Phrases (= MPs) can be conjoined or disjoined, and why they can or cannot, in matrix and embedded clauses. If a MP is used as a matrix one, it becomes a speech act. If some phenomena are observed only in matrix MPs, they are phenomena of speech acts. If some phenomena are observed in embedded MPs, they are phenomena of MPs. Based on these criteria, I claim that a speech act comes from the utterance of a MP as a separate sentence, not from the MP itself. This is also supported by the fact that there is no conjunction connective that combines two MPs. Based on these observations, I also claim that kuliko ‘and’ and hokun ‘or’ are coordinators of speech acts. Speech acts can be conjoined relatively freely, but they can be disjoined only if a preceding speech act can be re-interpreted as contributing to a larger speech act. And there is only one coordinator -kena ‘or’ that disjoins embedded MPs and there is no conjunction connective of embedded MPs. I explain all the observations based on the claim that the use of a MP presupposes an event or state that involves the meaning of the MP. It is an utterance event when a matrix MP is used and it is an event or state introduced in the context when an embedded MP is used. This allows us to explain that MPs can be disjoined only if the disjunction connective takes wide scope over a predicate that introduces an event or state that involves the MPs, and leads to the meaning of conjunction. Hence no conjunction connective of MPs is necessary. (Hongik University)

A Note on Korean Vocatives at the Syntax-pragmatics Interface

Yim Changguk(임창국) 한국어학회 2021 한국어학 Vol.90 No.-

이 글의 목적은 한국어 호격 표현에 대한 통사-화용 접합면적 분석을 제안하는 데에 있다. 먼저 본고는 통사-화용 접합면적 분석에 대한 선행연구를 간략히 개괄한다. 이들 연구는 화자, 청자 등의 대화 참여자와 같은 화용개념이 통사구조에 직접 반영되어야 한다는 주장한다. 구체적으로, 모문 CP 위에 화행구(speech act phrase: SAP)가 설정된다. 이 화행구 SAP는 내포절에는 나타나지 않는다. 나아가, 본고는 한국어 청자존대 ‘-요’가 청자 화행구 핵의 외현적 실현이라는 Yim(2016)의 분석에 기대어, 호격 표현이 ‘-요’와 보이는 존대일치 현상을 통해서 청자 화행구 SAP의 지정어 자리에 위치한다고 주장한다. 화자-청자 화행구 SAP가 모문에만 설정된다는 분석 하에, ‘-요’와 호격 표현이 보이는 소위 모문현상을 설명한다. This article begins with a brief review of previous seminal studies on the syntax-pragmatics interface. They maintain that discourse participants such as the speaker and addressee should be encoded in syntactic structure: they are implemented syntactically via Speech Act (SA) phrases. Specifically, the SA projection is located above the matrix CP, and it is unembeddable. In other words, it cannot appear in embedded complement or adjunct clauses. Furthermore, following Yim (2016) in which the addressee-honorific marker -yo in Korean is an exponent of the SA phrase that is responsible for the addressee, it offers a formal analysis of vocatives in Korean at the syntax-pragmatics interface. In particular, it proposes that vocatives are housed on the Spec position of the SA phrase for the addressee located above CP in matrix clauses only. From this, the fact follows straightforwardly that, like the discourse marker at stake, vocatives are unembeddable, that is, they can only occur in matrix clauses and never appear in embedded clauses.

On the Structure of Why-VP Questions in English

박종언 미래영어영문학회 2023 영어영문학 Vol.28 No.3

The aim of this paper is to examine the syntactic structure of why-VP questions in English like Why get vaccinated? Why-VP has been reported to exhibit unique properties: (i) There is no overt subject nor tense marking, (ii) it cannot be embedded, and (iii) it can be used not only as a genuine information-seeking question but also as a rhetorical question. To capture these properties, Zaitsu (2020) recently suggests that why-VP is a projection of why, but it is shown that her analysis of why as a selecting head is not unproblematic. While adopting Zaitsu’s view that why-VP can be ambiguously used, this paper suggests that there is a speech act layer above FP, a projection of F, not of why. With the proposed structure, it is argued that there are two possible positions for why to occur depending on the type of interpretation. When used as a genuine information-seeking question, why is directly merged in IntP, functioning as a question operator (Rizzi, 1997, 2001; Ko, 2005); by contrast, when used as a rhetorical question, it is adjoined to the speech act layer, modifying a speech act. It is then shown that the current analysis can readily explain why why-VP cannot be embedded, how an implicit subject can serve as a local binder, and how the interpretive type of why-VP correlates with the person feature of an implicit subject.

통사-화용-운율 접합면에서의 한국어 문중 ‘-요’ 첨가에 대한 시론(試論)

임창국 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2020 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.41 No.-

This article has two main aims: One is to review some previous pioneering studies on the syntax-pragmatics interface. It starts with a review of Ross’s (1970) seminal work of the “performative” analysis and its recent revival at the syntax-pragmatics interface. The other purpose is to offer a challenging proposal of sentence-medial attachment of discourse marker –yo in Korean at the syntax-pragmatics-prosody interface. Based on the view that syntactically, sentence-final –yo is an exponent of the Speech Act Phrase for the addressee located above the matrix/highest CP (Yim 2013), and on the fact that prosodically, sentence-medial –yo forms an intonational phrase (Yim and Dobashi 2016), the article argues that sentence-medial –yo also is a spell-out of intra-clausal Speech Act Phrase.

The Syntax of Meta-why Questions in Korean and Speech Act Projections

Jong Un Park(Jong Un Park) 한국생성문법학회 2023 생성문법연구 Vol.33 No.1

The aim of this paper is to examine the properties of a hitherto overlooked type of fragmentary question in Korean, called a ‘meta-why question,’ which consists of only a wh-phrase way ‘why’ or at most the same phrase plus an XP. To do so, we address three questions: (i) What is the distribution of meta-why questions in Korean?; (ii) do they start as a full clause with some part of the structure elided, or as a nonsentential unit without a hidden structure?; and (iii) what does their syntactic structure look like? After showing that the meta-why question always requires an interrogative as its antecedent clause, we argue, building on Woods and Vicente’s (2021) analysis of the English equivalent, that the wh-phrase way ‘why’ has survived the deletion of a larger structure and functions as a speech act modifier. We also suggest a hybrid structure above the propositional domain by combining Speas and Tenny’s (2003) speech act projections with Wiltschko’s (2021, 2022) interactional layers, one of which is taken to select a question as its propositional complement.

Hyper Structure for Korean “-Kes Kath-ta” Constructions

임채경 현대문법학회 2016 현대문법연구 Vol.87 No.-

The purpose of the paper is to explore the viability of employing Speech Act Phrase structure to explain “-kes kath-ta” constructions in Korean. Based on the argument that interfacing between syntax and conversational pragmatics is established through a functional predicative structure which is projected through the syntacticization of speech act features, we suggest that the speech act layer for “-kes kath-ta” constructions is needed as a predicative structure encoding the conversational set-up to interpret the utterance compositionally.

한국어 호격어 연구사: 현황과 전망

임창국,김양진 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2022 인문학연구 Vol.- No.51

This article presents a chronological review of some previous studies of vocatives in Korean and touches upon future directions for research in the constructions at hand. Prior to the 1980s, it was common for research from the traditional perspective to be conducted as part of research on independent words that mainly include exclamations. And since 1990’s, socio-linguistic approaches to the constructions extend themselves into a variety of research topics: on prosodic structure of vocatives, on regional dialects, on younger generation’s vulgarism, and more. Recent studies examine the syntactic status of vocatives and their agreement relationships with sentence-final particles. They further explore the vocative constructions as so-called main clause phenomenon whereby the vocative is unembeddable, i.e., it can only appear in the main clause. This leads to more dynamic further research on the syntax-pragmatics interface. The neo- performative analysis postulates Speech Act Phrase (SAP), in which the discourse participants such as speaker and addressee are encoded in the syntactic tree above the main clause CP. This extends into another related topic: along with vocatives, where other independent elements such as topics and interjections would occupy in the clausal structure. The article concludes itself, by presenting a clear summary of a wide range of research topics on vocatives. 이 논문은 화행구 연구의 한 부분으로서 ‘호격’ 및 ‘호격어’에 대한 연 구사를 종합적으로 정리하고 최근 주요 연구 경향과 함께, 향후 호격어 연구가 어디로 나아가야 할지를 점검한다. 호격/호격어에 대한 연구는 1980년대 이전, 전통적 관점에서 주로 감탄사를 포함 하는 독립어에 대한 연구의 한 부분으로 진행되는 것이 일반적이었다. 이어서 1990년 대 이래 사회언어학적 관점에서의 호칭어/지칭어 및 호격어의 연구가 대중매체, 운율 구조, 방언론 등의 다양한 측면으로 확산되어 가는 양상을 보이며, 특히 인터넷 환경 의 급속한 변화에 따른 청소년 언어의 비속어화에 대한 사회적 관심이 급증함에 따라 2010~2013년에 청소년의 언어 실태를 중심으로 하는 욕설 호칭어에 대한 연구가 활발 하게 이루어졌다. 한편 호격어에 대한 연구는 호격어의 구조적 지위에 대한 질문과 호격어와 일치 관계 를 보이는 문법형태소에 대한 연구로도 이어져 왔다. 최근 들어 화행구 이론의 관점에서 호격어를 모문 현상의 하나로 화행구의 지정어 위치에 주어지는 통사 구조의 핵으로 보 는 논의가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 이와 관련하여 화자 화행구와 청자 화행구를 나누어 전통적인 독립어들 중 감탄사, 호격어, 주제어 등이 통사 구조에서 어떠한 위치를 차지 하게 되는지에 대한 논의가 이어지고 있는데 본고에서는 이러한 연구가 향후 어떠한 방 향으로 이루어질 것인지를 진단해 보는 데 초점을 두고 논의를 진행하였다. 이 논문의 결론에서는 호격/호격어와 관련한 다양한 연구 주제들을 일목요연하게 정리함으로써 향후 호격/호격어 연구에 한 도움이 되고자 하였다.

호격 ‘-아/야’는 격조사인가, 후치사인가, 한정사인가?

임창국(Changguk Yim) 현대문법학회 2021 현대문법연구 Vol.112 No.-

The main aim of this article is to achieve the observationally adequate grammar of the vocative marker –a/ya in Korean. By comparing other nominal particles such as structural Case markers, postpositions, and delimiters, the article addresses the question of what syntactic category the marker in question belongs to. The empirical finding is that the vocative marker behaves morpho-syntactically differently from the three categories of nominal particles. As a consequence, it is hard to confirm that of the three, it falls under any single syntactic category. This peculiarity of the marker leads to offer a syntactic analysis in which –a/ya heads its own projection, Vocative Phrase, and the Voc head bears the [2p] feature, which is responsible for anthropomorphism or personification of the inanimate or nonhuman addressee. In addition, the characteristics the marker at stake exhibits can be explained straightforwardly if it is assumed that vocative phrases appear above the left periphery, i.e., beyond the propositional CP domain in which the argument structure of predicates is represented or saturated syntactically. Namely, they occur in the so-called Speech Act Phrase domain that syntactically encodes discourse-pragmatics information such as discourse participants.