공시지가제도의 사회적 자본화를 위한 정책 제언

허강무 ( Kang Moo Heo ) 한국감정평가학회 2012 감정평가학논집 Vol.11 No.2

공시지가는 토지공개념의 일환으로 1989년 도입된 지 20년 이상이 흘렀고, 최근 전환기를 맞이하고있다. 그간 공시지가제도는 지가 안정과 공익사업의 효율적 시행이라는 성과를 거두었다는 일반적인평가를 받고 있으며, 지가공시에서 주택공시로 확대 발전되었다. 2012년 10월 기준으로 공시지가는 40개 법률, 64개 시행령, 17개 시행규칙 등 총 121개 법령에서 직접 규정하여 활용되고 있다. 아울러 부동산 거래의 지표로 자리 잡아 사회적 자본으로 정착하고 있다. 그러나 감정평가시장의 환경변화에 따라 공시지가의 기능과 조사방법 등에 대한 논의가 조심스럽게진행되고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 공시지가제도의 기능과 경제적 효과를 살펴보고, 동 제도를 둘러싼쟁점과 공시지가제도의 사회적 자본화를 위한 정책 제언을 법학자의 시각에서 제시하고자 한다. 공시지가제도에 개선점이 전혀 없는 것은 아니나 원칙적으로 지가제도는 보수적으로 운영될 필요가있다. 토지공개념제도가 상당부분 완화되거나 폐지됨으로써 공시지가제도 또한 전면적으로 재검토되어야 한다는 주장이 있으나 공시지가제도가 단순히 토지공개념제도를 위한 부속제도는 아니다. 공시지가제도 개선의 기본방향은 단순한 예산절감이 아닌 공시지가의 지가정보로서의 가치, 토지특성정보로서의 가치를 높이는 데 두어야 할 것이다. 아울러 경제ㆍ사회시스템 재구축으로 촉발되고 있는 감정평가시장의 환경변화를 고려한다면 공시지가제도는 전환기를 맞이하고 있다. 지금 정부와 감정평가업계는 2008년 금융위기가 종전과는 다른 사회.경제현상 형태로 발생하고 있다는 점을 명확히 인식함과 동시에 향후 10년 또는 20년을 예측하는 대응 자세가 필요한 시점이다. 따라서 정부가 공시지가제도 개선을 종래의 연장선에서 근시안적으로 접근하는 일은 신중해야 할것이다. 금융위기 이후 조성된 새로운 경제ㆍ사회시스템구축 흐름에 적극적으로 대처하고 변화한다면 공시지가는 스톡화 사회에서 부동산운영 전략의 재검토에 직면해 있는 기업, 가계, 지방자치단체, 국가로 하여금 올바른 판단을 할 수 있는 지표로서 기능과 역할을 유지할 수 있을 것이다. 이를 위해서는 정부가 공시지가제도를 부동산 감정평가이론과의 정합성이나 예산절감을 위한 효율성 측면에서만 접근할 것이 아니라 경제ㆍ사회시스템과의 정합성이나 적합성을 어떻게 추구해 나갈것인가에 육성의 초점을 맞추어야 할 것이다. 감정평가업계도 전문성 향상을 위한 끊임없는 노력과 과학기술의 진보와의 융합, 그것을 위한 학계 등 연구자와 협업 등의 노력이 필요하다. It has been over 20 years since the official land price was introduced in 1989 as a public concept of land ownership and has recently been going through a transition period. So far, the official land price system has been evaluated as achieving stabilization of land prices and efficient execution of public services; the system has extended to encompass official housing prices. As of October 2012, the official land price is directly applied to a total of 121 laws and regulations, including 40 laws, 64 decrees and 17 regulations, and is being utilized. In addition, it has established itself as the standard for real estatetransactions and social capital. However, as the appraisal market environment changes, the functions and research methods of official land price system have been carefully discussed. Therefore, this research will examine the functions and economic effects of official land price system and suggest policies surrounding the related issues with its social capitalization from a legal expert standpoint. Although there is room for improvement in the official land price system, it has to be operated in a conservative fashion in principle. As large part of public concept of land ownership has weakened or even eliminated, some argue that the official land price system has to be completely reevaluated; however, the system is not an appendix of public concept of land ownership. The basic improvement strategies of the system has to focus on boosting the value of information on land prices and characteristics, rather than just reducing the costs. In addition, the system is now at its turning point, considering the changes in the appraisal market, spurred by the re-establishment of economic and social systems. Now the government and the appraisal industry need to clearly understand that the 2008 financial crisis has produced different economic and social phenomena than before, and prepare responsive measures for 10 or 20 years ahead. Therefore, the government should refrain from dealing with official land price improvement with shortsighted policies. If the government actively responds to the new economic and social trends and changes after the financial crisis, the official land price system will maintain its functions and roles as a standard for optimal decision-making of corporations, households, local governments and the country as a whole faced with reexamination of real estate operation. In the process, the government should promote the official land price system by pursuing its compatibility with social and economic systems and suitability, rather than just focusing on compliance with appraisal theories and its effectiveness for a budget reduction. The appraisal industry should also strive to improve its specialities, incorporate the latest technologies, and collaborate with researchers in academia.

백제 관복제(官服制)의 정비시기와 변천과정 검토

나용재 ( Na Yong-jae ) 백제학회 2017 백제학보 Vol.0 No.21

본고에서는 백제 官服制의 정비 시기와 변천과정에 대해 고찰해보았다. 관복제는 貴賤의 신분 차이를 나타냄은 물론, 관인간의 서열을 구분하기 위한 관등제를 시각적으로 구현한 제도이므로 백제의 사회상 및 통치구조의 발전 양상에 대한 실마리를 제공해줄 수 있는 주제이다. 백제는 國王의 服制와 관인의 관복제가 전하며, 후자의 경우 服色(紫·緋·靑)·銀花冠飾, 帶色·銀花冠飾, 帶色·冠色·銀花冠飾, 服色(緋)·銀花冠飾의 형태가 확인된다. 이를 『梁職貢圖』 模本에서 보이는 백제 사신의 모습과 비교해 보았을 때 6세기 중반 이전에는 服色(紫·緋·靑)·銀花冠飾의 규정이 시행되고 있었으며, 이후 帶·冠에 대한 규정이 추가되었던 것으로 보인다. 사료에 전하고 있는 백제의 관복제 규정은 官等制의 성립과정 및 五方色의 활용과 관련이 있다. 백제의 관등제 정비는 점진적으로 이루어졌는데, ‘佐平·率系-德系-文督 이하’의 세 개 관등군 설치는 5세기 후반 대에는 성립되었다. 五方色의 경우 官服制에서의 紫·緋·靑色 위계 관계는 劉宋代에 이르러 확인되고, 그 용례가 백제에 전해졌던 것으로 추정되는 시기는 5세기 후반 개로왕대이다. 3종류의 색을 필요로 할 만큼 관등군의 설치가 이루어졌으며, 그것을 표현하기 위한 紫·緋·靑의 서열 순서가 확인되는 개로왕대를 服色(紫·緋·靑)·銀花冠飾의 규정으로 이루어진 관복제 정비시기의 상한으로 볼 수 있다. 이후 백제의 관복제는 紫·?·赤·靑·黃·白의 색상을 활용해 帶와 冠의 규정이 추가 되었다. 北周의 品色衣 제도에 영향을 받아 581년에서 603년의 기간 사이에 개정되었던 것으로서, 이전보다 관등제가 확장된 것에 대응하기 위함이었다. 한편 모든 관인이 緋色의 옷을 입고 銀花冠飾을 착용하는 형태로의 개정은 621~660년의 기간 사이에 이루어졌다. 이는 관등의 인플레이션 현상이 관찰되며, 왕권의 강화에 노력을 기울이던 무왕과 의자왕대에 황제와 신하 간 服色에 차이를 두었던 唐의 영향을 받았던 것이다. This paper explored the organizing period and the change process of the official uniform system(官服制) in Baekjae. As the official uniform system represents the status distinction of aristocrats(貴賤) and formed the system visually in order to classify the order among bureaucrats, this will provide clues on the development pattern of society and ruling structure in the era of Baekjae. The royal clothing system and the Official Uniform System were performed in Baekjae and the latter system included uniform colors(wine, red, blue)/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments, belt colors/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments, belt colors/ official hat colors/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments, uniform colors(red)/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments. Compared with ambassadors in the era of Baekjae portrayed in the original paper of Yangjigongdo (an ambassador painting), it appears that uniform colors(wine, red, blue)/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments was implemented before the mid 6th century and regulations on belt and official hat were later added. Regulations on the official uniform system in the era of Baekjae identified in the historical document is associated with the establishing process of the official rank system as well as the utilization of five colors. The modification of the official rank system in Baekjae was progressively conducted. The installment of three official rank groups of “Jwapeyong-Solgye(2nd-6th status)-Deokgye(7th-11st status)-Mundok” were established in the late 5th century. For five colors, the hierarchical relationship of wine, red, and blue in the official uniform system was identified in the era of Yusong. The usage was estimated to be transferred to Baekjae in the era of King Gaero, the late 5th century. Official rank groups were installed as three colors were required. The era of King Gaero when the rank order of wine, red, and blue to express this installment can be an upper limit of the organization period of the official uniform system comprised of regulations on uniform colors(wine, red, blue)/ silver flower shaped diadem ornaments. Regulations on belt and official hat were updated to the official uniform system in Baekjae by using wine, black, crimson, blue, yellow, and white colors. Renewed between 581 and 603 influenced by the rank color clothes in the Northern Dynasty, it aimed for coping with the extension of the official rank system. The revision into the form where all bureaucrats wear red clothes with silver flower shaped diadem ornaments was implemented between 621 and 660. Official rank inflation is observed herein, and it was affected by the Dang Dynasty where there is a distinction between the Emperor and subordinates in terms of uniform colors in the King Mu and King Uija Dynasties.

6~7세기 삼국의 관료제 운영과 신분제

김영심(Kim Young-Shim) 한국고대사학회 2009 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.54

본고에서는 삼국의 관료제 운영의 특징을 의관제 및 관등제, 신분제의 연결고리 속에서 살펴보았다. 국가의 공식행사에 참여하는 관료들이 서열에 따라 착용하는 冠에 대한 문헌 기록과 고고학자료와의 비교를 통해 삼국의 衣冠制에 대해 먼저 검토하고, 삼국이 관료제를 운영해가는 특징을 파악하기 위해 관등승진 상한제와 함께 신분제의 폐쇄성 완화 조치에 주목하였다. 등승진 상한제와 함께 신분제의 폐쇄성 완화 조치에 주목하였다. 고구려의 의관제에 관한 기록은 가장 소략한 편이나, 冠制를 중심으로 기록된 것이 특징적이며, 관등의 높낮이에 따라 관의 형태나 관모의 색깔이 결정되었다. 신라는 色服志의 의관제 규정이 어느 시기에 해당되는 것이냐를 두고 논란은 있지만, 관등에 따라 복색이 정해져 있었으며 冠制는 관등과 관직의 이원적 기준이 적용되었다. 백제는 관등을 기준으로 해서 세 부류로 복색을 정하고, 그 내부에서 차이를 나타내기 위해 복색 이외에도 帶色, 冠色, 冠飾 등을 통해 차이를 가시화하였다. 관료 개개인의 서열을 외부적으로 드러냄으로써 관료사회의 질서를 정립하는 것이 의관제가 고대사회에서 가지는 중요한 기능의 하나가 아닐까 한다. 관료제의 운영과 관련해서는 삼국이 관등제 및 신분제를 운영해나감에 있어서 보이는 유사한 양상에 초점을 두었다. 관직에 대한 관등 규정인 1관직 복수관등제는 복수의 관등 중 최상위의 관등이 신분별로 사여될 수 있는 관등의 상한과 일치하기 때문에 관등 승진 상한제와 맥락이 통한다. 각 신분별로 수여받을 수 있는 관등군 내에서 개인의 능력을 인정해주려는 의도에서 출발했다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 같은 신분층이 수여받을 수 있는 관등의 범주에 한정된 것이었기 때문에 한편으로는 신분의 고착화에 기여한 측면도 있다. 관등의 수여에 신분이 가장 중요한 영향을 미쳤음은 분명하다. 삼국별로 관등제의 정비시기에 차이가 있고, 정비의 과정도 동일하지는 않았겠지만, 관료제 운영에서 신분제의 영향을 무시할 수 없을 것이다. 그러나 동일한 신분 내에서 수여받는 관등에 차이가 있는 것은 분명히 신분 이외에도 가문의 역량이나 개인적 능력이 영향을 미쳤음을 의미한다. 따라서 같은 신분층이 받을 수 있는 官等群 내에서 가문의 역량이나 개인의 능력이 발휘될 기회를 제공한다는 점에서 1관직 복수관등제나 관등 승진 상한제는 폐쇄적인 신분제 속에서 유동성을 확보하기 위한 장치였다고 할 수 있다. In this paper, I focused on the distinctive features of the three kingdoms' bureaucratic system through the relationship among the formal attire system, the official rank system, and the status system. Firstly, I surveyed the three kingdoms' formal attire system through the examining the documents and archaeological evidences on the official hats used by bureaucrats who participated in the countries' official ceremony. Secondly, I changed my focus onto the promotion limit system and the flexible status system in order to see the progress of the three kingdoms' bureaucratic systems. The documents on Koguryo's formal attire system is the scarcest among the three kingdoms, and was written focusing on the official hat system. According to the position in the official rank system, the pattern and color of official hats was determined. In Shilla, it was not clear when they established the formal attire system. According to the official ranks, the dress color was determined. The official hat system adopted the dual standards of official ranks and official posts. In Baekje, they adopted the three dress color system according to the official ranks. They also sub-categorized the official ranks by using the different belt-color, hat-color and hat ornaments. By differentiating the ranks among the bureaucrats officially through the belt-color, hat-color, and hatornament, they might have intended to bring on the order to the bureaucratic system. In view of operation of bureaucratic system, I focused on the similarities among the three kingdoms in the practice of official rank system and status system. The plural ranks for one position system was connected with the promotion limit system in the official rank, because the highest rank among the plural ranks for one position was actually the bounds of the official ranks available to a certain status. This system might have the purpose of giving the flexibility to the link system between the official ranks and the status system in oder to absorb the individual variability in the capabilities. However, the variability was confined to the limit of official ranks of a status, it might have petrified the status system. Determining the official ranks for individuals, the status was the most important factor. Though there were some differences in the periods of establishment of the official rank system, and in the process of its amendments, the importance of the status system in the operation of bureaucratic system were not easily ignorable. There also existed a lot of variances in the individual's official rank within the status. From this fact, we can infer there must be some other factors, such as the capability of the family and individuals, in determining the official ranks. The plural ranks for one position system or the promotion limit system can be interpreted as a palliative for the closed status system by allowing the opportunity for exerting the capability of family and individuals within the limits of linkage system between status and official ranks.

갑오개혁기 정부의 공문서제도

정일균 ( Il-gyun Jeong ) 한국사회사학회 2014 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.101

본고에서 필자는 한 국가의 ‘공문서제도’는 공권력의 창출·조직·행사·집행에서부터 그것의 이전·변경·소멸에 이르기까지의 모든 과정을 매개·구현하는 ‘물적 도구’일 뿐만 아니라, 심지어는 ‘공권력 그 자체’이기도 하다는 기본인식 하에, 특히 ‘갑오개혁기(甲午改革期)’[1894~1895] 조선정부의 새로운 공문서제도의 형성과정 및 그 내용을 ‘근대적 공문서제도의 탄생’이라는 맥락에서 개관해보았다. 이에 그 내용을 요약하자면, ① 당시 개화파정권의 근대지향적 내정개혁의 전반적 흐름속에서 조선정부의 새로운 공문서제도의 형성과정을 개관한바, 즉 ㉠ ‘공문서제도의 전반적 변화양상’과 관련해서는 ‘공문서제도의 이원화’, ‘정부 부처별 독립적인공문서 관리제도의 시행’, ‘공문서의 표준화’라는 특징을 중심으로, ㉡ ‘공문서 관리기구의 정비’와 관련해서는 ‘총무국(總務局) 체제에서 관방(官房) 체제로의 이행및 그 정착과정’에 초점을 맞추어 소개하였다. ② 상기한바 공문서제도의 변화양상과 맞물리며 새롭게 등장한 ‘공문서제도의 운영원리’에 대해서는 당시 제정·공포된 다양한 ‘공문서 관련 운영법규’를 소개하는 동시에, 이를 토대로 그 ‘구체적인 운영절차’를 나름대로 재구성해 보았다. 한편, 갑오개혁기에 형성·운영되었던 새로운 공문서제도, 보다 일반적으로 당시의 전반적인 내정개혁의 성과는 나름의 중요한 역사적 의미를 함축하는바, 즉 ① 전통과의 ‘단절’과 ‘연속’이라는 이중적 성격을 동시에 내포하였던 점, ② ‘개혁적 흐름의 비가역성’이 이후의 시기를 통해서도 기본적으로 관철되었던 점이 바로 그것이다. In this paper, I take a general view of and analyze the formative process and the concrete contents of the Korean government’s official document system during the Gabo Reformation (甲午改革: The Reformation in 1894) period in the context of the birth of Korean modern official document system, with the recognition that the official document system of a state is one of the most important material instruments for mediation, realization and exercise of public power. The main arguments in this paper are as follows: ① The then Korean government, having offered itself to its constituency on the platforms of ‘the duality of official document system’, ‘the enforcement of independent official document management system operated by the government agencies concerned’ and ‘the standardization of official document’, forwarded a series of legislative actions in order to actualize those platforms very enthusiastically. ② The then Korean government contrived several legislative actions for the establishment and the reorganization of some new government agencies which were to manage the then government’s official documents, especially for ‘the system of the secretariat’. ③ Finally, the then Korean government forwarded a series of legislative actions in order to enact and to enforce some new managerial principles of official document system. ④ Finally, the then Korean government’s new official document system and generally speaking, the results of the then overall reform of the Korean administrative structure implied important historical meanings. That is, ⓐ at a glance, they involved some contradictory character, one side of which was ‘the discontinuation of tradition’ and the other side of which was ‘the continuation of tradition’. ⓑ From that time on, the new official document system was actually carried out as a sort of immutable law in spite of the incessant instability of political situations at that time.

당-고려 인사행정에서 시행된 관인 심사제도의 비교사적 검토

박재우,顾成瑞 수선사학회 2023 史林 Vol.- No.83

This paper aims to examine comparative historically the system that examined whether officials who received government posts in the personnel administration of the Tang and Goryeo were eligible for it. The Tang's bureaucracy spread widely in east asian society, and Goryeo accepted it, established a bureaucracy and operated a personnel system. However, the Goryeo system did not follow the Tang's system. Therefore, it is meaningful to review the verification system comparative historically in the personnel administration of the Tang and Goryeo. The Tang's personnel procedures and verification system were divided into two according to the grade and importance of government posts. The 5th or higher and special government posts were recommended by the ministers and selected by the emperor, while the 6th or lower grades were selected by the Ministry of Civil Personnel and the Ministry of Military Affairs and appointed by the emperor. In the process of drafting personnel orders or issuing personnel orders to go through Chancellery for State Affairs, the 5th or higher and special government posts were reviewed. For the 5th or higher and special government posts, the government officials were examined when the Imperial letter drafted or distributed and passed through Chancellery for State Affairs. For those with 6th or lower grades, the list was submitted to the emperor after the selection of the Ministry of Civil Personnel and the Ministry of Military Affairs was completed, and the officials were reviewed in the process of passing through Department of State Affairs and Chancellery for State Affairs. The personnel administration and the verification system of Goryeo were quite different from those of the Tang Dynasty. First of all, Goryeo did not distinguish the method of personnel administration according to the high and low of government posts. Therefore, the Ministry of Civil Personnel and the Ministry of Military Affairs selected the entire civil service officers and military officers, did not give the ministers the right to personnel affairs. Next, the Ministry of Civil Personnel and the Ministry of Military Affairs posted the results of the selection to the king and received approval, but it was directly delivered to the king without passing through Department of State Affairs and Chancellery for State Affairs. In Goryeo, the way of operating the three chancelleries six branches of the cabinet system was different from Tang, so it was directly told between the king and the six branches of the cabinet system. Therefore, the official verification was not conducted until the king's approval was obtained. In addition, all of the Tang Dynasty's letters of appointment were prepared and issued after deliberation by Chancellery for State Affairs, enabling qualification screening for all government officials. However, in Goryeo, not all letters of appointment were prepared and issued after deliberation by Department of Royal Secretariat-Chancellery because the type of letters of appointment was different from Tang Dynasty. Therefore, it was difficult to create a system to examine the official verification in relation to the issuance of a letter of appointment. When this happened, Goryeo established a system of the review candidates recommended for office implemented by the ministers and censorate officials to examine the government officials. The Tang Dynasty's distribution of personnel rights and screening system is aimed at reducing favoritism and wrongdoing in the selection process. In particular, high-ranking officials were selected through consultation between the monarch and the ministers, and provided a lot of information to review through Policy Reviewer and advice from officials. This was characterized by negotiation politics. The system of Goryeo of the review candidates recommended for office system prevented the king's arbitrary selection of government officials, respected the king's right to make decisions on pers... .

조선초 관복제 정립과 禮의 법제화

김윤정 연세사학연구회 2022 學林 Vol.50 No.-

Official garbs are essential for ceremonial activities that are the foundation of the state, such as Jongmyo and Sajik ceremonies, and are directly related to the authority of bureaucrats. As such, the maintenance of the official uniform system was directly related to the establishment of the system of those in power, while also demonstrating the direction the ruling system was trying to pursue. From the Taejo to Sejo dynasties, the tradition of myeonbok, or the official attire of the royal family, was upheld, and only the king and the crown prince were allowed to wear them. However, the royal court only allowed the next heir to the throne and those who reigned on the throne to wear myeonbok, and thus such attire soon became a visible symbol of the throne. In other words, it was possible to distinguish a king from his vassals just by seeing who was wearing myeonbok. Meanwhile, the official attire worn for assemblies and general public duties gradually became the official uniform worn only for informal events. For example, official attire, which was characterized by a basic set of robes and a headpiece, were differentiated for basic assemblies, presenting oneself to the royal court, and private affairs. However, since there were no restrictions on the set of robes for such clothes, the lack of uniformity across these official garments was continuously identified as a problem. To this end, restrictions on the color of such attire were repeatedly implemented from the period of the Taejong to Sejong dynasties. Furthermore, embroidered patches were added to the breast and back of official uniforms to make a distinction between the ranks of the officials. This introduced a method that had not existed in the past, which more visibly identified civil and military officials, rather than distinguishing only their three different positional ranks with three different colors. In other words, the upholding of this new system of official uniforms resulted in a classification system within the bureaucratic system, such as distinguishing civil officers and their ranks (upper and lower). 관복은 종묘·사직 의례와 같이 국가 근간이 되는 의례 활동의 필수품이자 관료의 권위와 직결된 물품이다. 따라서 관복제의 정비는 집권체제의 확립 및 그 체제가 추구하고자 하였던 지향점을 보여준다. 태조~세조대에 걸쳐 면복이 정비되면서 그것을 착용할 수 있는 사람은 왕과 세자로 국한되었다. 왕실은 차기 왕위 계승권자와 왕위에 재위한 자만이 면복을 착용하도록 하여, 면복은 왕위를 가시적으로 보여주는 상징물이 되었다. 즉 면복의 착용만으로 王者와 신료의 구분짓기가 가능하였다. 한편 조회와 일반 공무 수행 등에 착용되는 ‘공복’은 점차 약식 행사에만 착용하는 관복이 되었고, 일반 조회, 진현, 사행 등에는 일반 단령포에 사모를 착용하는 ‘常服’이 분화되었다. 하지만 상복의 단령포는 별다른 규제가 없었기에 관복의 무질서함은 지속적으로 문제되었고, 태종~세종대에 걸쳐 복색 제한 조치가 반복적으로 이루어졌다. 그리고 관리들의 품질의 구분은 흉배를 달게 함으로써 과거에는 존재하지 않던 문무관의 구분, 3개의 복색으로 3단계 위차만을 구분하던 것이 아닌 각 품을 보다 가시적으로 드러내는 방식이 도입되었다. 즉, 문무관 및 품계와 같은 관료체제 내 ‘구분짓기’가 공무복의 정비과정에서 확인된다.

고려시대 공문서의 전달체계와 지방행정운영

강은경(Kang Eun-Kyong) 한국사연구회 2003 한국사연구 Vol.122 No.-

This research began with the question of how the government of Goryeo Dynasty implemented its policies toward the local communities, which were broken into several administrative districts. It focused on the official documents because they provided a good indication of how the local administrations were managed. Especially this paper focused on the system of delivering the official documents employed by the local governments in their correspondences with the central government and other local governments so as to be able to identify what were the official work-related duties. How these official documents were delivered provides a good window through which to see how administrative affairs were handled during this period. There exists the well-preserved rule known as the Gongcheopsangtongsikt(公牒相通式), which provides the vital information about how the official documents were sent and received by the central and local governments in the early Goryeo Dynasty. This rule explains how the conversations were carried out between the central government and local governors and governors and government officials. It also introduces the government positions that were authorized to send the official documents to the central government, such as, the Seokyungyusoo(西京留守) and the Byeolmyungsasin(別命使臣), as well as how regulations were implemented. The central governments management of local administrative units was not solely based on the reports of the local governors who resided in provincial areas, but also on those of the Byeolham(別銜). Whenever a local governor or Byeolham sent the official documents to the central government these were received by the Sangseosung(尙書省). The Sangseosung was endowed with the right to make final decisions of important issues, and to inform the local governments of the decisions that had been made. The central government could control and manage the local administrations in large part by the role of the Sangseosung which possessed the right to send the official documents, something that other government departments could not do on their own. As such, the Sangseosung was the department that controlled the overall local administrative system. The method of delivering official documents was eventually institutionalized using the Yeok(驛) system, the name of the road used for the official traffic, which called for all documents to pass through the Cheongkyo(靑郊) station in Gaekyung(開京). Two official methods of packing documents also emerged: the Pigak(皮角) method that used a leather bag to assure the safety of the documents, and the Hyeonryung(懸鈴) method which hang a bell on the bag. The number of the bell indicated how to manage the speed of deliveries. As such, the central governments control of the local administrations was greatly aided by the system of delivering official documents. Moreover, another set of government officials who were called Byeolham also engaged in the exchange of official documents within local administrative districts. As seen from the above, the system used to delivery official documents played an important role in helping the central government to control local governments. The Byeolham emerged as another weapon that could be used by the central government to address local governance issues in conjunction with governors. In addition, the fact that administrative affairs were handled using official documents, known as the Gongcheopsangtongsik, means that the central government did in fact possess an official means of controlling the local governments.

갑오개혁기 정부의 관리등용제도

정일균 ( Ii Gyun Jeong ) 한국사회사학회 2012 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.94

본고에서 필자는 관리등용제도는 ``지배의 유형``을 결정하는 일차적 요건이 된다 는 기본인식 하에, 특히 갑오개혁기 동안 새롭게 형성된 관리등용제도의 구체적 내용과 특징 및 그 역사적 성격을 개관·분석하여 보았다. 우선, 이 시기 조선정부 는 새로운 관리등용제도를 형성함에 있어 그 이념적 토대로서 특히 ``사회신분제도 의 폐지``, ``문무차별의 철폐``, ``인재등용기회의 확대``, ``과거제의 폐지와 천거제의 활 성화``, ``신식학교를 통한 인재의 양성``을 표방·지향하는 가운데 이를 현실화할 다 양한 입법적 조치 또한 의욕적으로 추진한 바 있다. 특히 ``사회신분제도의 폐지``는 전통적인 신분제사회에서 만민평등의 근대사회로의 이행을 상징하는 ``혁명적 계기`` 였던바, 이는 곧 관리등용제도를 포함한 당시의 포괄적인 내정개혁에 있어 근본적 토대이자 출발점이기도 하였다. 한편, 조선정부는 상기한 바의 기본이념과 개혁방 향을 병행·전제한 토대 위에서 새로운 관리등용제도의 수립을 위한 일련의 입법 적 조치를 차례대로 강구해나갔다. 그리고 이러한 정부의 노력은 ``문관의 등용제 도``, ``무관의 등용제도``, ``법관의 등용제도``, ``지방관의 등용제도``를 골간으로 하여 그 구체적 모습을 드러낸 바 있다. 결국, 이 시기에 형성·운영되었던 새로운 관리등 용제도, 보다 일반적으로 당시의 전반적인 내정개혁의 성과는 중요한 역사적 의미 를 함축하는바, 즉 전통과의 ``단절``과 동시에 ``연속``이라는 일견 모순적인 성격을 동시에 내포하고 있는 점, 이후 단순한 추상적 이념이나 원칙에만 머무르지 않고 실제로 제도적 시행의 단계에까지 구현되었다는 점이 바로 그것이다. In this paper, I take a general view of and analyze the concrete contents, the substantial features and the historical significance of the appointment system of the Korean government officials which had been formed during the Gabo Reformation(甲午改革: The Reformation in 1894) period, with the recognition that the type of the appointment system of government officials is the first requisite to the determination of ``government form``. The main arguments of this paper are as follows: ① The then Korean government, having offered itself to its constituency on the platforms of ``the abolition of social status system``, ``the removal of discrimination between civil official and military official``, ``the extension of appointment opportunity to all the talents``, ``the abrogation of the classical examination system for the government service in old-time Korea and the activation of recommendation system`` and ``the cultivation of able men through modern schools``, forwarded a series of legislative actions in order to actualize those platforms very enthusiastically. Especially, ``the abolition of social status system`` was not only ``a revolutionary turning point`` which symbolized the movement of the then Korea from traditional status system society to modern equalitarian society for all men, but also it was the groundwork and the starting point of the then comprehensive reform of the Korean administrative structure including the appointment system of government officials. ② The then Korean government has contrived several legislative actions for the establishment of new appointment system of government officials, setting the above-mentioned reformative basic doctrines and aims forth as a premise. And these efforts of the then Korean government took concrete shape as ``the appointment system of civil officials``, ``that of military officials``, ``that of judicial officials`` and ``that of local officials`` and the like. ③ Finally, the then new appointment system of government officials and generally speaking, the results of the then overall reform of the Korean administrative structure implied important historical meanings. That is, ⓐ at a glance, they involved some contradictory character, one side of which was ``the discontinuation of tradition`` and the other side of which was ``the continuation of tradition``. In this context, it seems necessary to be reconsidered for the view which has overemphasized the influence of colonialist Japan as the root cause of the then overall reform of the Korean administrative structure. ⓑ From that time on, they were actually carried out as concrete institutions, not being restricted to mere abstract doctrines or general principles.

宋代 地方官의 職田制度 연구

曺福鉉(Cho Bok-Hyeon) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.181

Sung Dynasty operated a system of Zhitian. Purpose of this system was paying to local official enough salary due to work and encourage to government service. In emperor Zhenzong Xian Ping second year (AD. 999) this system was established. Emperor Zhenzong Xian Ping gave a half of tenant rental fee gathering from local government to local minister and gave another half of tenant rental fee to official but according to class hierarchy. However, some problems that provided Zhitian was unfair were occurred so that reason, in Renzong Tiansheng 7th year (AD. 1029) this system was discarded for a while. Nevertheless, activated again 2 years later. In order to solving the problem which division of Zhitian was unfair, Renzong Tiansheng was stipulated exact amount of Zhitian corresponding classes. Later than in Shenzong and Huizong period renewal system of Zhitian was declared. Explicitly, the system of Zhitian shows a tendency to get specified amount corresponding classes to elucidate distributing Zhitians fairly. According to statistic in Shenzong Yuanfeng period, there was 2,348,697 Mu of Zhitians. For example, supposedly incoming is 3.6 Ib, government obtained approximately 42,614,776 Ib nonetheless, and there were 4,118 local officials. Averagely one person took around 130 Ib. This facilitated local officials to serve. Although one official took about 130 Ib averagely, in accordance with fertility and productively of each local lands. there were big differences. That is the reason lots of officials did not want to work in infertility and productively region. On the other hand, in fertility and productively region there were huge competitions to get more Zhitians. Hence this phenomenon affected promotions. Simultaneously to get more Zhitians, officials even intervened management of Zhitians, this caused frictions between officials and tenant farmers frequently. Under the operating the system of Zhitian there are several characteristics. Firstly government supplying object limited to local officials, so that given Zhitian was quite enough and local officials, especially got not enough basic salary, paid in kind instead of money, or lower classes made easier their economy. Secondly, Sung Dynasty was trying to be fair, for instance amount of Zhitians to be given and triumphed other related rules, so stipulated rules clearly but no big effectiveness. Additionally, supplying object increased therefore, almost local officers obtained productivities from Zhitian, Thirdly local government ran Zhitians directly. Local officials wanted to get more productivity, as a result violated law many times. Originally, the purpose of operating a system of Zhitian was that government paid enough salary to local officials then tried to make them to be honest and enjoy working. As a result it was little success what local official got paid enough salary, nevertheless officials showed a tendency which they avoid to work at infertility place as well as lots of officials broke rules. Therefore, obviously A System of Zhitian, which desired that local officials got paid enough and made them to perform their duties, was not effect.

不以一眚廢終身之用

Yang Zhuwang(楊竹旺) 경북대학교 아시아연구소 2017 아시아연구 Vol.- No.21

敘復制度는 쫓겨난 관원이 사면을 받거나 일정 시한을 채우면 조정에 재임용 되거나 또는 이전의 관직을 회복하는 제도를 말한다. 사면제도를 바탕으로 宋代에는 전면적이면서 체계적인 敘復制度가 형성 되었는데, 그 주요 내용이 敘復의 담당기관, 敘復의 조건, 敘法과 敘復의 대상, 敘復의 과정에 대한 규정에 까지 미쳐있다. 송대의 이러한 제도적 정비는 관료제도의 변천에 영향을 받은 것으로, 특히 지표가 될 만한 의의를 지닌 것이 元豊연간(1078~1085)에 이루어진 관제의 개혁이다. 이 시기 文官의 敘復을 주관하는 정부 기구를 살펴보면, 여전히 刑部에서 해당 업무를 담당 했지만, 송대 초기 관료제도적 특수한 국면에 영향을 받아 실제 일부 업무가 다른 기관으로 분화되어 刑部의 권한이 약화되었다는 특징이 있다. The Xu’Fu system(敘復制度) refers to a system according to which, officials who had been convicted or dismissed, could be reappointed or recruited to their previous positions by the government when they met an amnesty or satisfied a certain time limit. Attached on the She’ You system(赦宥制度), a complete and ordered Xu’Fu system of officials had formed in Song Dynasty, which mainly dealt with the provisions of the competent authorities, the conditions of Xu’Fu system, the laws and objects of Xu’Fu system, the procedure of Xu’Fu system. The Xu’Fu system was deeply affected by the changes of official system, especially the Yuanfeng Reform(元豐改制) which had a symbolic significance. The establishment and operation of the system indicated that the emperor and officialdom in the Song dynasty considers that one should not be abandoned only due to some minor mistakes. The Xu’Fu system was a crucial official management system of Song Dynasty, which has established and perfected the concept that any official should not been abandoned only for some minor mistakes by emperors and scholars of Song dynasty. It offered an access for those officials who had been convicted or rejected, to return to their political stage as well as gives them another career opportunity. In addition to the official who had committed a serious crime, was ungrateful, or had been decided by the emperor would never be recruited, the general officials usually had the opportunity to be recruited, excused by an amnesty, or for the emperor’s will. Regarding the competent authorities of the Xu’Fu system, although general affairs were still in the control of the Ministry of Punishments, its actual authority had been diverted and weakened by other institutions. This transformation could be observed from two aspects one is that officials attempt to be vindicated in abnormal ways. The Gu’si(鼓司), the Deng’wen yuan(登聞院) and the Li’jian yuan(理檢院), which initially was a prosecution injustice institution, was forced to supersede their authority and accepted the appeals of the officials. The second is that the list of the officials was not determined by the Ministry of Punishments after Renzong(仁宗) Era. In terms of the Xu’fa(敘法) and the objects of the Xu’Fu system, a complete set of well-organized regulations had been drafted in the Song Dynasty, which may have been revised in Yuan’feng Era. The content of the Xu’fa was closely related to the disciplinary system of officials and its function. The way can mainly be attributed to four aspects, which included the punishment against the Guan(官)、the Zhi(職)、the Chai’qian(差遣), in addition to the way for personal freedom. The content of the Xu’fa was also corresponding with these four aspects respectively, but the content was relatively complicated. In terms of Xu’Fu procedures, it mainly refers to a series of processes that officials can be recaptured, including officials’ posting, reporting by the relevant authorities, the zhao’bao(召保), the qu’zhi(取旨), and the delivery of the Xue’die(雪牒). The system was also deeply influenced by the change of the official system. At the beginning of the Song Dynasty, the Guan、Zhi、Chai’qian, which formed a triangle confrontation and the pattern of decentralization of authorities, resulting the Xu’Fu affairs into diverted. The dominance of the Xu’Fu affairs began to return to the Ministry of Punishments after Yuan’Feng Reform. With the reform of official system, the law, methods and means of the Xu’Fu system were increasingly richer than past and the focus of Xu’Fu system also changed. The procedures of the Xu’Fu system faced with the same situation, the order and links had also changed, and so on. In a word, the Xu’Fu system played an important role in the purification of the bureaucrats of the Song Dynasty and the stability of the ruling class.