韓․中․日 中世時期 度量衡制 比較 硏究

이종봉 동아대학교 석당학술원 2019 石堂論叢 Vol.0 No.73

This paper deals with system of weights and measures in medieval Korean, China and Japan by the comparative method. Firstly, the measuring instruments in medieval Korea, China and Japan were made at central and local government offices under state control. The central managements were undertaken by the Bureau of the Capital Markets(京市署, Gyeongsiseo) in Goryeo dynasty, Court of the Imperial Treasury(太府寺, Tàifǔsì) and Ministry of Works(工部, Gōngbù) in Song and Yuan dynasty and Ministry of the Treasury(大蔵省, Ōkura-shō) in Heian and Kamakura periods. And the local of 國司 were assumed by each major region. Secondly, Chon-Cheok(寸尺) were centrally used as the units of the ruler(尺) in the medieval. Goryeo dynasty did not divided them separately, and so used commonly the big ruler of Tang dynasty(唐大尺) as the woodworking ruler(營造尺), the fabric measuring ruler(布帛尺), the land surveying ruler(量田尺), etc. After the 12th century, there were finally various ruler such as the land surveying ruler and the woodworking ruler(=the fabric measuring ruler), etc. And the golden ruler(金尺) was used as a decoration and the finger length ruler(指尺) was used as the land surveying ruler. Keeping to use the ruler used in the Tang dynasty, Song dynasty used widely it while calling ‘the three office’s ruler(三司尺)’ or ‘the three offices’ cotton and silk ruler(三司布帛尺)’, etc. And the small ruler(小尺) used in Tang dynasty was used for an astronomy. The name of ruler in Yuan dynasty was not known, but its length was slightly longer than that in Song dynasty. The big ruler of Tang dynasty and the ruler of Goguryeo(高句麗尺) have been used in Heian and Kamakura periods, The ruler of Korea, China and Japan, as their common characteristic, was somewhat longer than ever and have not names by use as yet. Thirdly, in the medieval, the volume units of less than Du(斗) were the same, but there was also difference in each country. In Goryeo, 15Du=1Seok(石), while in Song and Yuan Dynasty and Heian and Kamakura periodes, 10Du=1Seok. Song dynasty, however, calculated as 1Gok(斛)=5Du. And the volume of 1Seung(升) was about 0.34ℓ in Goryeo, while in Song and Yuan dynasty was about 0.7ℓ~1ℓ, and in Heian and Kamakura periods was about 1.1ℓ, 1.4ℓ. Fourthly, the scale unit in the medieval was 1 Geun(斤), which was 16 Ryang(兩). Considering the introduction of scale of Yuan to Goryeo and decimal system in Gyeongguk Daejeon (經國大典), it suggested that Goryeo used decimal system in units less than Ryang and Song and Yuan used also decimal system. And It is more likely that the medieval Japan also did the same. The weight of 1 Geun was about 600g, in which there were no much difference. 한․중․일 중세시기 도량형제의 비교 연구를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 중세시기 도량형은 국가의 주도로 중앙과 지방의 관청에서 제작하였는데, 중앙의 경우 고려는 京市署가, 송․원대는 太府寺와 工部가, 평안․겸창기는 大藏省에서 담당하였고, 지방은 각 지역의 國司가 담당하였다. 둘째, 척의 단위는 ‘촌․척’을 중심으로 운용되었고, 이하도 마찬가지다. 고려의 척은 분화하지 않고 기존의 唐大尺을 營造, 布의 수취, 그리고 量田 등에 공용하다가, 12세기 이후 金尺을 형장식의 사용과 指尺을 量田尺으로 사용함으로써 量田尺과 營造用의 尺(=布帛尺) 등이 존재하였다. 송은 당대의 척을 계승하였으며, 이러한 척을 三司尺 혹은 三司布帛尺 등의 이름으로 사용하였고, 당의 小尺을 天文用 척으로 사용하였다. 원대의 척은 명칭을 알 수 없지만, 송대보다 약간 길어졌다. 평안․겸창․남북조기는 이전의 당대척과 고구려척을 계승하여 사용하였다. 3국의 척은 이전의 시기보다 길었고, 용도별 명칭이 아직 나타나지 않았다. 셋째, 부피의 단위는 斗 이하는 동일하였지만, 斗와 石은 고려가 15두=1석이지만, 송․원대와 평안․겸창기는 10두=1석이지만, 송대는 5두=1斛도 사용되었다. 1승의 용적은 고려가 약 0.34ℓ인 반면, 송․원대는 약 0.7ℓ와 1ℓ 내외였고, 平安․鎌倉․南北朝期는 약 1.1ℓ 혹은 1.4ℓ 정도였다. 넷째, 저울의 단위는 1근 16량을 사용하였다. 량 아래의 단위는 고려에서 원의 저울 도입과 『경국대전』에 십진법이었던 점을 고려할 때 십진법을 사용하였고, 송․원에도 십진법을 사용하였고, 일본 중세도 그럴 가능성이 많다. 1근의 중량은 약 600g 정도에서 큰 차이가 없었을 것이다.

세종대 척도의 탄생 : 주척과 황종척을 중심으로

문중양(MOON, Joong-Yang) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2021 동방학지 Vol.196 No.-

이 논문은 세종 28년에 확립된 조선 도량형제가 확립되는 과정에서 그 내용이 어떻게 구성되었는지 살펴보았다. 특히 주척과 황종척이라는 중국에서는 거의 사용하지 않는 척들이 중심이 되었던 역사적 배경과 의의에 대해서 살펴보았다. 그것은 중화의 선진 문물로서 고제를 충실히 구현해 도량형제를 확립하려는 노력의 산물이었다고 할 수 있다. 중국 고대 ‘율도량형’ 일치의 이념에 근거해 율관과 도량형제를 제정하는 것은 현실적으로 가능하지 않은 일이었다. 이는 중국 역대로 성공하지 못했었고, 송대의 대 유학자 사마광 같은 이는 그것이 현실에서 구현하기 불가능하다는 것을 인정할 정도였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 채원정과 주희는 고악 복원을 통해 이상적인 도량형제의 구현이 가능하다고 믿고 추구했었다. 세종대 이루어진 주척과 황종척의 제정 과정에서 우리는 고제, 즉 고대 악률의 재현이라는 꿈을 좇아서 주척과 황종척을 제정하려 노력했던 모습을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 물론 채원정과 주희가 『율려신서』에서 담고 추구했던 내용대로 제정되지는 못했다. 그러나 세종과 당대의 사대부 관료들은 송대 사마광처럼 고제에 입각한 이상적인 도량형제의 제정이 불가능하다는 사실을 인정한 이는 없었다. 이러한 사정이 결국 주척이 현실에서 중요한 상용척이 되고, 어떻게 제작되었는지 의문인 황종척이 결국 조선 척도의 원기(原器), 즉 네 가지 상용척들의 기준척이 되었던 역사적 배경이 아닌가 싶다. The standard rulers (尺度) of Joseon Dynasty had been constructed in the 28th year of King Sejong Era, and the Zhou ruler and the huang-zhong ruler had the central position in the standard rulers. This paper surveys the process of the construction of the standard rulers at that time, particularly focus on its historical meaning and ideological context. The standard rulers was the historical product that King Sejong and scholar-officials of his government tried to restore as the best model of the ancient system of Harmonics and Music in the construction of the Zhou ruler and the huang-zhong ruler. It is sure that the process of the construction and its product did not conform to the principle of Liuliu Xinshu (律呂新書). However anyone, King Sejong and his scholar-officials, didnot acknowledged the impossibility of the restoration of the ancient perfect pitch-pipes and the standard rulers. This perspectives seemed to be the historical context that the Zhou ruler had the central position in the real society, and the huang-zhong ruler became the standard for the real four ruler system.

‘금척(金尺)’ 화소를 통해 본 <금척설화(金尺說話)>의 신화적 성격 -금척으로 표상된 생명성과 치병의 원리-

김혜미 ( Kim¸ Hye-mi ) 한국문학치료학회 2022 문학치료연구 Vol.62 No.-

본 연구에서는 금척Ⅱ 유형에 주목하여 남녀결연담이 포함된 <금척설화>의 신화적 성격을 밝히고자 하였다. 낮은 지위의 남성이 높은 지위의 여성과 결혼하는 욕망의 패러다임이 금척 화소와 결합되며 화소의 의미적인 변환이나 확장이 이루어졌다고 본 것이다. 본 연구에서는 금척Ⅱ의 내용을 중심으로 금척 화소의 의미 확장에 대하여 논의하기 위해 금척의 상징적 의미를 분석하였다. 이에 따라 금척의 기능을 통해 수혜를 입은 두 사람에게 집중하였다. 먼저 머슴에 대해 확인하였다. 머슴은 이야기에서 꿈을 꾸기 시작한 사람으로 나타나 있다. 이를 자신이 원하는 것을 알아가기 시작한 사람으로 분석하였다. 현재 머슴이 미천한 신분의 한계 상황 속에서 희망하는 것을 찾아가고 있는 사람이라고 한다면, 이런 사람이 강력한 힘 아래에서 자신이 원하는 바를 표현하기 어려운 사람과 만난 것으로 보았다. 다시 말해, 이제 막 원하는 바를 꿈꾸기 시작한 사람인 머슴이 ‘자’를 통해 공주를 만나 원하는 것을 이루게 되는 이야기라고 볼 수 있다. 다음으로 금척의 수혜자인 공주들을 살펴보며, 공주들이 왜 죽어야만 했는지 확인하였다. 임금이라는 강력한 법칙에 억눌려 있는 공주들에게 있어 공주들이 자기 자신을 표현할 수 있는 방법은 없었을 것이다. 공주들은 이성적인 것이든 그렇지 않은 부분이든 자신을 표현하기 어려운 위치에 있다. 강력한 아버지 슬하에서 자신이 원하는 바를 표현하지 못하고 사는 사람의 표상인 것이다. 다시말해 공주들은 남성 중심의 패러다임, 남자 중심의 권력, 고루한 세계에 갇혀 있는 인물들의 대명사로 볼 수 있다. 그 패러다임 안에 있는 것 자체가 죽음이기에, 공주들이 죽었다는 것은 상징적인 죽음으로도 볼 수 있다. 설화에서는 자를 공주에게 ‘대었더니’ 살아났다고 언급한다. 그렇다면 여기에서 ‘자’의 형태적 측면과 연관된 상징을 생각해보지 않을 수 없다. 자를 여성에게 붙어야만 한다는 사실과 자의 형태적 측면을 더하여 금척을 남근의 상징으로 읽어 내었다. 남근을 매개로 하여 공주는 머슴과의 접촉을 하게 되었고, 죽음에서 생명을 다시 얻게 된 이야기로 해석할 수 있다. 결과적으로 남녀결연담이 더해진 <금척설화>에서 자[尺]는 두 가지 측면에서 서로 양극단에 있는 개념을 매개하는 역할을 하고 있다. 첫 번째는 죽음과 삶을 매개하고, 두 번째는 남자와 여자를 매개한다. 결국 자는 삶과 죽음, 그리고 여자와 남자를 매개하는 과정에서 죽음을 통한 성장을 보여주는 성년의례를 가능하게 한다고 볼 수 있다. 자의 화소를 통해 보는 <금척설화>는 우리가 죽음의 상황을 이해하고, 죽음을 통해 삶의 의미를 탐색할 수 있도록 도움을 주는 신화적 성격을 가지고 있다고 할 수 있다. In this study, attention was paid to < Gold Ruler > II type. The purpose is to reveal the mythical nature of < Gold Ruler >, which includes the story of the relationship between a man and a woman. In this story, the paradigm of desire for a low-status man to marry a high-status woman is combined with a Gold Ruler. In this study, the symbolic meaning of the Gold Ruler was analyzed in order to discuss the expansion of the meaning of the Gold Ruler centering. This study focused on the two people who benefited from the golden ruler. The first beneficiary, the servant, is described as the one who began to dream. He's the one who started to figure out what he wanted. In the tale, the servant is a person who is looking for what he wants in spite of his low status. It can be said that he met a princess who could not express what she wanted. The second beneficiary, the princess, appears to be dead. She is a symbol of a person who is unable to express his or her wishes under the royal authority. Gongju can be seen as a pronoun of the male-centered paradigm, male-centered power, and characters trapped in a stale world. Being within that paradigm is in itself a state of death. In “The Gold Ruler,” it was mentioned that the princess came to life when the servant touched her with the ruler, which references the symbols related to the morphological aspect of the “ruler.” This study considered the shape of the ruler and the fact that the ruler had to make contact with the princess to save her life. In doing so, the gold ruler can be read as a symbol of the penis. Hence, the gold ruler can be interpreted as a story where the princess came into contact with a servant’s penis and regained life. As a result, “The Gold Ruler” explores concepts that are opposed to each other. First, it mediates death and life. Second, it mediates men and women. In the end, “The Gold Ruler” shows growth through death in the process of mediating life and death, and in the union of women and men. This can be viewed as a coming-of-age ceremony.

Power and Violence between the Choosers and the Chosen in the Thought of Dasan Jeong Yak-yong

이종우 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2015 Korea Journal Vol.55 No.4

According to Dasan Jeong Yak-yong, a ruler was chosen by the people as a chief who could resolve conflict. People in a community chose group leaders and then finally chose a ruler. Therefore, rulers could be ousted if they did not play their roles properly, which equated to righteous power in Dasan’s thought, because the ruler would be ousted for not supporting the people or developing harmony among them. If a ruler abused his power or failed to carry out his responsibilities, provincial leaders could replace him, a mechanism rooted in the people. Therefore, the people could supplant the ruler. However, Dasan did not state implicitly that the people could replace the ruler, but rather that provincial leaders should decide, because Dasan advocated strengthening sovereign power in the case of King Jeongjo. Dasan illustrated the exemplary relationship between the people and the ruler through examples of rebellious subjects during China’s Yin Dynasty. Dasan acknowledged that even a good ruler might encounter opposition. He believed that power and violence, or righteous authority and violent force, should be used according to the presence or absence of communal support and harmony. Support and harmony meant peace and thus determined the implementation of authority.

The Development of the Components of the Length Measurement Concept in the Procedure of Measurement Using a Ruler

( Milica D. Antic ),( Olivera J. Đokic ) 한국수학교육학회 2019 수학교육연구 Vol.22 No.4

The research related to testing pupils’ achievement in the field of Measurement and Measure in initial teaching of geometry points to an insufficient adoption of the basic components of the length measurement concept among pupils. In order to discover the cause, we looked at the basic components on which the procedure of measuring length using a ruler is based, highlighted the possibilities of introducing the procedure in measuring length, and determined pupils’ achievement during the procedure of measuring length using a ruler. The research sample consisted of 145 pupils, out of which 72 were the 2^nd grade pupils and 73 were the 4th grade pupils. A descriptive method was applied in the research. The technique we used was testing, and for the statistical data processing we used a χ² test. The results of the research show that, when drawing a straight line of a given length using a ruler, there is no statistical difference in achievement between the 2^nd and 4^th grade pupils, nor in the pupils’ knowledge regarding drawing a ruler independently, while drawing a straight line of a given length using a “broken” ruler 4^th grade pupils are statistically better. The results of the research indicate that pupils’ achievement is better in doing standard tasks than in non-standard ones, given that the latter require conceptual knowledge. The components of the concept of length measurement using ruler have not been sufficiently developed yet, and these include: zero-point, partitioning a measured object in a series of consecutive measurement units and their iteration. We shed more light on the critical stage in the procedure of length measurement - the transition from non-standard to standard units and the formation of the length measurement scale. For further research, we propose to look at the formation of the concept of length measurement using the ruler through all its components and their inclusion in the mathematics curriculum, as well as examining the correlation of pupils’ achievement in the procedure of measuring length with their achievement in measuring area (and volume).

북한 대내외 전략 모형화 연구

이종철 신아시아연구소 2022 신아세아 Vol.29 No.3

This study identifies the fundamental structure of North Korea's internal and external strategies, and tries to model it. A key variable in North Korea's strategy is 'ruler security'. In North Korea, a two-fold, four-fold structure works for the security of its ruler. The double structure has an inner and an outer layer. Both the inner and outer structures have two substructures, forming a quadruple structure. There are five variables and structural elements: the ruler, the ruling elite, residents, the guardian state, and the opposing state. The internal structure is the relationship between the ruler and the ruling elite and the relationship between the ruler and the residents. The external structure is composed of the relationship between the ruler and guardian of North Korea and the relationship between the ruler and the opposing country of North Korea. In this model, five variables interact and are optimized for the security of the ruler. Thus, North Korea's internal and external strategies emerge and are decided. This model is evident in the North Korean food crisis, when the Kim Jong-il regime faced its greatest crisis, which led to the establishment and succession of the Kim Jong-un regime, and the stabilization and continuation of power. 본 연구는 북한 대내외 전략의 보다 근본적인 구조를 규명하는 데 초점을 두고, 이를 모형화하고자 했다. 북한 전략의 가장 중요한 방향은 ‘지배자 안보’이다. 북한은 지배자 안보를 위한 2중-4중 구조가 작동한다. 2중 구조는 내부 구조와 외부 구조를 가지고 있다. 내부 구조는 2개의 하위 구조가 있고 외부 구조 역시 2개의 하위 구조가 있어 결국 4중 구조를 이룬다. 이 구조 속에 놓인 변수이자 구조의 구성 요소는 5가지로, 지배자, 지배엘리트, 주민, 동맹국, 대립국이다. 내부 구조는 지배자와 지배엘리트의 관계와, 지배자와 주민의 관계이다. 외부 구조는 북한의 지배자와 동맹국의 관계와, 북한의 지배자와 대립국의 관계다. 이 2중-4중 구조 속에서 5가지 변수가 상호 작용하는 가운데 궁극적으로 지배자 안보를 위해 최적화되어 있다. 이 구조 속에서 북한의 대내외 전략은 출현하며 결정이 된다. 김정일 정권이 최대 위기에 직면했던 북한 식량난 시기, 김정은 정권의 후계 구축 및 승계와 권력 안정화 및 지속기 북한의 대내외 전략을 통해 이 같은 모형이 확인된다.

고려 명종대 무신집권자의 권력의 성격

김규형 역사학회 2024 역사학보 Vol.- No.261

본 논문에서는 명종대 무신집권자들의 집권과정, 정당화 방식, 권력행사 양상 등을 비교‧검토해보고 집권자별 차이점과 그것의 정치적 의미를 분석해 보았다. 무신집권자는 정변이라는 비제도적 과정과 절차를 통해 등장하고 재생산되었다. 이렇게 정변을 통해 등장한 무신집권자는 충분한 무력적 기반이 확보될 경우 그 지위와 존재가 유지되고 권력 또한 확대될 수 있었으나 그렇지 못한 경우에는 언제든 소멸될 수 있었다. 이런 특성은 무신집권자들의 권력 정당화와 권력 행사 양상에도 영향을 미쳤다. 무엇보다도 무신집권자는 그 존재가 제도적으로 보장되거나 규정되지 않았기 때문에 집권 과정과 집권 후 권력을 행사할 때 왕이나 다른 무신들로부터 집권의 정당성을 확보해야만 했고 그 양상은 정치적 상황에 따라 차이를 보여주었다. 한편 무력을 통해 권력을 장악한 무신집권자는 권력 행사의 정당성이 부재했기 때문에 대부분 기존의 문무관직을 통해 권력행사를 합법화하고 국정을 장악하려 했다. 또한 무신집권자의 권력행사의 범위가 제도적으로 규정되어 있지 않았기 때문에 임명된 관직의 성격과 활용 비중은 집권자에 따라 차이가 있었고 관직의 권한을 초월하여 인사임명, 형벌 등 권한 밖 영역에서도 권력을 행사했다. 결국 무신집권자별로 정당화 과정 및 권력 행사에서 나타난 차이는 제도적으로 규정되지 않은 권력의 성격에서 비롯되었던 것이다. In this paper, I try to compare the military rulers in their ways of seizing, legitimizing and exercising of power in the reign of King Myeongjong, and to clarify the political implications of the differences among them. Basically the military rulers, who emerged through coups rather than legal procedures, could maintain and expand their power as long as they secured a sufficient military power, otherwise they could collapse at any time. These characteristics influenced the ways in which the military rulers legitimized and exercised their political power. Since the existence of the military rulers was not legally regulated, they had to secure legitimacy of their power from the king or other military officials. The military rulers who seized power by force lacked legitimacy of the exercise of power, which made most of them legitimize the exercise of power by taking government offices. In addition, since the scope of the military rulers’ political power was not legally defined, it was up to each military ruler to decide whether and to what extent to utilize government offices. Furthermore, they illegally exercised power in the areas beyond the authority of their official position, such as personnel appointments and criminal punishment. In short, the legally not defined power made the differences in the process of justifying and exercising of power.

서양고대세계의 개인숭배

김경현(Kim Kyung-hyun) 한국서양고대역사문화학회 2010 서양고대사연구 Vol.26 No.-

This paper aims to survey the varieties of personality cult in the ancient western world. Three major historical periods are dealt with: the archaic and classical ages of Greek poleis, the Hellenistic age, and the Republican and Imperial ages of Roman history. In the course of the three periods two discrete types of personality cult loom large: hero??cult and ruler??cult. And the related phenomenon of divine kingship, particularly exemplified in ancient Egypt and Mosopotamia, are juxtaposed as to throw them into relief first of all. but also in consideration of the possibility of its influence upon the ruler??cults that appeared in the periods under discussion. In the final analysis, it is revealed that the two forms of cult were exclusive to each other when they became predominant in a particular period of history. Hero??cult was the typical form of personality cult in the societies of relatively moderate size like Greek poleis, and it played the role of a monument embodying public values and aspiration of entire community. In contrast, ruler??cult (including emperor worship) was prevalent in territorial kingdoms or imperial powers where the appearance of despotic sovereign was by and large inevitable. There, subject communities tended to organize by themselves the ruler??cult as a token of gratitude and/or allegiance to the ruler, and it was very rare that ruler should attempt to deify himself and/or impose the worship of himself on an official base. And ancient Egypt remained always the exception where there had developed the theology of solar diety incarnated as paraoh, and it happened that when it was subjugated by the Macedonians and Romans, the foreign rulers simply stepped into the native predecessors. And the author suggests further that the final results of analysis on personality cults in the ancient world are approximate to the theorems the Italian political scientist E. Gentile has deduced from the data the contemporary totalitarian as well as democratic states provide in relation with the same subject. Namely, two ways of ‘sanctifications of politics’ (‘political religion’ and ‘civic religion’) correspond generally to hero??cult and ruler??cult in the ancient western societies. This comparison awakens us to the fact that personality cult is timeless phenomenon of the humanity and that the cult is the religious translation of politico-social relations.

高麗 明宗代의 정치와 內侍

金載名(Kim, Jae-Myoung) 한국사학회 2010 史學硏究 Vol.- No.99

武人政變으로 명종이 즉위하면서 내시 구성에도 큰 변화가 생겼다. 어느 때보다도 새로운 인물이 대거 내시로 등용되었기 때문이다. 하지만 왕과 교분이 두터운 側近 출신은 많지 않았으며, 무반으로 내시가 된 예도 거의 없었다. 대신 親武臣的인 성향의 文臣이 다수 내시로 선임되었다. 이런 가운데 명종 3년 일부 문반 출신의 내시가 反武臣亂인 金甫當의 亂에 가담한 사건이 발생했다. 이에 집권 무신은 이들을 대신해 문반 관직을 겸임한 무신을 내시로 등용하는 방안을 적극 모색하였다. 李義方의 아우인 李隣이 그 시초였다. 그러는 한편 학문이 뛰어난 문신의 등용도 계속하였다. 직무수행의 효율성을 위해서는 어쩔 수 없었다. 그 결과 내시의 수는 한때 정원을 초과할 정도로 크게 늘어났다. 그리고 이 무렵 왕은 통치력을 거의 상실했다. 兵權은 물론 人事權과 刑罰權도 제대로 행사하지 못했다. 심지어 왕을 近侍하는 내시의 임면조차 집권 무신의 뜻에 따라 행해지는 경우가 허다했다. 이에 따라 왕보다 權臣에게 충성하는 내시가 훨씬 많아졌다. 이런 현상은 慶大升執權期까지 계속되었다. 그러다 명종 14년 李義旼의 집권을 계기로 상황이 달라지기 시작하였다. 財政權과 人事權을 중심으로 왕의 통치력이 상당 수준 회복된 것이다.내시를 비롯한 측근과 宗親?小君, 그리고 일부 朝官의 지지와 도움이 컸다. 이에 따라 내시의 구성과 성격에도 변화가 일어났다. 親王的 內侍의 수가 크게 늘어났고, 내시 구성도 그간의 親武臣 위주의 틀에서 벗어나 양자가 균형을 이루었다. 명종 말에 崔忠獻이 무더기로 내시를 축출하고 국왕마저 폐위한 것은 바로 이런 이유에서였다. 내시를 비롯한 측근세력의 도움으로 명종의 통치력이 상당히 회복되었던 만큼 권력기반을 확고히 하기 위해서는 이의민뿐 아니라 이들 모두를 제거하지 않을 수 없었던 것이다. 이런 면에서 최충헌의 집권은 단순한 무인집정자의 교체가 아니라 복고되어 가던 왕정체제를 재차 붕괴시킨 또 하나의 武人政變이었다고 할 수 있다. The organization of Nasi changed a lot after king Myoung-jong came to the throne with military revolution. A lot of new officials were picked for Nasis than before. However, there were not lots of surroundings of the king, and it was rare for military officials to be Nasis. Meanwhile, civil officials who kept friendly relationship with military ones were nominated to Nasis. In the 3rd year of Myoung-jong, some Nasis from civil officials took part in Kim Bo-dang"s(金甫當) rebellion which was against military revolution. So military rulers actively drew up a plan of nominating military officials who could play a role of civil officials at the same time, instead of taking Nasis from civil officials. Lee Ryn(李隣), Lee E?i-bang"s(李義方) brother, was the first man whose brother was the most powerful ruler. On the other hand, the government continued to appoint competent civil officials to Nasis for a high degree of efficiency. As a result, the number of Nasis increased a lot enough to exceed the fixed number of people. By this time, king almost lost his ruling power; He couldn"t control properly the authority of human, and the power of punishment and amnesty as well as his military power. As well, he could not help following the military rulers" decision even when it comes to the matter of appointing Nasis who had to support him. So it happened that many Nasis were loyal to military rulers who had strong power, not to the king. It continued to the period of Gyoung Dae-seung"s(慶大升) military rule. Therefore, in the 14th year of Myoung-jong, the political situation began to change with Lee E?i-min"s(李義旼) military rule. King"s power was recoverd around finance and personnel administration significantly. The king"s surroundings including Nasis, Royal families, sons of King"s concubine, and some civil officials made it possible. And it caused to change the organization and political character of Nasis. The number of Nasis who kept friendly relationship with the king increased a lot. And the organization of Nasis started to keep new balance breaking the frame that was composed of members who were co-operative to military rulers. For this reason, Choi Chung-hyeon(崔忠獻) expelled a lot of Nasis who were close to the king and took the crown from the king. He had to remove not only the military ruler, Lee E?i-min, but also king Myoung-jong and the king"s helpers to confirm the basis of political power, because king Myoung-jong had already recovered his ruling power a lot with the help of Nasis. From this point of view, we can say Choi Chung-hyeon"s rule the second military revolution that collapsed again the restoration of the royal regime, not simple military ruler"s exchange.

정조의 경학 이해와 정치의 문제

백민정 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2020 한국문화 Vol.0 No.89

A collection of King Jeongjo’s 正祖 (1752-1800) writings, the Hongjae Jeonseo 弘齋全書 includes the Gunseo Pyogi 群書標記, where it is possible to view a list of all documents compiled under his rule. According to this work, during the monarch’s reign, 153 items of books amounting to over 4,000 fascicles were compiled. Texts compiled under his direct supervision 御定書 alone amount to over 2,000 fascicles. When works compiled by the king’s closest scholar-officials 士大夫 including those affiliated with the Royal Library and Archives 奎章閣 at his order 命撰書 are included here as well, the total amounts to more than 4,000 fascicles. Included in this collection are numerous unique works that provide a glimpse of King Jeongjo’s academic and political opinions such as his poetry collection, Gyeongsa Gangui 經史講義 (records of academic seminars on Confucian classics and ancient East Asian histories between him and his ministers), Simnirok 審理錄 (his trial records), and Ildeungnok 日得錄 (records of his oral statements). Out of the many documents compiled during King Jeongjo’s reign, the Daehak Yuui 大學類義 was the most crucial one as a textbook on statecraft for future rulers. For the effective governance and edification of the populace, the Xiaoxue 小學, Oryun Haengsildo 五倫行實圖, and Hyangnye Happyeon 鄕禮合編 (collection of compacts for self-governing villages) were the most important texts. However, a task that was very important both politically and ideologically was the monarch’s collection of Zhu Xi studies 朱子學 texts for over 20 years and compilation of the best versions. Moreover, he planned to compile a complete edition of the Zhuzi Quanshu 朱子全書 in his late years. When King Jeongjo’s academic tendency is summarized, he saw Zhu Xi studies as the highest learning and truth. This was not simply an academic question but was a question linked to the validity of the ruler’s political power and power management. Because the validity of power was granted through the legitimacy of learning in Joseon, as a politician and the supreme commander, the monarch had no choice but to declare that Zhu Xi studies was the correct learning. The compilation of immense documents and the plan to compile the Zhuzi Quanshu under King Jeongjo’s rule constituted public declarations that the synthesizer of Confucianism, or the inheritor of the ideology’s lineage, was the monarch himself. Indeed, he prided himself on having succeeded to the truth of Confucianism from the wise kings of the three ancient Chinese dynasties, Confucius, and Zhu Xi. King Jeongjo believed that he was capable of practicing the way of a teacher 師道 and the way of a ruler 君道 at the same time, that he could become a true ruler-teacher 君師. He held the belief that only monarchs could become true ruler-teachers. At the same time, he also had the conviction that he had become a ruler-teacher based on his learning and morality and therefore was capable of establishing ji 極, the standard of human life. While kings could become ruler-teachers by cultivating themselves academically and morally, scholar-officials, even if they performed the same task, could not necessary become kings. Consequently, King Jeongjo thought that, in the end, the only one who could bridge the gap between learning and politics, between knowledge and reality, was none other than himself. Both King Jeongjo and contemporary Korean Confucians sought to find the validity of political actions or political power in the perfection of character or the completion of learning. In this respect, they can seem to have stressed morality and learning based on a theory of human nature or metaphysics rather than the uniqueness of politics or power itself. Furthermore, their attitude of pondering on political actions or political power in terms of the moral standard of the perfection of learning and character can be criticize...