북한 5대 근로단체 조직의 운영체제와 역할 분석

정후남(Jeong Hu Nam) 북한학회 2021 북한학보 Vol.46 No.1

지금 북한은 수령, 당, 대중의 일심단결로 온 나라가 똘똘 뭉쳐있는 지구상에 하나 밖에 없는 강대한 주체의 강국이며 그 어느 나라에도 없는 핵무기보다 더 강한 정치사상강국이라고 세계만방에 자랑하고 있다. 1990년대 초 동유럽의 사회주의 진영이 붕괴되고 세계에서 사회주의가 추풍낙엽이 되었어도 여전히 사회주의 길로 나가는 북한이 특이한 세습체제를 수호하고 있는 앞장에는 조선로동당이라는 불패의 당이 있다. 그리고 당을 철옹성으로 옹위해나가는 5개의 외곽단체 조직이 2500만 북한에 사는 전체 주민들을 당의 주위에 단결시켜나가고 있고, 이것을 두고 일심단결이라고 하는 것은 북한사람들이 다 인정하는 것이다. 우선 북한에서 만 7세부터 13세까지 누구나 입단해야 하는 첫기층 조직인 조선 소년단이다. 북한에서는 소년단이 일제식민지시기 만주에서 싸운 항일아동단의 전통을 이어받은 불굴의 아동조직이라고 하고 있다. 조선소년단은 해방 후 1946년 6월 6일 발족되었으며 당의 영도 아래 김일성-김정일주의 청년동맹의 직접적인 지도를 받는 기층조직으로 현재 400만으로 추산되고 있는 거대한 아동조직이다. 김일성-김정일주의 청년동맹은 광복 후 1946년 1월 17일 광복전 서로 분파적으로 활동하던 여러 청년단체들이 통합되어 발족되었으며 현재 500만이 망라된 북한에서 가장 큰 노동당의 외곽단체이다. 김일성-김정일주의 청년동맹은 일제시기 김일성주석이 조직하여 집단적으로 싸워 일본의 식민지를 끝장내고 나라를 광복시키기 위한 싸움에서 항상 앞장서왔던 전위조직인 조선공산주의청년동맹 의 후신이라고 선전하고 있다. 북조선 직업총동맹은 1945년 11월 30일 광복 후 북한의 노동자, 기술자, 사무원 등의 개별적, 지역별 단체로 분열되어 있던 각계 각층 노동조합들을 묶어 발족되었으며 1951년 1월 전국평의회와 통합되어 조선직업총동맹으로 결성된 300만이 망라되어있는 거대한 노동자 조직이다. 조선민주여성동맹은 1945년 11월 18일 북조선민주여성동맹으로 결성되었다가 1951년 1월 남한의 여성단체와 통합하여 조선민주여성동맹으로 발족되었으며 현재 20만 명 이상으로 추산되는 대규모 여성단체이다. 조선농업근로자동맹은 광복 후 1945년 12월 8일 전국농민조합총연맹으로 출발하여 1946년 1월 31일 북조선농민동맹으로 조직되었다. 1951년 2월 11일 남로당 외곽단체이었던 전국농민조합총연맹과 형식적으로 통합되어 조선농민동맹으로 되었다가 1965년 3월 25일 조선농업근로자동맹으로 결성되어 현재 맹원 수는 130만명으로 추산되고 있다. 이렇게 소년단까지 해서 5대의 근로단체조직들이 노동당의 외곽단체로 당의 지시를 직접 받으며 북한의 사회주의를 굳건히 하고 초석으로 다지는데 거대한 역할을 수행하고 있는 것이다. 이처럼 북한주민수를 2400만으로 본다 해도 절반 이상인 1350만 명이 5대의 근로단체조직들에 망라되어 북한식 사회주의를 고수하는데 초석이 되고 방패가 되고 있다. 근로단체 조직들에 망라되지 않은 사람들은 300만의 노동당원들 외에 탁아소, 유치원과 소학교 1학년까지의 어린이들과 70세 이상의 늙은이들과 정신 이상 장애인들뿐이다. 이처럼 북한에서는 근로단체조직들이 사회주의를 고수하는데 한 몫을 단단히 하고 있으므로 노동당에서도 중앙과 각 도, 시, 군당위원회에 근로단체부를 따로 내오고 근로단체들에 대한 당적 지도를 강화하고 있다. 때문에 이 논문에서는 북한의 노동당 외곽단체들인 김일성-김정일주의 청년동맹과 산하의 조선소년단, 조선직업근로자총동맹, 조선민주여성동맹, 조선농업근로자동맹 등 조직들이 왜 필요하며 어떻게 조직되고 조직구성과 운영체계, 역할에 대해 총체적으로 분석해보려고 한다. Now, North Korea is proud of all over the world that it is a strong power of a powerful subject and a stronger political ideology than a nuclear weapon that is not in any country. Although the socialist camp in Eastern Europe collapsed in the early 1990s and socialism in the world became a decadent fall, the North Korean government, which still holds the socialist banner, is defending the unusual communist system because there is an undefeated party called the Korean Workers It is the North Koreans conclusion that five organizations of labor organizations are unifying all the people living in the North with 25 million people around the party, Thesis Outline First of all, it is the Chosun Dynasty, the first base organization in North Korea that everyone from 7 to 13 years must join. In North Korea, it is said that the boys group is an indefatigable children s organization that has inherited the tradition of the anti-Japanese children s group that fought in Manchuria during the Japanese colonial period. The Korean Chosun Dynasty was established on June 6, 1946 after liberation and under the leadership of the Party, under the dir ect guidance of the Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il Youth Alliance, it is an enormous child organization currently estimated at 4 million. Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il Youth Alliance was formed after the liberation of various youth groups that were active in sectarianism before liberation on January 17, 1946, and is the largest outside organization of the largest Labor Party in North Korea, which now covers 5 million. The Kim Il Sung-Kim Jong Il Youth Alliance promotes Kim Il-sung as a successor to the “Chosun Communist Youth League”, an indomitable avantgarde organization that has always been at the forefront of fighting to end the colonization of Japan and to defeat Japan. After the liberation of North Korea on November 30, 1945, the North Korean Vocational Alliance was established by tying all the labor unions divided into individual and regional groups such as workers, technicians, and clerks of North Korea. It was integrated with the National Council in January 1951,It is an enormous organization of workers with a total population of 3 million. The Korean Democratic Women s Alliance was formed as the Democratic Women s Alliance in North Korea on November 18, 1945. It was launched in January 1951 as a unification of the Democratic Women s Federation of Korea in conjunction with the women s groups in South Korea. The Korean agricultural workers alliance started as a Federation of Korean Nationals Federation on December 8, 1945, and was organized as a farmers union in North Korea on January 31, 1946. It was organized on February 11, 1951,It was integrated into the Chosun Peasant Alliance, and on March 25, 1965, it was formed as an alliance of Chosun Agriculture Workers. These boys organizations are playing a big role in strengthening and solidifying North Korea s socialism by directly receiving the party s instructions as a subordinate organization of the Labor Party. Even if we look at the number of North Koreans at 24 million, more than half of them, 15.3 million, are covered by five labor organizations and become the cornerstones and shields for adhering to North Korean socialism. In addition to the party members, there are nurseries, kindergarten children, aged people over 70, and people with mental disabilities who are not covered by the labor organization. In this way, the labor organizations in the DPRK are making a strong contribution to adhering to socialism. Therefore, the Labor Party also has separate labor organization departments in the central, provincial, municipal, and military party committees, and reinforces party leadership in the labor organizations. In North Korea, you are talking about being a human being as well as living an organized life from birth to death.

Multidimensional Approach to Party Change and the Evolution of Japanese Major Parties in the 2000s

Jin Min Chung(정진민) 한국정치학회 2010 한국정치학회보 Vol.44 No.5

본 논문은 정당을 조직 수준, 공직 수준, 유권자 수준 등 세 차원으로 나누어 보는 다차원적 분석틀을 활용하여 2000년대 일본 정당의 변화를 다루고 있다. 먼저 정당변화를 설명하기 위한 분석틀과 일본의 정당변화에 영향을 주고 있는 주요 요인들을 논의하고, 이어 2000년대 일본의 자민, 민주 양대 정당의 변화에 관한 분석을 통하여 조직수준 정당이 약화되고 전통적으로 강했던 공직 수준 정당이 더욱 강화되는 방향으로 힘의 균형이 바뀜과 동시에 유권자 수준의 정당이 성장하고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 마지막으로 일본 정당정치의 제도화와 관련하여, 유권자 수준 및 공직 수준 정당이 강화된 유권자정당 모델에 가까운 형태로 제도화될 가능성이 있음을 정당 후보선출 방식의 중요성과 함께 논의하고 있다. In examining the change of Japanese party politics in the 2000s, this article attempts to move away from the conception of party as a unitary actor by disaggregating party into three different dimensions, that is, party-as-organization, party-in-public-office, and party-in-the-electorate. After briefly discussing on the analytical framework for explaining party change and key factors affecting Japanese party change, this article examines Japanese party politics in the 2000s with a focus on the changes in three dimensions of the two major political parties, that is, Jiminto(Liberal Democratic Party) and Minshuto(Democratic Party of Japan). The examination of the change in Japan's two major political parties shows us that the party-in-the-electorate has just begun to grow, while the balance of power between the party-as-organization and the party-in-public-office has shifted in favor of the latter. Although it is not yet clear whether the change in Japan's two major political parties in the 2000s could lead to a new party institutionalization, the recent growth of the party-in-the-electorate in Japan is a meaningful step forward heading towards the party institutionalization based on the "party of the electorate" model in which unlike mass party model both the party-in-public-office and the party-in-the-electorate are strengthened at the expense of the party-as-organization.

진보당의 특선조직과 비밀당원

박진영 한국사학사학회 2023 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.48

This study identifies the special organizations, secret members, and entities involved in the expansion and reinforcement of the Progressive Party's organization in the 1950s. It was intended to examine the relationship between the organization and activities of the Progressive Party's special organization, especially the Yeomoung association, with the student movement developed in the 1960s. In order to secure popular organizations and expand the party's power, the Progressive Party attempted to organize a special party centered on activities by region and region. the Yeomoung association of the Progressive Party sought to bring students from each university gradually to the Progressive Party through a 'human network'. The secret members of the progressive party were those who would join the progressive party in political resistance to the Rhee Syng-man regime. The Rhee Syng-man regime's dissolution of the Progressive Party in a month after the "Progressive Party Incident" was intended to induce withdrawal of support from the Progressive Party through psychological fear as well as wary of secret members, or "people who act as party members." After the Progressive Party case, the Progressive Party's influence was thought to have ended, but it was leading to the student movement in the 1960s due to the horizontal link, the "human network."

중화인민공화국 초기 北京 당 조직의 건설과 그 특징

이원준 전북사학회 2015 전북사학 Vol.0 No.47

When ‘impure elements’ and ‘opportunists’ rushed into the Beijing’s party organization in the initial stage of the establishment of PRC, the CCP cautioned against the problems that uncontrolled expansion of party organization would cause, and took a cautious attitude toward building the party organization. At the same time, they enhanced their power of control toward the party members by institutionalizing the operation process of the party and by rectifying the members through intensive education and inspection. In this way, the CCP was able to lay the groundwork for the effective execution of power throughout the city. To make the ruling system of Beijing to work effectively, the CCP had to make the party organization immune from corruption and closely attached to the mass. The CCP tried to accomplish this goal by careful expansion and institutionalized management of party organization, accompanied by party-controlled rectification movement. The orientation and method of party building in the early PRC Beijing, showed a sharp contradiction to the ones that were implemented until the civil war period in the rural base areas. Unlike the rural areas, the CCP strived to adopt a highly mechanized system of party operation in the initial stage of party building in Beijing, and carried out a party-controlled ‘top-down’ rectification movement. The rectification campaign of Beijing in early PRC was fundamentally a well organized self-renovation controlled from above. Through this process, the CCP abandoned the ‘rural revolution way’ in the city, which is characterized by the voluntary mass mobilization from the bottom, and instead established a ‘top-down mobilization system’.

17대 대통령선거와 정당관련 제도

정진민 한국의회발전연구회 2008 의정연구 Vol.14 No.1

This study aims to examine the effects of legal regulations applied to the 17th presidential election held in December 2007. In examining legal regulations related to the electoral process, the focus of this study is put on political party. The key topics addressed in this study include grassroots party organization, party member, party supporters' organization, candidate selection, and campaign finance of political party. This study primarily maintains that it is necessary to have more open and democratic grassroots party organization and to open up the candidate selection process not only to party members but also to voters who support party in order to make political party more responsive to the electorate. This study also suggests that party supporters' organizations and voters' campaign contributions to political party should be allowed, which can facilitate voluntary mass participation and broaden the party base. 본 논문은 정치관계법에서 규정하고 있는 정당 관련 제도들이 17대 대통령선거 과정에서 어떻게 적용되었고 적용 과정에서 어떠한 문제들이 나타났으며 앞으로 어떤 방향으로 개선될 필요가 있는지를 살펴보고 있다. 이를 위하여 본 논문에서는 정당의 기초조직, 당원, 지지단체, 후보선출, 자금조달 등 정당 관련 제도들에 집중하여 논의를 전개하고 있으며. 아울러 이들 제도들이 우리의 대통령제 민주주의의 원활한 운영이라는 좀 더 큰 틀에서 정합성을 갖고 작동되고 있는지를 검토하고 있다.본 논문에서는 대통령 선거와 관련된 정당 제도에 있어 특히 정당의 기초조직인 당원협의회를 자발적으로 참여한 당원들이 선출한 운영위원들로 구성되는 운영위원회 체제로 전환하여 민주적으로 운영되도록 하고, 정당의 안정적인 정당토대를 마련하기 위해 당분간 당원 뿐 아니라 정당을 지지하는 유권자들의 정당경선 참여를 보다 확대시키는 방향으로 제도화할 것을 제안하고 있다. 또한 정당정치에 대한 유권자들의 관심과 참여 증대를 위하여 정당이나 정당후보자를 지지하는 자발적인 유권자 지지단체들을 보다 활성화시키고, 개방적인 정당구조와 후보선출의 제도화를 위해 당비 이외 후원금 수입에도 국고보조금 배정을 소액 후원금 액수에 비례하여 연동시킬 필요가 있다고 보고 있다.

천도교청년당의 지도이념과 조직체계

성주현(Ju-Hyeon Sung) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2009 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.0 No.33

1920년대 들어 국내민족운동은 크게 민족주의세력과 사회주의세력으로 분화되었다. 1920년대 초반에는 민족주의세력들이 중심이 되어 민족운동을 주도해 갔다. 그러나 사회주의사상을 수용한 청년들이 사회운동의 중심세력으로 교체되면서 민족운동은 그 주도권을 놓고 경쟁과 연대를 통해 세력을 확장하고자 하였다. 1920년대 중반 들어 민족운동의 중추기관으로 성장하고자 하였던 천도교청년들은 선전적 단체의 성격을 가진 기존의 천도교청년회를 ‘근대적 정당’의 개념을 도입한 천도교청년당을 창당하였다. 뿐만 아니라 청년당의 개념을 새롭게 인식하고자 하였다. 즉 당이란 ‘동일한 주의와 목적, 구성원, 조직, 지도자 그리고 방책이 있어야 하며, 이를 유기체로서의 운영이 되어야 한다’고 인식하였다. 이에 따라 청년당은 ‘천도교의 주의 · 목적을 사회적으로 달성코자 이에 시종할 同德으로써 조직된 유기체’였던 것이다. 나아가 이를 실현하기 위해 주의 · 강령 · 약속 · 실행조건 등을 마련하였다. 그리고 이를 ‘절대적 복종’이라는 규율로 청년당의 운영을 규정화하였다. 한편 청년당의 창당 초기에는 ‘불문율에 의한 결의제’를 통해 조직을 운영하였다. 이는 당으로써 조직체계를 갖추지 못하였을 뿐만 아니라 보혁 분규로 인한 내분 때문이었다. 그렇지만 점차 교단이 안정되고 지방조직을 확대됨에 따라 조직체계의 정비가 요구되었다. 더욱이 민족운동의 중추기관으로서의 역량을 갖추기 위해서는 일사불란한 조직체계가 무엇보다도 우선적으로 요구되었던 것이다. 이에 따라 청년당은 불문제를 폐기하고 성문당헌을 제정하고 당 조직의 계선화를 도모하였다. 그 결과 청년당은 인내천집중제를 거쳐 민주집권제를 확립하였다. 민주집 권제를 채택한 청년당은 상하관계의 당본부-지방부-접-연이라는 조직체계를 갖추었다. 또한 의결기구로서 당본부에는 전당대표대회과 중앙집행위원회, 지방부에는 지방당원대회 혹은 지방집행위원회, 그리고 접에는 접원회를 두었다. 그리고 이를 뒷받침할 성문당헌을 제정하였던 것이다. 그리고 청년당이 강력한 민주집권제를 마련한 것은 첫째 당의 효율적 운영, 둘째 천도교단의 전위적 역할, 셋째 민족운동의 중심세력으로 확고히 하기 위함이었다. The force for the domestic racial movement was divided into the force of nationalism and socialism in 1920s. In the early 1920s the force of nationalism led the campaign for liberation of the Korean people, however, as young people that accepted socialism appeared as the central force of a social movement, the two forces of the racial movement tried to expand their influence through competition and solidarity in order to hold the leadership. In the middle of 1920s young people of the Cheondogyo who wanted to grow into the wheels of the racial movement established the Young Men’s Party of the Cheondo religion with the concept of a modern political party from the existing Young Men’s Association of the Cheondogyo with the disposition of propaganda. And also they wanted to newly recognize the concept of the Young Men’s Party, that is, they recognized that a party should have the doctrine and aim of identity, its members, organization, leader and strategy, and it should be operated like an organism. Accordingly, the Young Men’s Party was an organism formed by the believers of the Cheondogyo to accomplish its doctrine and aim socially. Besides they prepared the terms to realize its doctrine, code of conduct, promise and fulfillment. And they enacted the provisions of its operation under the rules of “unconditional obedience”. They operated its organization through resolution system based on the common law in the early stage of its establishment because of the unpreparedness of its organizational system as a political party and its internal trouble due to a dispute between conservatives and reformists, however, as the Cheondogyo order settled down and its local system expanded, it was required to organize its system. Furthermore, ordered organizational system was required first to be equipped with capabilities as a central organization for the racial movement. Accordingly, the Young Men’s Party abolished its resolution system based on the common law and enacted its written party constitution. As a result, it established a democratic power system through the centralization on the basis of the equality of human rights, and then it organized a system of the upper and lower parts composed of a party headquarters, district department, Jeob and Yeon. As its decision-making body, there were a party representative convention and a central executive committee in the party headquarters, and there was a convention of district party members or a district executive committee in the district department, and in Jeob there was a Jeob committee. The written party constitution was established in order to support its organizational system. The reason why the party established its strong democratic power system was to operate the party efficiently, and secure the role of the vanguard of the Cheondogyo and central force of the racial movement.

정당의 지방조직 활성화 방안

정연정(YOUN CHUNG CHUNG) 21세기정치학회 2009 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.19 No.3

This research focuses on the matters of implication and problems related to political parties' local organization swept away in 2004 political reform. Moreover, this research emphasizes that the abolishment of local political organization(jigudang)seems not any other distinctive development in terms of political reformation and democratization. Jigudangs, however, had serious weakness because of it's inefficiency and absurdity. Hereafter, we need to speculate and find alternatives to fetch though its's weakness rather than get rid of. In order to enable political parties' local organization to contribute to mobilize and articulate their members, political parties' organization system, power structure, budget distribution mechanism. With the self-reformation, political parties' local organizations could be ensured their effective functions as grass-root mobilization units. Regarding the alternatives, firstly, central government should transfer it's powers into local units such as Jigudang. Particularly, recommendation rights for any electoral candidates in a party should be given to general party members in local settings. Secondly, financial supports should be created by parties' local organization and spent by themselves in order for managing local offices of political parties. Of course, political parties' local organizations are likely to be a center for recruiting new members and finances. Withe membership fees, political parties takes a role of organizing electoral campaign and general member education. A small portions of membership fees raised by local organizations can transferred to central party organization in the name of members' support. In sum, political parties' local organizations should be considered as an important units for facilitating grass-roots mobilization as well as revival of party's democratic roles. Limited party reform should be reconsidered with the respect of effective political parties' functions and involvement with local politics.

정당민주주의의 지속 가능성 검토: 정당조직 모형과 참여 유인 활용의 역사적 변천을 중심으로

김윤철 ( Yun Cheol Kim ) 인제대학교 민주주의와자치연구소(구 비교민주주의연구센터) 2019 비교민주주의연구 Vol.15 No.2

이 논문은 ‘정당을 통한 인민의 지배’라는 관점에 입각해 정당 민주주의의 지속가능성을 검토한다. 이를 위해 명사정당→대중정당→포괄정당→선거전문가정당→카르텔 정당으로의 전개과정에서 인민을 정치적 주체로 만들기 위한 물질-연대-목적 유인이 어떤 방식으로 인민에게 제공되어 왔는지를 살핀다. 이를 통해 이 논문은 정당민주주의의 쇠퇴가 ‘역사적 추세’의 성격을 띠는 것임을 이해한다. 그 이유로 크게 두 가지를 제시한다. 첫째, 유인의 제공 범위가 물적 유인조차 전문가에게 제한되고, 연대-목적 유인은 대중정당 이후 점차 약화되어져 왔다. 둘째, 정당재정의 확충을 위해 국가에 대한 의존성이 심화되고 주류정당 간의 공모관계가 강화되면서 정당과 인민이 분리되어져 왔다. This paper reviews the sustainability of party democracy in the view of ‘ruling of the people by political parties.’ To this end, it examines how material-solidary-purposive incentives have been provides to the people to make them political subjects in the process of developing into the elite party→the mass party→the catch-all party→the electoral-professional party→the cartel party. Therefore, this paper understands that the decline of party democracy is a ‘historical tendency’. For that reason, two things are presented. First, the scope of incentives is limited to specialists even for selective material incentives, and solidary-purposive incentives have been weakened since the mass party. Second, the political party’s dependency on the state has deepened and the collusion between established mainstream parties has been strengthened for the assurance of party finance.

노동 없는 민주주의로의 전환

최장집(Choi Jang-Jip) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2006 亞細亞硏究 Vol.49 No.2

This Study aims to analyze the failure of Japan Socialist Party (SP) in terms of the nature of party system in Japan. the 1955 system which has allowed the Liberal Democracy Party (LDP) to sustain its long and stable dominance in the Post-WWII Japanese politics was finally disintegrated in 1993 when the LDP fell so far short of a majority that it was unable to form a government in lower house election. One of the most important features of party system in Japan is that the organized labor cannot represent their interests and passions through a united party in the Japanese politics. In this regard, we can characterize the nature of party system in Japan as ‘democracy withou labor.’ An important point is that the failure of Socialist Party cannot be analyzed without considering the nature of party system in Japan as democracy without labor.<br/> This study focuses on the two variables, the effect of Cold War and the role of the state with a well-developed bureaucracy in analyzing the failure of Socialist Party. The political competition between LDP and SP under the 1955 system was not simply a political competition between two rival parties but a political competition between a pro-system party to have strong commitment to the preservation of the existing constitutional structure and an anit-system party to represent particular interests from a radical wing of the organized labor. Thus, the nature of LDP as a hegemonic party can be understood in this context of ideological dominance of anti-communism under the Cold War. With the effect of Cold-War, another important factor influenced the nature of LDP as a hegemonic party is the role of strong state and bureaucracy. They have played a crucial role in making the Cold War and anti-communism to have hegemony beyond functioning as a mainstream ideology as well as constructing the Post-WWII party system in Japan.

당내민주주의의 헌법적 의의와 실현방안

김소연(Kim, So-Yeon) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2013 圓光法學 Vol.29 No.1

In today's mass democracy society, political party takes charge of important role in politics. Without democratization of political party itself, it is impossible to put into action democracy. Political party works very effectively to realize democracy, but it also can be effectual means to destroy democracy. So political party shall call for internal democratization of each political party itself. People's variety opinions are put together and changed the national will by political party. These are political party's key functional roles. To perform this job well, internal democratization of each political party is getting more and more important. As political party exercises political leverage extensively, internal democratization of each political party is not only for political party itself, but also for national order. There are two ways to give shape to internal democratization of each political party. One is to make political party's internal organization democratically and the other is to do political party's activities democratically. Political party's internal organization which is composed democratically is putting emphasis on autonomy of expressing political party members opinion. And the delivery system of their opinions shall be bottom up and not top down. Political party's activities is based on democratic decision-making processes which is existed between political party members. So it is important to secure autonomy of expressing political party members opinion. To build political party's democratical internal organization, the proper legal status for each member of political party shall be guaranteed. Political party constitution and platform shall be enacted and made public. To work political party's activities democratically, political party's public nomination for the public office candidate shall be democratic. But first in importance is that internal democratization of each political party comes true effectively when political party and people work together and make efforts together.