한국 정치극의 전개 양상 -1920년대부터 80년대까지의 정치극운동을 중심으로-

김성희 ( Sung Hee Kim ) 한국연극학회 2014 한국연극학 Vol.1 No.52

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea``s political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as ``culture activists`` taking a jump up the line and ``independent theatre`` peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is ``Attentive political theatre``, satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government``s oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers`` pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group ``Yeonwoo-Moudae`` led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han``s, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept ``the political`` became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience``s political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

칼 슈미트의 정치신학과 『햄릿』

김영아 ( Young Ah Kim ) 영미문학연구회 2014 안과 밖 Vol.0 No.36

Political theology is a distinctly modern problem as it takes seriously the recurrence of religious patterns that continue to animate forms of political thinking and organization in the modern world. What prompted the current focus on political theology was the end of the Cold War, which brought with it not the victory of the liberalism but a resurgence of religious fundamentalism and a war on terror justified as a holy cause. It was in this context that intellectuals have begun to probe with vigor the theological underpinnings of the modern state. Shakespeare`s dramas and his period have played an important role in modern recurrences of political theology as the 16th and 17th centuries witnessed “the entanglement of the political and the theological” our of which modern concepts of politics were born, and his dramas are the records and the exploration of the historical transition. Then how do Shakespeare`s dramas help to explain the character and persistence of political theology in modernity? How does the reemergence of political theology in the 20th and 21m centuries help to reshape our understanding of Shakespeare`s period and dramas? This article aims to answer these questions by reading Carl Schmitt`s Hamlet or Hecuba. Schmitt is one of the modern thinkers who have investigated the persistence of religious forms within a modern political order founded on the neutralization of religion. According to Schmitt, theology and the modern state have the same systematic structure, whose salient feature is its dependence upon a certain transcendence. He criticizes the liberal theory of the state for effacing the originary relationship of the political to transcendence and insists that the rule of law ultimately hinges on an act of violence in the state of exception. In Hamlet and Hecuba, Schmitt turns to Shakespeare in order to elaborate his own political theology by reading Hamlet as a “counter-myth of early modern politics,” which calls for the Sovereign`s decision in the face of the secularization of politics. There is, however, an ambiguity or lack of logic in Schmitt`s reading of Hamlet, which also reveals the aporia of his political theology, and behind this lies Hamlet which shows us not the necessity of the Sovereign`s decision but the impossibility of it.

E-politics와 한국 정치문화

호광석 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2006 한국민족문화 Vol.28 No.-

This paper deals with the characteristics of political changes in information society and Korean political culture. There are many theoretical debates on the changes of information society and itself. And optimism and pessimism coexist among scholars who describe political changes in information socy' Although it has elements of direct democracy, we can not assert that it is a democracy for very different views. In consequence of that, it is better to call it for 'caber politics' or 'e-politics' than for some democracies. This paper employs the terminology of 'e-politics' which represents the political aspects by the information and communication technologies in information society. A characteristic of e-politics is participant political culture and it likes to Ronald Inglehart's concept of the post-modem political culture based on postmaterialist value systems. In Korea, it is true that the spread rate of internet rise and the aspects of e-politics spread widely. The influences of `the Internet' on election are increasing more and more. Several study's analyzing the 17th National Assembly Election in 2004 show that 'the Internet' and online political activity increased electoral concern and influenced voting participation directly or indirectly. Although voting rate is low, the level of political concern and interest is high in that election. That is a characteristic' of the participant political culture of e-polity's and Inglehart's post-modern political culture. This paper finds the post-modern political culture has begun to emerge in contemporary Korea which entered into information society. In conclusion, Korean political culture is expanding into participant political culture with the spread of e-politics.

바울의 메시아주의에 대한 탈근대 정치신학적 독해

안연희(安姸姬) 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2015 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.66 No.-

최근 알랭 바디우, 조르조 아감벤, 슬라보이 지젝 등의 새로운 바울 담론은 보수적인 기독교 정통파의 상징적 인물인 바울을 유대교적 메시아주의와 관련시켜 유대교 급진주의자로 재해석하고 있다. 이러한 흐름은 유대 신비주의와 메시아주의에 주목했던 발터 벤야민, 게르숌 숄렘, 야곱 타우베스 등 유대계의 사상가들의 깊은 영향을 받았다. 본 논문은 그 중 특히 메시아 정치를 통해 당대 로마 제국의 권력과 지배 이데올로기를 비판하고 있는 바울서신에서 탈근대 정치신학의 가능성을 읽어냈던 야곱 타우베스의 해석에 주목하였다. 야곱 타우베스는 칼 슈미트의 보수적 정치신학과 발터 벤야민의 급진적 정치신학을 넘나들면서 정치의 종교적 구조와 종교의 정치적 함의에 대한 심오한 통찰을 보여준다. 그와 같이 정치와 종교가 분리될 수 없는 지점에 천착하는 타우베스의 관점은 부정적이든 긍정적이든 ‘종교’ 변수에 다시 주목하는 탈근대 담론에 영감을 불어넣었다. 또한 그는 정치신학의 유형을 구분하여 지배 권력을 대리하고 제국을 정당화하는 보수적 정치신학을 비판하고 바울의 메시아주의 안에서 기존의 권력과 지배의 이데올로기를 중지시키는 비판적 정치신학을 포착함으로써 조르조 아감벤을 비롯한 급진적 바울해석에 핵심적 영향을 주었다. 이 글은 최근 탈근대담론 속에서 바울에 대한 정치철학적 해석이 활발한 데 주목하고, 그러한 논의에 중요한 단서를 제공한 야곱 타우베스의 정치신학을 통해서 바울의 메시아주의의 탈근대 정치신학적 독해의 가능성과 그 의미를 고찰하였다. 또한 바울의 메시아주의적 정치신학이 새롭게 정치철학적 코드로 등장하고 있는 현상이 정교분리에 근거한 서구 근대의 종교관과 정치 이해를 재검토할 수 있는 계기가 될 수 있음을 아울러 밝히고자 하였다. Contemporary political discourse about messianism and political theology of St. Paul is prominent in the recent works of Alain Badiou, Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Žižek, and Eric L. Santner. Their works review St. Paul, the symbolic figure of the conservative Christian Orthodox, as a Jewish radical in connection with the Jewish apocalyptic messianism. The source that deeply influenced their view can be found in the works of Jewish thinkers such as Walter Benjamin and Gershom Scholem, Franz Rosenzweig, and Jacob Taubes among many. Especially, Jacob Taubes discovered a possibility for post-modern political theology or political philosophy from St. Paul’s letter that used his messianic politics to criticize the contemporary politics and governing ideology of the Roman Empire. This paper will focus on Taubes’ interpretation of St. Paul’s letter. Jacob Taubes encompasses both Karl Schmidt’s conservative political theology and Walter Benjamin’s radical political theology, and his works display a sharp insight and understanding that politic has a religious structure and religion pervades politic. His view that religion and politic are inseparable breathed an inspiration into post-modern discourses that are now trying to shed a new light on the “religion” factor, whether it be for the better or the worse. Moreover, he categorized different forms of political theology into types in order that he criticize the conversative political theology to advocate the rulers and provide justification for the empire. He discovered within St. Paul’s messianism a critical political theology that sought to put an end to the existing rulers’ power and their ruling ideology, and Taubes’ such a discovery heavily influenced the radical interpretation of St. Paul’s works such as that of Giorgio Agamben. This paper sought to consider whether it would be possible to discover a form of post-modern political theology from St. Paul’s messianism in the light of Jacob Taubes’ political theology that provided an important clue for the present day’s lively discussion on bringing new political and philosophical interpretation on St. Paul’s works within the post-modern circle. Additionally, this paper attempted to analyze this new phenomena where St. Paul’s messianic political theology is emerging as a new type of political philosophy so that it may be able to find a new opportunity to review the West’s modern view of religion and understanding of politics based on their idea of the separation of church and state.

정당법의 위헌성과 지역정당의 정당성: 헌재 2006. 3. 30. 2004헌마246 결정 비판

김종서 민주주의법학연구회 2022 민주법학 Vol.- No.80

In this thesis, I intended to demonstrate that the Political Party Act(the PPA, hereinafter) preventing local parties for over 60 years is unconstitutional on the one hand, and to make clear that the local party system is constitutionally legitimate and would make the innovation of Korean political culture on the other. To do this, I tried to expose the absurdity and irrationality of the 2006 abjudication of the Constitutional Court, which regrettably had missed the opportunity to rectify the unconstitutionality of the PPA. I carried out the critique of the decision as follows: First, I proved that the Constitutional Court had erred in extending the conceptual marks of the political party without solid foundation. Second, I demonstrated, to the contrast to the Constitutional Court, that the PPA denying the local party could not pass the constitutional test of the proportionality: the aim of the Act could not be justified since it was violating the principle of plural democracy; the excessive registration requirements in the PPA did not satisfy the necessity principle; and the balancing test was not met in that the interest of political stability could not outweigh the fundamental right to freedom of establishing political parties. Third, I asserted, unlike the Constitutional Court, that the current party registration system constituted a violation of equality principle as an indirect discrimination against new political forces; it infringed the plural party system by preventing legitimate activities of small or local parties; and also it did not conform to the principles of local self-government and national sovereignty. Furthermore and finally, besides proving the unconstitutionality of the current registration requirements of the PPA, I positively assert the constitutional legitimacy and political value of the local party system: First, it would contribute to the innovation of Korean political culture by repealing a political climate overdependent on local connections; second, the abolition of exclusion of local parties would open an unprecedented door of opportunity for the new political forces; and finally it would save the sovereign, that is, the present and prospective voters from the hatred of and disinterest in the politics. 이 글은, 쿠데타 정권에 의하여 제정되어 60년간 지역정당의 설립을 봉쇄해 온 정당법상 등록조항들의 위헌성을 논증하고, 나아가 지역정당의 설립이 헌법상 정당성을 가질 뿐 아니라 한국 정치문화의 혁신을 가능케 할 것임을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위하여 필자는 정당법의 위헌성을 바로잡을 기회가 있었음에도 이를 놓쳐버리고 만 헌법재판소의 2006년 결정의 허구성과 편협성을 폭로하고 비판한다. 헌법재판소 결정에 대한 비판은 다음과 같은 순서로 이루어진다. 첫째, 헌법재판소 결정의 토대가 된 정당의 개념표지 문제에 대한 헌법재판소의 오류를 논증한다. 여기서 헌법재판소가 제시한 일곱 가지 개념표지들 중 헌법 규정에 따른 것을 제외하고는 모두 정당의 개념표지가 될 수 없음을 밝힌다. 둘째, 헌법재판소가 정당설립의 자유 침해가 아니라며 만장일치로 합헌이라고 했던 정당등록제도가 사실은 위헌 여부 판단에서 요구되는 과잉금지의 원칙을 통과하지 못했음을 논증한다. 우선 군소정당과 지역정당의 배제라는 정당등록제도의 입법 목적은 다원주의적 민주주의의 기본원칙에 반하는 것으로 그 정당성을 인정할 수 없다. 또한 현행 정당등록제도는 새로운 정치세력들에게 과도한 등록요건을 부과하는 것이어서 침해의 최소성 원칙에 반하며, 안정적 양당제의 확보라는 이익은 결코 정당설립의 자유 침해라는 근원적 기본권 침해를 앞설 수 없는 것이어서 법익의 균형성 원칙에도 반하는 것이다. 셋째, 헌법재판소가 다루지 않았거나 소홀히 다룬 부분들에 대해서도 위헌 주장을 전개한다. 현행 정당등록제도는 외형상의 평등한 적용―이를 근거로 헌법재판소는 평등원칙 위반 문제가 없다고 했다―에도 불구하고 신생 정치세력에게 불리할 수밖에 없는 등록요건을 포함하고 있어 간접차별에 해당한다. 또한 정당에 대한 동등한 대우를 부정하고 군소・지역 정당의 정당한 정치활동을 가로막는다는 점에서 복수정당제에 위반된다. 나아가 지역정당의 부정을 통해 지방자치를 단순한 지방행정으로 격하함으로써 지역 수준의 정치를 제도적으로 보장하고자 하는 지방자치제의 본질에도 반한다. 뿐만 아니라, ‘현재 및 장래의 유권자들이 자신들의 의사와 이익을 결집하고 이를 공유하고 관철해 나갈 수 있는 민주적 의사결정과정을 보장하는 조직’이 정당이고 이는 국민주권 원칙의 실현을 위한 조건임에도 불구하고 지역성・군소성을 이유로 정당 등록을 거부하거나 등록을 취소함으로써 국민주권 원칙을 침해하고 있다. 마지막으로 필자는 지역정당이 헌법상의 원리나 요청에 적극적으로 기여한다는 점을 밝힘으로써 소극적 위헌 주장에 머물지 않고 적극적 제도개혁의 필요성을 주장한다. 지역정당은 헌법재판소가 지역정당 배제 필요성의 근거로서 제시했던 상황 즉 “지역적 연고에 지나치게 의존하는 정당정치풍토”를 혁파하는 데 크게 기여할 것이고, 지역정당 배제의 폐지는, 전국적 규모의 조직과 인력을 갖추지 못하면 새로운 정치적 도전을 시도조차 해 볼 수 없는 신진정치세력에게 전례 없는 기회의 문을 열어줄 것이며, 이처럼 신진세력의 진출과 지역주의적 정치풍토의 변화를 가져옴으로써 궁극적으로 주권자, 즉 장래 및 현재의 유권자들을 정치에 대한 혐오와 무관심으로부터 구해낼 것이다. 이처럼 현행 정당등록제도의 위헌성과 지역정당의 헌법 ...

정치자금 규제와 평가

최희경 ( Hee-kyung Choi ) 이화여자대학교 법학연구소 2018 法學論集 Vol.23 No.1

정치자금은 정치인이나 정당이 정치활동을 하는데 필요한 일체의 경비를 말하며, 정치인이나 정당의 입장에서는 정치활동을 위하여 필요한 정치자금이 보다 쉽게 많이 조달될 수 있기를 바란다. 하지만 정치활동에는 다양한 이해관계가 충돌하고 이를 조정하여 정책결정이 내려져야 하므로 정치자금의 제공은 정치적 영향력을 증대시킬 수 있는 주요한 수단이 된다. 그리고 그러한 수단으로서의 재력을 가진 사람들만의 이익이 우선하고 존중되는 정치과정은 금권정치로 변질되며 정치적 부패를 가져오게 되므로 그 규제는 불가피한 것이다. 그렇지만 정치자금의 규제, 예컨대 정치자금을 제공할 수 있는 자나 모금이 허용되는 자에 대한 규제, 금액의 상하한의 설정 등은 평등의 문제를 제기하며 이는 정치적 영향력의 실질적 차이를 가져온다. 또한 정치자금 배분에 있어서의 불균형 역시 중요한 평등의 문제를 제기한다. 한편으로 정치자금 규제는 차별의 문제만이 아니라 이를 통한 국민의 정치적 표현의 자유를 보장하고 그 보장의 수준을 보여준다는 점에서 규제만이 전부가 아닌 것이다. 이에 본 논문은 우리나라 정치자금법에서 인정하고 있는 정치자금 중 정당이 외부로부터의 자금에 의존하는 기탁금, 후원금, 국고보조금을 중심으로 그 규제의 내용과 타당성을 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 위해 기탁금제도와 관련해서 지정기탁금제의 재도입 여부, 법인·단체의 정치자금 기부 허용 여부를 살펴본다. 또한 후원회를 구성할 수 있는 후원회 지정권자의 인정범위, 국고보조금 배분 기준 등의 적정성을 살펴본다. 우리나라의 경우 정치자금의 수입원은 다양화되었지만, 당비, 국고보조금, 후원금, 기탁금 등의 구체적 내용과 운영은 복잡하게 영향을 미치고 있으며, 전체적인 정치자금의 총액을 결정함에 있어서 각각의 정치자금이 미치는 영향력은 함께 고려되어져야 한다. Political funds mean any and all expenses required for politicians or political parties to engage in politics. From the viewpoint of politicians or political parties, they want much more political funds to be raised easily for their political activities. However, there are various conflicts of interests in political activities and adjustment has to be made for a policy decision and therefore, provision of political funds becomes an important means to increase political influence. Political process which only prefers and respects benefit of people with financial ability for such means will be spoiled to money politics and will bring political corruption and therefore, regulation is unavoidable. Nevertheless, regulation on political funds, e.g. regulation on funds provider or people who are allowed for fund-raising, or setting upper-limit or lower-limit amount, will bring up a problem of equality, which causes substantive difference of political influence. Unbalance in distribution of political funds also raises important problem of equality. Meantime, regulation is not everything because regulation on political funds not only is a problem of discrimination but also guarantees freedom of people’s political expression through political funds and shows level of the guarantee. Thus, this thesis assesses validity of regulation on political funds which are recognized in our Political Fund Law, i.e. party expenditure, donation, support payments, and government subsidies. With respect to donation system, it investigates whether reintroduction of designated donation system is implemented and whether a corporation or an organization is permitted to donate political funds. And, with respect to support payments system, it reviews; first, validity of regulation on appointor of individual supporters’ association and second, validity of abolition of party supporters’ association and recognition on party supporters’ association pursuant to decision of the Constitutional Court. Finally, with respect to government subsidies, it discusses necessity of government subsidies and adequacy of payment criteria.

정치 양극화와 국회 의사결정 구조 ― 미국 의회와의 비교를 중심으로 ―

김병록 미국헌법학회 2024 美國憲法硏究 Vol.35 No.1

1987년 민주화 이후 정치적 자유와 경쟁이 크게 신장된 것으로 평가되는 한국의 민주주의는 현재 심각한 정치양극화에 직면해 있다. 유권자들의 이념 성향 분포에서 좌우 극단이 늘어나는 것은 아니나, 진보와 보수 유권자들이 각각 지지 정당에 따라 결집하고, 상대 정당에 대한 비호감도도 높아지고 있다. 대통령에 대한 여야 지지자 간 지지율 격차도 정치양극화가 매우 심각한 미국 수준으로 확대되었다. 과도한 정치양극화 상황에서는 정부 정책성과에 대한 평가가 당파심에 의해 왜곡되고, 자기 편에 도움이 된다면 자질에 문제가 있는 후보도 지지하게 되므로 책임정치가 구현되기 어렵다. 그리고 정치양극화는 입법 교착 상태를 유발해 정치과정을 마비시키는 등 민주적 거버넌스의 파행으로 이어진다. 정치양극화는 유권자들의 당파적 정체성이 이념, 세대, 계급, 젠더, 지역 등 다양한 사회균열과 중첩될 때 나타난다. 예를 들어 미국의 경우 이념, 지역 및 사회・문화적 균열이 유권자들의 정치적 정체성과 중첩되면서 정치양극화가 심화되었다. 정치양극화는 당파적 정체성과 사회균열이 중첩될 때만이 아니라, 정치 제도적 요인들에 의해서도 심화된다. 무엇보다도 정치양극화 극복을 위해 권력구조와 의회제도 개혁이 필요하다. 당파적 정체성에 입각한 정치참여의 증가와 정책 결정 과정의 투명화 등 정치 환경의 변화는 여야 간 협치를 더욱 어렵게 만들었다. 대통령 1인에 과도하게 집중된 권력구조와 승자독식의 선거제도에서 양대 정당과 정치 엘리트들에게는 상대 정당과 연합과 협치에 나설 유인이 없다. 대통령은 국민 통합적 정책을 추진하기보다는 진영을 가르는 통치행태를 보여 왔고, 야당은 다음 선거에서 승리하기 위해 대통령과 여당의 실정을 부각시키는데 정치적 역량을 집중한다. 또한, 국회의 제도화 수준이 낮아서 국회에 대한 의원들의 제도적 충성심이 약하다. 여당 내 주류 의원들은 국회보다 대통령실과 더 강한 일체감을 형성한다. 국회가 행정부에 대한 감시・감독을 효과적으로 수행하기 위해서는 행정부에 뒤지지 않는 정책역량이 필요한데 국회 입법・정책지원기구는 전문 인력이 부족하고 관료화되어 있다. 이러한 문제들을 해결하기 위해서는 대통령, 당 지도부와 중앙당, 양대 정당에 집중된 정치권력을 분권화함으로써 협치의 제도적 기반을 구축할 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 다음과 같은 제도적 대안을 제시한다. 제도적 정합성의 관점에서 이 대안들은 통합적으로 추진될 필요가 있다. 첫째, 권리구조를 분권형 대통령제로 바꾸는 개헌이 필요하다. 대통령의 헌법적 권한을 줄이는 동시에 대통령을 결선투표제로 선출함으로써 대통령 선거에서 정당 간 연합이 가능하도록 해야 한다. 둘째, 의회제도의 경우 국회 운영에 있어서 위원회의 자율성을 강화하고, 여야 의원들의 연합모임이 법안 공동발의 수준까지 활성화될 필요가 있다. 또한, 국회 입법・정책지원기구의 전문성과 자율성을 강화하고, 각 정당의 전문 인력을 활용해 상임위원회 전문위원실의 민주적 책임성을 강화할 필요가 있다. 이 논문은 미국의 의회 제도를 검토한 후 한국 국회제도 개혁에 논의를 집중하여 정치양극화 문제의 해법을 제시하고자 한다. Korea's democracy, which is estimated to have reached the US level due to a significant increase in political freedom and competition after democratization in 1987, is currently facing serious political polarization. Although the left and right extremes in the distribution of voters' ideological orientations are not increasing, progressive and conservative voters are rallying according to the parties they support, and unfavorable conditions for the other party are also increasing. The gap in approval ratings between ruling and opposition supporters for the president has also widened to the level of the United States, where political polarization is very serious. In situations of excessive political polarization, the evaluation of government policy performance is distorted by partisanship, and if it helps one's side, candidates with quality problems are also supported, making it difficult to implement responsible politics. In addition, political polarization leads to a limbo of democratic governance, causing a legislative deadlock and paralyzing the political process. Political polarization appears when voters' partisan identities overlap with various social cracks such as ideology, generation, class, gender, and region. In the case of the United States, for example, political polarization intensified as ideological, regional, and social and cultural cracks overlapped with voters' political identities. Political polarization is intensified not only when partisan identity and social cracks overlap, but also by political and institutional factors. Above all, it is necessary to reform the power structure and the parliamentary system to overcome political polarization. Changes in the political environment, such as an increase in political participation based on partisan identity and transparency in the policy-making process, made cooperation between the ruling and opposition parties more difficult. In a power structure excessively concentrated on one president and a winner-take-all election system, the two major political parties and political elites have no incentive to cooperate with the other party. Rather than promoting a national integration policy, the president has shown a ruling behavior that divides the camps, and the opposition party focuses its political capabilities on highlighting the situation of the president and the ruling party to win the next election. In addition, due to the low level of institutionalization of the National Assembly, the institutional loyalty of the lawmakers to the National Assembly is weak. Mainstream lawmakers in the ruling party form a stronger sense of unity with the presidential office than with the National Assembly. In order for the National Assembly to effectively monitor and supervise the administration, it needs policy capabilities that are comparable to those of the administration, but the legislative and policy support organization of the National Assembly lacks professional manpower and is bureaucratic. In order to solve these problems, it is necessary to establish an institutional foundation for cooperation by decentralizing political power concentrated on the president, the party leadership and the central party, and the two major political parties. To this end, the following institutional alternatives are suggested. From the perspective of institutional consistency, these alternatives need to be promoted in an integrated manner. First, a constitutional amendment is needed to change the rights structure to a decentralized presidential system. While reducing the constitutional authority of the president, the election of the president as a final election system should enable cross-party alliances in the presidential election. Second, in the case of the parliamentary system, it is necessary to strengthen the autonomy of the committee in the operation of the National Assembly, and to activate joint meetings of ruling and opposition lawmakers to the level of joint initiative of ...

한국 정치극의 전개 양상 -1920년대부터 80년대까지의 정치극운동을 중심으로-

김성희 한국연극학회 2014 한국연극학 Vol.1 No.52

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea’s political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as ‘culture activists’ taking a jump up the line and ‘independent theatre’ peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is ‘Attentive political theatre’, satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government’s oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers’ pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group ‘Yeonwoo-Moudae’ led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han’s, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept ‘the political’ became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience’s political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion abo...

정치참여의식이 시민의 정치참여행동에 미치는 영향

이성춘(Lee, Sung Choon) 한국산학기술학회 2017 한국산학기술학회논문지 Vol.18 No.1

본 연구에서는 올바른 정치문화 정착과 형성을 위해 시민들의 정치의식과 정치참여행동의 구조적 관계를 분석하고자 연구를 시도하였다. 이를 분석하기 실증분석을 시도하였고, 이에 따른 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가설 1인 시민들의 정치의식과 정치신뢰의 관계를 분석한 결과, 선거 의식 수준과 자기 효능감이 높을수록 정치에 대한 만족도와 정치에 대한 평가가 높아졌다. 둘째, 가설 2인 시민들의 정치의식과 사회소속감의 관계를 파악한 결과는 선거 의식수준과 사회에 대한 인식수준이 높을수록 사회소속감이 높아지는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 가설 3인 정치신뢰가 정치참여 행동에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과에서 정치 만족도와 정치평가가 높을수록 적극적 정치 참여와 소극적 정치 참여의 참여행동이 높아진 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 가설 4인 사회소속감이 정치참여행동에 미치는 영향은 시민의 사회소속감이 높을수록 적극적 정치 참여와 소극적 정치 참여의 정치참여 행동 수준이 높아지는 것으로 조사되었다. 따라서 시민들의 선거인식과 정치가에 대한 인식 등 정치의식이 높을수록 정치에 대한 신뢰도와 정치참여행동 역시 긍정적으로 영향을 받는 것을 알 수 있었다. In this research, we analyzed the structural (influence) of citizens" political awareness and political participation on the settlement of political culture. The results are as follows. Firstly, the analysis of the relationship between the citizens" political awareness and political reliability in Hypothesis 1 showed that the higher their election sense and self-efficacy, the higher their satisfaction with and evaluation of politics. Secondly, the analysis of the relationship between the citizens" political awareness and social sense of belonging in Hypothesis 2 showed that the higher the election sense and recognition in society, the higher the social sense of belonging. Thirdly, the analysis of the influence of political reliability on political participation in Hypothesis (3) showed that the higher the political satisfaction and political assessment, the higher the positive participation in politics and negative participation in politics. Fourth, in the analysis of the influence of social sense of belonging on political participation in Hypothesis 4, it was found that the higher the citizens" social belonging awareness, the higher the positive political participation and negative political participation. Therefore, it was found that the higher the political awareness of the citizens, such as their election sense and knowledge about their politicians, the more positive were their political reliability and political participation.

규제이론의 관점에서 본 정치자금 투명성 규제법제

김대인 이화여자대학교 법학연구소 2019 法學論集 Vol.24 No.2

spective of constitutional Law. This tendency is the reflection of the fact that political money regulation is connected with democracy as a constitutional order. It is evident that constitutional perspective is critical in seeing the political money regulation. However, regulation theory perspective needs to be taken into account additionally. As selection of appropriate ‘means’ to the regulatory ‘ends’ is important in political money regulation, regulation theory can give many implications. In this context, this paper shows major regulation theory such as responsive regulation theory, capture theory, and smart regulation theory, and applies theses theories into political money regulation. From this perspective, 1) political goal, 2) context, and 3) current regulation are suggested as a tool for analyzing political money transparency regulation law. With this analyzing tool, following limitations can be found in Korean political money transparency regulation. First, political goal of enhancing transparency in political money focuses only on anti-corruption in political money, and does not pay enough attention to contributing to sound democratic politics through competition. Second, as regards political context, it is emphasized that presidential system, which combines ruling party and government, can lead to concentration of the political power, and strong conglomerates (chaebols) led-economy is vulnerable to unsound close ties between industry and politics. However, reflecting variety of political opinions through protecting minority party has not been enough emphasized in political money transparency regulation. Third, as regards political money regulation types, many regimes exist such as financial report of the political party or provision. However, there are many critics that effectiveness of these regimes is lacking. To address these limitations, comparison between Korean political money regulation and that of the Germany are conducted. From this comparison following lessons can be drawn. While disclosure obligation of financial report of the political party for enhancing transparency of political money, this obligation is alleviated to minority political party for strengthening competition between political party in Germany. And Germany also has many mechanisms to guarantee the correctness of financial report of the political party. 그동안 정치자금 투명성 규제법제는 헌법적인 관점에서의 연구가 주류를 이루어 왔다. 이는 정치자금규제가 헌법적 기본질서인 민주주의와 관련된다는 점이 반영된 것으로 볼 수 있다. 정치자금규제를 봄에 있어서는 이러한 헌법적 관점이 핵심적이 라는 점에는 의문의 여지가 없으나, 추가적으로 규제이론(regulation theory)의 시각에 서 정치자금 투명성 규제법제를 검토해볼 필요성이 있다. 정치자금 투명성 규제법제 도 ‘규제’의 목적달성을 위한 적절한 수단의 선택문제가 발생한다는 점에서 규제이 론이 유용할 수 있기 때문이다. 이러한 문제의식 하에 이 글에서는 대응규제이론, 포획이론, 스마트규제이론 등 주요 규제이론들을 소개하고, 이를 정치자금 투명성 규제분야에 구체화하여 1) 정치 적 목표, 2) 맥락, 3) 현행규제의 유형 등을 정치자금 투명성 규제법제를 분석하는 틀 로 제시해보았다. 이러한 규제이론적인 틀을 토대로 우리나라의 정치자금 투명성 규제법제를 분석 해보면 다음과 같은 문제점들이 드러난다. 첫째, 정치자금 투명성 규제의 정치적 목 표와 관련해서 보면 정치자금과 관련한 부정방지의 목표에만 초점이 맞추어져 있고 경쟁을 통한 민주정치의 건전한 발전에의 기여라는 목표는 충분히 고려되지 못하고 있다. 둘째, 우리나라가 처한 정치현실이라는 맥락과 관련해서 보면 대통령제를 채택하고 있으면서 당・정간에 긴밀한 관계가 형성되어 있어서 권력의 집중이 이루어지기 쉬운 구조이고, 재벌을 중심으로 한 경제구조로 정경유착의 위험성이 크다는 점은 강조되고 있으나, 소수정당의 보호를 통한 다양한 정치적 견해의 반영이라는 측면은 충분히 강조되지 못하고 있다. 셋째, 현행 규제의 유형과 관련해서 보면 회계장부 비치의무나 증빙서류 구비의무 등 다양한 투명성 관련 규제를 두고 있음에도 불구하고 정치자금 투명성 확보의 실 효성이 부족하다는 비판이 많다. 이상과 같은 문제점을 해결하기 위해서 우리나라와 독일의 법제를 비교분석해보 면 다음과 같은 시사점을 제공받을 수 있다. 정치자금의 투명성을 확보하기 위해서 회계보고의 공개의무를 부과하면서도 소수정당의 경우 의무의 수준을 완화시켜줌으로써 정당 간 경쟁을 활성화하려고 노력하고 있는 점, 회계보고의 정확성을 확보하 기 위한 여러 가지 장치를 두고 있는 점 등이 그것이다.