사회운동과 정당의 관계: 미국 공화당의 운동정당화 현상과 사례를 중심으로

손병권 한국아메리카학회 2023 美國學論集 Vol.55 No.3

이 글은 지금까지 티파티 운동이나 MAGA 운동처럼 강한 이념성과 정체성으로 무장한 극단적 성향의 사회운동이 기성 보수정당인 공화당에 침투하거나 공화당을 포획하는 현상을 ‘공화당의 운동정당화’라는 개념을 통해서 설명하고자 했다. 이를 위해 이 글은 사회운동과 정당을 개념적으로 차별화하고, 유럽에서 드물지 않게 등장하는 운동정당이 미국의 양대정당 체제에서 발견되기 어려운 현실을 논의하였다. 이어서 미국 정치에서 사회운동이 기성정당에 강하게 영향력을 행사하는 현상을 운동정당화라는 개념을 적용하여 파악한 후, 이를 공화당을 대상으로 적용하고 분석하였다. 계속해서 이 글은 이러한 현상이 등장하게 된 요인을 ‘정당 공동화’로 명명되는 정당의 제도적 약화라는 일반적 원인과, 특히 공화당의 경우 준정당조직의 활성화 및 공화당 지지 세력의 극단적 이념성과 정체성 강화 현상을 중심으로 나누어 설명하였다. 마지막으로 이 글은 기존 정당-사회운동 논의의 맹점을 지적하면서 양자 관계를 침투와 포획이라는 개념으로 설명하기 위해서 이 두 종류의 정당-사회운동 관계의 특징을 단계별로 분석한 후, 티파티 운동과 MAGA 운동을 중심으로 이러한 개념을 통해 공화당과 보수적 사회운동의 관계를 재조명하였다. This article aimed to explain conservative social movement’s infiltration into and capture of the Republican party by utilizing the concept of ‘movementization of the Republican party.’ In line with this purpose, this article conceptually differentiated social movement and political party, explained why European-style movement parties have rarely been observed in the American political soil, and reexamined the heavy impact of social movement on political parties on the basis of movementization of political party, with the Republican party in mind. Regarding the factors affecting the movementization of the Republican party, this article emphasized ‘party hollowing’ as a general factor applicable to both Democratic and Republican parties, and the activation of para-parties and the ideological and identitarian consolidation of conservative voters, specifically for the Republican party. Finally, this article analyzed the movementization of the Republican party by relying upon such concepts as infiltration and capture, and by applying those concepts to the cases of the Tea Party and MAGA movements.

고종 충신 민영달(1859~1924)의 정치활동과 민족운동

오영섭 한국민족운동사학회 2010 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.63

한국근대사에서 민씨척족은 지배적인 정치세력이었다. 이들은 명성황후의 정치적 후원을 등에 업고 1873년 고종의 정권 장악과 함께 정계에 등장하였다. 그리하여 이들은 1876년 문호개방 이전부터 1907년 고종 퇴위 전까지 한국근대사의 진로에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 이 연구에서는 민씨척족의 태동과 명멸을 분석하기 위한 사례 연구의 일환으로서 민씨척족의 유력인사 가운데 한사람인 민영달의 생애와 활동을 다루었다. 민영달은 민씨척족 중에서 유력한 인물 가운데 한 사람이다. 그는 갑신정변 때에 민영익을 구원한 공으로 벼슬길에 나가 명성황후의 총애를 받았으며, 민영준ㆍ민영환과 세도권을 다툴 정도의 영향력을 발휘하였다. 그는 을사조약 이후 대다수 민씨척족 대신들이 친일노선으로 돌아선 것과 달리 일관되게 고종과 대한제국을 옹위하는 근왕적 성향을 나타냈다. 따라서 정치가 겸 민족운동가로서 민영달은 대한제국과 고종황제를 위해 자신의 일생을 바친 保皇的 민족주의자였다고 평할 수 있다. 민영달은 민씨척족 중에서 대원군파와 친일개화파가 주도한 갑오경장에 참여하였다. 이것은 그가 민씨정권의 극성기에 대원군을 공개적으로 두둔하는 모습을 보였기 때문일 것이며, 호탕한 기질과 유모어를 좋아하는 성품이 대원군과 부합했기 때문일 것이며, 민씨척족 중에서 부패행위를 저지르지 않은 청렴한 인사로 통했기 때문일 것이며, 사직하지 말고 관직에 남아달라는 고종의 간곡한 부탁을 받아들였기 때문일 것이다. 하여튼 그는 갑오경장 초기에 개화파정권에 참여하여 대원군의 개혁정치에 일정 부분 기여하였다. 민영달의 활동은 민씨정권에 참여하여 벌인 親閔的 정치활동과 고종중심의 왕조체제를 옹위하기 위한 근왕적 민족운동으로 구분된다. 그는 갑신정변 이후에 뒤늦게 민씨정권에 가담하여 일족의 번영을 위해 노력하였다. 그는 동학농민운동의 해결책을 강구할 때 민씨정권의 구조적 문제점을 직시하지 못하고 민영준에게 모든 책임을 돌렸으며, 심지어 일본군의 請兵을 주장하기까지 하였다. 민영달은 갑오경장 초기 탄핵사건으로 관직에서 물러난 후에 10여 년간의 장기적인 정신적 수련기를 거쳤다. 이때 그는 자기 가문만을 위하는 정치가에서 민족운동가로 거듭났다. 그는 을사조약 이후에 계몽운동과 의병운동을 벌이며 대한제국의 국권을 지키려 힘썼고, 한일병합 후에는 일제의 작위를 반납하고 근왕파 인사들과 연대하여 고종망명을 비롯한 각종의 민족운동을 은밀히 펼쳤다. 그는 자신이 쌓은 엄청난 재산을 민족운동에 투입했을 정도로 열성적인 민족운동가였다. 그는 한일병합 이후에도 대한제국을 수호하기 위한 민족운동을 지속적으로 전개하였다. 민씨척족 가운데 한일병합 이전에 민족운동을 벌인 인사들은 상당히 많았다. 그러나 한국의 멸망이 확정된 이후에 거의 대부분의 민씨척족들은 친일노선으로 돌아섰다. 을사조약 직후에 자결하여 이름을 남긴 민영환을 제외하면, 3ㆍ1운동 이후까지 계속 민족운동을 벌인 인사는 민영달이 거의 유일하다. 민영달은 죽기 전까지 민족운동에 종사함으로써 갑오경장 이전의 정치활동으로 인한 오명을 벗어던지고 사후에 민족운동가로 이름을 날리게 되었다. In modern Korean history, Min Clan was the dominant political party. As given the political support by Empress Myeongseong, they started to promote their political status along with the Emperor Gojong’s seizure of power in 1907. From 1876 to 1907, they brought out outstanding political contributions to modern Korean history. This article covers the biography and contributions of Youngdal Min, who was one of Min Clan Party, as a part of case study in order to analyze the origin of Min Family Party and its downfall at the end. Youngdal Min was one of powerful members in Min Clan Party. Specifically, he was bestowed favor to participate in the political arena upon Empress Myeongseong for the homage of assisting Youngik Min at Kapsin Reform Movement. Also, he influenced dominant power enough to compete with Youngjun Min and Younghwan Min. After the Eulsa Treaty, instead of turning into the pro-japanese party as most of Min Clan Party members did, he showed royalistic tendency being constantly on the side of Emperor Gojong. Therefore, it is convinced that he, as a politician and a nationalist, was a pro-royal nationalist. Youngdal Min participated in Kabo Reform Movement led by Daewongun-party and Pro-Japanese reformist party among members of Min Clan Party. That's because 1) he was officially supportive of Daewongun at the peak of Min Clan Party’s political power; 2) he had masculine and witty personality to please Daewongun; 3) he was known as the most upright and cleanhanded politician in Min Clan Party; d, he might have taken the suggestion from Emperor Gojong to stay as the politician. After all, he partly contributed to the political reformation led by Daewongun participating in the reformist party at the early Kabo Reform Movement period. His participation was illustrated as the royalistic national movement advocating the Emperor Gojong centered royale structure and the pro-popular political activities participating in Min Clan Party. As in, after Kapsin Reform Movement, he intensified his efforts for the prosperity of Min Clany party. For resolutions of Donghak peasant movement at that time, he couldn't recognize the structural flaws in Min Clan Party so that he just blamed Youngjun Min and brought him to account for the responsibility. Above all, he even argued that Korean empire should ask for a dispatch of Japanese troops to subjugate the Donghak peasant movement. After his retirement due to the impeachment in the early Kabo Reform Movement period, he had to face the ten years of self-disciplinary period turning him from a politician advocating his own family party into the national movement leader. After the Eulsa-Treaty, he intensified his efforts to protect the authority of Korean Empire by leading Enlighten movement and Loyal Troops Resistance movement. Additionally, after the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty, he gave up his peerage title banding royalists and leading national movements such as the Emperor Gojong asylum. Indeed, he was zealous enough to donate most of his properties to the national movement. Even after the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. he had constantly guided national movements to protect the authority of Korean Empire. There were quite a many of national movement leaders among Min Clany Party members before the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. However, most of them turned into the pro-Japanese party when it became clear that Korean Empire had to face its fall. Excluding Younhwan Min who committed suicide for the sake of Korean Empire after Eulsa Treaty, Youngdal Min was the only one who had coherently led national movements until the end of March-1st movement(3.1 movement). Contributing for the emancipation of his country until the death, he could clear his name from his political activities before Kabo Reform Movement, re-enforcing his reputation as the national movement leader.

일제강점기 의성지역의 혁명적 대중운동

심상훈 택민국학연구원 2023 국학연구론총 Vol.- No.32

This article summarizes the activities of revolutionary mass movements and Confucian intellectuals, such as the Korean Communist Party Reconstruction Movement and the Red Peasant Union Movement, that took place in the Uiseong area in the 1930s. Through this, we looked at their efforts to solve the national problem at the time in a new way. The Korean Socialist Movement, which began to develop in 1920, rapidly grew into a central force in the national movement and formed an organization called the Korean Communist Party in 1925. The Korean Communist Party suffered repeated collapse and reconstruction until 1928 due to large-scale repression by Japan and factional struggles among socialists, and was disbanded after a short period of activity of four years. After the disbandment of the Korean Communist Party, the greatest task assigned to Korean socialist activists in the 1930s was the reconstruction of the Korean Communist Party. It was in February 1931 when clues to the revolutionary mass movement and party reconstruction movement appeared in Uiseong. Although the rebuilding movement of the Communist Party of Korea in Uiseong ended in failure, it was like a welcome rain to this region where the roots of the national movement had been completely uprooted. In the preface 高等警察要史 published by the Gyeongbuk Police Department of the Japanese Government General of Korea in 1934, stated in the preface that the resistance of the people of this region was exceptionally strong and found the cause of this in the characteristics of the Toegye school of thought. As such tendencies were combined with the socialism introduced into the country around the time of the March 1st Movement, Confucian culturalism and new socialism quickly joined together to find common ground, and this served as a powerful force in the anti-Japanese struggle. In other words, the anti-Japanese ideology and the incorporation of socialism based on Confucian culturalism served as a new driving force for the anti-Japanese struggle. This phenomenon appeared more strongly than any other region in each field, including the anti-Japanese struggle, the peasant movement, the labor movement, and the youth movement in the 1920s, and it can be said to have continued with the reconstruction movement of the Communist Party of Korea and the revolutionary peasant union movement in the 1930s.

마이너리티의 부상과 미국 지배담론의 분열 -티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 중심으로-

김미경 인문사회 21 2019 인문사회 21 Vol.10 No.4

The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflicts between conservatism and liberalism in politics, race, class, sex, and faith in the United States, focusing on the Tea Party and the Coffee Party movements. It examines the divisions of American dominant discourse and anticipates the possibility of its integration. The background of this study is that the division of American domination discourse has been plainly intensified since the advent of Obama in 2008. This study compares the Tea Party Movements and the Coffee Party Movements based on analysis of existing literature, news, interview and SNS. As a result of this study, the Tea Party movements is known as financial conservatism for small government, but it forms a consensus on racism, Nativism and ethnocentrism. On the other hand, the Coffee Party movements has been found to reject the main goal of the Tea Party movements and pray for the change of US political culture with the aim of the completion of mature democracy and integration of the United States. In this study, it is meaningful to compare and analyze aspects of division and conflict in American domination discourse, especially the Tea Party movements and the Coffee party movements. In conclusion, although this study is meaningful in that it analyzed the Coffee Party movements for the first time by academic approach, it is necessary to form more specific and theoretical frame in the future. 이 연구의 목적은 미국 내 라티노의 수적 증가와 연관하여 티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 중심으로 미국 내 보수주의와 진보주의가 정치, 인종, 계급, 성 및 신앙의 관점에서 빚어낸 갈등을 분석함으로써 미국의 지배담론의 분열을 고찰하고 그 통합의 가능성을 예견해보기 위한 것이다. 본 연구의 배경은 2008년 흑인대통령인 오바마의 출현 이후 미국의 지배담론의 분열이 노골적으로 심화되고 있다는 점에 착안한다. 이와 같은 문제에 천착하여 본 연구는 기존에 발표된 문헌연구, 뉴스, 인터뷰 및 SNS 등을 활용하여 티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 비교・고찰한다. 본 연구의 결과 티파티운동은 작은 정부를 지향하는 재정적 보수주의로 알려져 있지만, 인종차별주의, 외국인 혐오주의, 이민 배척주의에 대해 공감대를 형성하고 있으며, 이에 반해, 커피파티운동은 티파티운동의 주요목표를 전면 거부하고, 성숙한 민주주의의 완성과 미국의 통합을 목표로 미국의 정치문화의 변화를 기도하고 있음이 밝혀졌다. 본 연구는 티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 중심으로 미국의 지배담론의 분열과 갈등의 양상을 비교・분석하고, 특히 커피파티운동을 최초로 학문적으로 접근하여 분석했다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 그러나 향후 보다 구체적이고 이론적 프레임이 필요하다는 한계성이 있다.

1920년대 조선공산당의 민족개념과 ‘민족해방운동’의 성격

이희을 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2024 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.88

조선공산당의 민족해방운동은 1920년대 이전 식민지 조선에서 전개되었던 민족운동의 성격과 본질적으로 달랐다. 기존 연구는 민족해방운동을 대한제국 시기부터 시작된 독립지향 민족운동의 성격으로써 파악한 바 있다. 그런데 1920년대 식민지 조선의 사회주의 계열, 특히 공산주의세력은 코민테른에서 비롯한 마르크스레닌주의의 역사적 맥락을 가진 상태에서 자신들의 활동을 ‘민족해방운동’으로 표현했다. 따라서 이들의 민족개념과 활동전술은 마르크스레닌주의와 호환했고, 식민지 조선 내 민족운동세력의 종족문화적 민족개념 및 민족운동 방향과 달랐다. 조선공산당은 ‘조선민족’의 형성 원인을 식민지 자본주의 체제 내 일제의 정치경제적 압박 결과로 파악했고, 이로써 형성된 민족운동을 공산주의운동의 대열에 편입시켜 민족해방운동으로 전환시키고자 했다. 비록 민족협동전선 운영 방향을 놓고 조선공산당 내 ML파와 반ML파간의 내분이 일어나기도 했지만, 기본적으로 조선공산당 민족해방운동의 이론적 배경은 레닌·스탈린의 Nation 및 National movement 이론, 조직적 배경은 코민테른의 지시 및 공인이었다. 따라서 조선공산당에게 독립지향 민족운동세력은 정치적 목표 달성을 위한 이용 대상이었고, 종족문화적 민족개념 및 이에 기초한 민족운동 혹은 독립운동은 ‘부르주아민주주의운동’과 동일한 것으로 극복 대상이었다. 이는 조선공산당 및 공산주의세력이 식민지 조선 내 민족주의 조류에 입각한 독립운동의 역사적 맥락과 별개의 특성을 드러낸다. The Chosun Communist Party's National Liberation Movement was fundamentally different from the national movement that developed in colonial Korea before the 1920s. Former researches have identified the national liberation movement as a characteristic of the national and independence movements that began during the Empire of Korea. However, the socialist faction in colonial Korea in the 1920s, especially the communist groups, expressed their political activities as a ‘national liberation movement’ within the historical context of Marxism-Leninism. Therefore, it is difficult to evaluate the characteristic of the National Liberation Movement within the historical context of the independence movement that originated from the rise of ethnic-nationalism during the Korean Empire. Chosun Communist Party understood the ‘Chosun nation’ as beings formed by the political and economic pressure of Japan within the colonial capitalist system, and attempted to transform their national movement into a communist-centered National Liberation Movement. However, the National Liberation Movement could not progress due to the conflict between ML(Marx-Lenin) faction and the anti-ML faction within Chosun Communist Party over the direction and operation of the National Cooperation Front. The interesting point is that despite such conflict, the perception of the National Liberation Movement on both sides was basically the same. This is because Chosun Communist Party and various communist groups within it were strongly influenced by the Comintern's theoretical and organizational influence. The nation and national movement theories of Lenin, Stalin, and the Comintern were the theoretical background of the National Liberation Movement of Chosun Communist Party, and the instructions and the recognition of Comintern were the organizational background of Chosun Communist Party. Therefore, for Chosun Communist Party, the independence-oriented national movement forces were an object of use to achieve political goals, and the ethnic and cultural concept of nation and the national or independence movement based on it were the same as the ‘bourgeois democratic movement’ and were an object of overcome.

논문(論文) : 1960년 마산의거에 대한 "특수성"과 "보편성" 논쟁

김수자 ( Soo Ja Kim ) 이화사학연구소 2011 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.43

The April Revolution aroused against the March 15th fraudulent presidential election of 1960 refers collectively to the nationwide resistance of Feb. 29th Daegu Students` Movement, the first and second Masan Movement of March 15th and April 11th, and the Seoul Students` Movement of April 18th and 19th, etc. However, the term April Revolution can be considered as being quite Seoul centered. For example, it was the Masan Movement of March 15th and April 11th which had a decisive role in triggering the April Revolution. However, there is a strong tendency to describe the Masan Movement by just limiting it as a regional event or a preliminary event leading to the April Revolution. The attitude to perceive the Masan Movement as just a regional event is clearly revealed in the attitude of how the Syng-man Rhee government tried to treat it as a light event occurring somewhere in the rural area or as a particular event of a particular region which had become implicated with the Communists and the Democratic Party. However, the event which took place in 1960 in the provincial Masan, condensing all the contradiction of the Republic of Korea`s politics of the time and expressing the pent-up discontent against the Syng-man Rhee government, was one that was universal and general in its characteristics. The Syng-man Rhee government and the ruling Liberal Party justified their violence, actively using anti-communist ideology and claiming that the Masan Movement was an event instigated by the Communist Party that must not ever have taken place and be suppressed for the good of the Republic of Korea. As Ju-yeol Kim died during the process and the Masan Movement spread throughout the nation, the National Assembly organized and sent the Masan Movement Investigation Commission to Mason to find out the real state of things. In the process of investigation and report, the Liberal Party defined the Masan Movement as a particular event, a disturbance, the intervention from a betraying internal group, and a riot, and justified their armed crackdown. In contrast, the Democratic Party defined the Masan Movement as an aspect of nationwide movements against fraudulent election and a democratic resistance to the ruling party`s violent suppression. As such, in the debate about the peculiar or the universal characteristic of the Masan Movement, the ruling party united with the anti-Communist ideology, suppressing and distorting the Movement to highlight its particularity, especially in the early period. However, as the resistance movement spread nationwide and the corrupt and crippled political and economical operation of the Syng-man Rhee`s government was revealed, the anti-Communist ideology also showed its limits as a suppression mechanism. As can be seen, although the Masan Movement occurred in the provincial area, it was an event of generalness which showed the contradictory aspect of the 1950 Syng-man Rhee`s government to the full.

1930년대 신익희의 독립운동단체 결성과 통일전선운동

이계형(Lee, Kye-hyung) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2021 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.73

1930년대 한국독립운동을 주도해 나간 것은 중국 관내의 독립운동세력이었다. 중일전쟁 이후 독립운동계는 ‘이당치국(以黨治國)’을 통한 독립운동 방략을 모색하였다. 신익희는 위유런(于右任)의 도움으로 난징의 국민당 정부에서 근무할 때, 1931년 9월 만주사변을 기회로 처음으로 한국혁명당을 창당하였다. 이 단체는 난경에서 활동하던 다양한 이념을 가진 인사들로 구성되었다. 신익희는 이를 기반으로 1932년 11월 여러 독립운동 단체와 함께 한국대일전선통일동맹을 결성하고, 지청천이 이끄는 만주 한국독립당의 합당을 추진하여 신한독립당을 새롭게 출범시킨 뒤 교섭위원장으로 활동하였다. 이후 그는 한국대일전선통일동맹 대표대회를 통해 ‘단일대동맹’을 결성하고자 하였지만, 각기 통합방식을 두고 힘겨루기하면서 그러한 구상은 지지부진하였다. 그런 가운데 1935년 7월 그는 신한독립당의 대표로서 의열단·한국독립당·신한독립당·조선혁명당·대한독립당 등을 하나로 묶어 민족혁명당을 결성하는데 힘을 보탰다. 그는 민족혁명당의 중앙집행위원으로서 당내의 의견 대립을 중재하는 역할을 담당하였다. 하지만 민족혁명당은 상하이 한국독립당과의 당의·당강의 차이를 극복하지 못하였고 임시정부의 존폐 문제를 두고 합의점을 찾지 못하여 결국 일부 인사가 탈당하면서 위상은 예전만 못했다. 그런데도 신익희는 민족혁명당에 남아 김원봉과 함께 활동하면서 1937년 11월 공산주의와 무정부주의 계열 인사들과 함께 조선민족전선연맹을 결성하였다. 이후 그는 1939년 8월 사천성기강에서 좌우익 세력을 통합하려는 ‘7당통일회의’에 참가하였다. 통일회의는 순조롭게 진행되었으나 조직 방식을 두고 논쟁이 격렬해지자 신익희는 회의에서 퇴장하였고, 결국 통일전선운동은 결실을 얻지 못하였다. 신익희는 1930년대 한국독립운동계의 숙원이었던 정당의 통일전선운동에 누구 못지않게 왕성한 활동을 보여주었다. 아마 세 차례의 통합운동에 모두 참여한 것은 신익희가 유일하지 않을까 한다. 하지만 신익희는 이를 주도하지는 못한 것으로 보인다. 통합전선운동이 당 대 당 결합이었기 때문에 그만큼의 자신의 세력을 가지고 있어야 했지만, 그는 그러지 못했다. 영향력을 행사하기 위해서는 적당한 규모의 인원과 군사를 확보해야 했고 재정 또한 모자람이 없어야 했지만, 그는 이러한 요인들을 충족하지 못했다. In the 1930s, it was the independence movements within the Chinese jurisdiction that led the Korean independence movement. Especially, after the Sino-Japanese War, they sought an independence movement strategy through “the stagnation through the formation of the National Unique Party(以黨治國)”. Then Ik-hee Shin founded the Korean Revolutionary Party through the Manchurian Incident in September 1931 while working for the Nationalist Party government in Nanjing with the help of Yu Youren(于右任). Shin Ik-hee formed the Korea-Japan Front Unification Alliance in November 1932 with organizations such as the Korean Independence Party etc. Taking this opportunity, he promoted the joint party of the Korean National Party, newly launched the Shinhan Independence Party. Since then, he attempted to form a “one-to-one alliance” through the Korea-to-Japan Front Unification Alliance Congress, but the idea was sluggish as each competed for the integration method. Since then, he has tried to form a “single alliance” through Korea’s unification alliance with Japan tournament, but such a concept has been slowly progressing while comparing the strengths of each with an integrated method. Meanwhile, in July 1935, he participated in the formation of the National Revolutionary Party, which is highly regarded as a united front. However, the National Revolutionary Party has not overcome the differences in the party principle and party platform. In the end, several people withdrew from it, its status was lost. Nevertheless, Ik-hee Shin remained at the National Revolutionary Party and worked with Kim Won-bong. After that, in November 1937, he formed the Korean National Front Alliance with communist and anarchist family under the National Revolutionary Party as the parent. After that, the “7-Party Unified Conference” was held in Qijiang, Sichuan Province in August 1939, and the left-right unification movement was developed. The unification conference proceeded smoothly, but the debate over the organizational method intensified, and he left the conference. In the end, the unification front movement in the history of the Korean independence movement did not come to fruition. Shin Ik-hee showed as much activity as anyone in the party’s unification front movement, which was the longing for the Korean independence movement in the 1930s. However, Ik-hee Shin seems to have failed to lead this. Since the Unified Front Movement was a party-to-party union, he had to have that much power, but he couldn’t. In order to exert influence, he had to secure the right size of personnel and troops, and his finances had to be low, but he did not meet these factors.

유권자와 연방의원의 분석을 통해 본 티파티 운동, 2010~2013

김준석(Junseok KIM) 한국정당학회 2014 한국정당학회보 Vol.13 No.2

본 논문은 미국의 티파티 운동의 지지요인을 유권자 수준에서 실증 분석하고, 그 대리인으로서 티파티 의원모임(Tea Party Caucus)의 특성을 이념과 집단응집성 측면에서 검증한다. 티파티 운동에 대한 대중적 호감은 점차 감소하고 있으며, 그 폭은 민주당 지지층과 무당파층에서 상대적으로 크다. 유권자 지지요인에 대한 회귀분석 결과 기존연구와는 달리‘장년층 백인 남성’의 티파티 운동에 대한 지지와 동의가 뚜렷이 구분되지 않았다. 보수적 이념과 공화당 정당일체감, 오바마 직무수행 평가 및 국가경제에 대한 부정적 평가는 티파티 운동에 대한 지지에 중요하게 작용한 것으로 나타났다. 이는, 티파티 운동 초기의 지지층과 5년이 지난 현재 지지층 간 차이가 있을 수 있으며, 특정 시점이 아닌 장기적 변화 추이가 함께 고려되어야함을 시사한다. 티파티 의원모임의 이념적 특성과 응집성을 살펴보면 티파티 운동의 지지에 힘입어 당선된 의원이 대거 입성한 112대 하원의 경우 이념적으로 보수적이며, 집단으로서 응집성도 확연히 높았다. 이러한 결과는 다수의 중도 성향의 의원에도 불구하고 공화당 지도부가 왜 강경보수인 티파티 의원모임에 쉬이 휘둘리는지, 그리고 미국정치의 잦은 교착의 원인으로 티파티가 왜 지목되는지에 대한 중요한 함의를 제공한다. This paper examines the Tea Party movement in the electorates and in Congress. Previous studies have followed a historical development of tea party movement and its political implications throughly and analyzes the causes and consequences of the Tea Party movement. Our study is different in two ways. First, We captures changing trends in public attitude toward the tea party movement over last five years and empirically test factors in its public supports. Second, we compare the Tea Party Caucus with other republican and democratic congressmen in the 111<SUP>th</SUP> and 112<SUP>th</SUP> Congress in terms of ideological tendency and group coherence. Our empirical results confirm two things; (1) public support toward the tea party movement has gradually declined over years and seriously for the young and ideologically independent voters; (2) the Tea Party caucus is more ideologically conservative than other Republican legislators and more coherent than the others.

1920년대 ‘非基督敎運動’과 중국 공산당

최병욱 강원사학회 2018 江原史學 Vol.0 No.31

While it appeared once in a while following New Policies Reform of the Qing Dynasty after the Boxer Rebellion, the Anti-Christian Movement did not stir up a big issue, but coming into the 1920s, many organizations opposing Christianity were founded mainly by students and intellectuals and the ‘Anti-Christian Movement’ broke out during the Nationalist Revolution. The Anti-Christian Movement was a nationwide movement of patriotism and nationalism from 1922 to 1927 that aimed at opposing imperialism that conducts cultural invasion using religion. This study first examined the historical background and progress for the occurrence of the Anti-Christian Movement. Next, the progression of the Anti-Christian Movement of the Chinese Communist Party focusing on the Communist Youth League of China that accepted the Anti-Christian Movement that started as a student and youth movement in Shanghai. In particular, the course in which this movement that started initially as a dispute antichristianism into an ‘Anti-Christian Movement’ with the assertive involvement of the Communist Party was examined. From the perspective of the Chinese Communist Party, the party that was still in its infancy was able to solidify its organizational capacities while leading the Anti-Christian Movement and it was possible to establish a somewhat principle-based policy regarding religious policies of the Communist Party. From a historical standpoint, despite the Anti-Christian Movement being under the leadership of the Communist Party, this had a tone of a neo-cultural movement under the conditions of the times namely the Chinese Revolution, and unlikeanti-Christian struggles of the previous century, it had different features and significance of the times. The Anti-Christian Movement of the 1920s was not simply a movement that was against Christianity, but was one of the typical movements such as the anti-imperialism, anti-military clique, and as a rise of nationalism, which was elevated at the time. This Anti-Christian Movement shocked Christians in China and Christianity in China also changed the missionary activities in China through the shock of the Anti-Christian Movement, and it led to a new stage, which was the period of the naturalization movement of Christianity and the China Christian Independent Church movement. 의화단 사건 이후 이루어진 청조의 新政 이후에는 斷續的으로 나타나기는 했지만반기독교운동이 크게 이슈화되지 않다가 1920년대에 들어서면서 학생과 지식인들을 중심으로 기독교 반대를 목적으로 하는 조직이 잇따라 성립되어 國民革命 기간내내 이른바 ‘非基督敎運動’ 즉 반기독교운동이 발생하게 되었다. 1920년대 중국의반기독교운동은 1922년에서 1927년까지 발생한 전국적 범위의 애국민족운동으로종교를 이용하여 문화침략을 진행하는 제국주의에 대한 반대라는 목표로 진행된운동이다. 이 논문은 먼저 반기독교운동 발생의 역사적 배경과 전개에 대해 살펴보았다. 다음으로 상해의 청년학생운동으로 시작된 반기독교운동에 호응하여 社會主 義靑年團(공산주의청년단)을 중심으로 한 중국 공산당의 반기독교운동 활동을 살펴보았다. 특히 초기에 이론적 비판의 기독교 반대운동이 공산당의 적극적 개입의과정을 통해 반기독교운동으로 변질되는 과정을 살펴보았다. 중국 공산당의 입장에서 볼 때, 초기 공산당은 반기독교운동의 지도 과정 중에 조직적 역량을 강화할수 있었으며, 공산당의 종교정책에 대해 일정정도 원칙적인 정책을 확립할 수 있었다. 또한 역사적으로 볼 때, 반기독교운동이 비록 공산당의 지도 아래 있었지만, 국민혁명이라는 시대적 조건 아래에서 그것은 신문화운동의 색채를 가질 수 있었고, 이전 세기의 반기독교 투쟁과는 다른 특징과 시대적 의의를 지닐 수 있었다. 1920년대의 반기독교운동은 단순한 기독교 반대 운동이라기보다는 당시 고조되어 있던反帝, 反軍閥 그리고 민족주의 운동의 한 형태로 보여지는 운동이었다. 이러한반기독교운동은 중국의 기독교도로 하여금 충격을 받게 하였고, 중국의 기독교 역시반기독교운동의 충격을 통해 중국에서의 선교활동방식을 변화시키고 새로운 단계 즉 기독교의 토착화 운동과 중국 自立敎會 운동의 시기로 나아갔다.

1920∼1930년대 金燦의 사회주의운동과 민족협동전선

박순섭 한국근현대사학회 2014 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.71 No.-

This paper examined Kim Chan’s overall socialist movements in light of thepursuit of the National Co-operated Front Movement. In 1923, Kim broughtsocialists into Korburo and contributed to the development of the first ChosenCommunist Party and Korean Communist Youth Association. In the meantime,he also worked together with socialists across different fields of social movements,including the youth movement. By late 1925, the first Chosen Communist Party and Korean Communist YouthAssociation were discovered by the Japanese colonial government. Escaped toShanghai, China, Kim formed Chosen Communist Party of Provisional ShanghaiBranch with Kim Dan-ya, Cho Pong-am and Yeo Un-hyeong to make plansfor and support the Korean June 10 movement against Japanese imperialism. A year later in 1926, he moved to Manchuria to pioneer a new field of activityand restore Korean social movements in Manchuria. It was here that Kim rebuiltHwayo Faction’s Chosen Communist Party, Korean Communist YouthAssociation’s Manchuria administration, and sub-organizations. In the process, Kimwas convinced of the need to work with Jungoibu of South Manchuria. Duringthis time, he remained the executive member of the Manchuria administrationof Chosen Communist Party, endeavoring to encourage the Manchurianadministration to cooperate with Jungoibu. In 1928, Korean socialists in Manchuria began to criticize Kim’s activities forJungoibu. Even so, Kim insisted on the cooperation between Hwayo Factionsocialists in Manchuria and Kookmin-bu. Moreover, he was strongly against ChineseCommunist Party’s violent tendency and Comintern that instructed Koreansocialists to join CCP, pushing for the concept of extended Korea in Manchuria. As such, Kim Chan maintained the course of National Co-operated Front Movementthat pursued the liberation of Korea. After the liberation of Korea, he participated in the activities that were moderatein nature and joined in the cause of Democracy Independence Front, Joint US-USSRCommission and Jinbo-dang (Progressive Party) with Cho Pong-am, remainingon the course followed by National Co-operated Front Movement.