김정일의 선군영도체계 구축에 따른 선군정치의 기능 분석: 『로동신문』의 담론을 중심으로

윤황 한국동북아학회 2010 한국동북아논총 Vol.15 No.4

This article is designed to examine the characteristics of the "Military-First Politics" by analysing its function which was formulated in Kim Jung-il regime. The conclusion of this research is summarized as follows. Firstly, the contents of Military-First Politics are composed of its concept, ideological base, fundamental rule, principle, basic way, and Military-First way. The essential points of these contents include Kim Jung-il's creation of Military-First Politics, the basis of Juche Ideology and Military-First Ideology, the Gun-First Philosophy, the reinforcement of revolutionary army, the guidance of Military-First Revolution, the total integration of 'Leader=military=Communist Party= The State=People', the completion of general achievement of socialism, and the totalization of all society through Military-First. Secondly, the functions of Military-First Politics are enumerated as follows; strengthening the ability of survival and maintenance of 'Our Way of socialist system', justifying and rationalizing Father-Son inheritance, preventing people's desertion and strengthening control on state and society, maximizing mobilization of labor, people, and revolutionary strategy towards foreign countries and the South. Thirdly, in conclusion, Military-First Politics is characterized as a way of 'military autocracy'. The Communist Party cannot command its leading role. The military are standing in main front of politics in the way of Military-First Leader System. 본 논문의 연구목적은 김정일(金正日) 정권에 들어와 새롭게 구축된 북한의 선군영도체계 하에서 선군정치가 어떤 기능을 실행하고 있는가를 분석하여 선군정치에 관한 특징을 규명하는 데에 두고 있다. 이의 연구목적에 따른 분석결과는 다음과 같이 요약된다. 첫째, 선군정치의 내용체계는 개념, 사상적 기초, 원칙, 원리, 기본방식, 선군정치방식으로 구성되어 있다. 이런 내용체계의 요지는 김정일의 선군정치 창시, 주체사상과 선군사상의 기초, 총대철학(총관), 군사제일주의(군사선행·군사중시), 혁명군대의 강화, 선군혁명영도, ‘수령=군대=당=국가=인민’의 선군혼연일체화, 전반적 사회주의위업 추동, 온 사회의 선군일색화 등을 담고 있다. 둘째, 선군정치의 기능은 ‘우리식(북한식) 사회주의체제’의 생존·유지기능, 부자권력세습체제의 정당화·합리화기능, 북한주민의 이탈방지와 국가·사회의 통제 강화기능, 노력동원과 군중동원의 극대화기능, 대외·대남적 혁명전략으로서의 기능을 갖고 실행된다고 분석하였다. 이런 기능은 김정일의 독재권력을 유지ㆍ확대하기 위하여 군대를 앞세워 국가의 모든 영역에 대한 통제력을 강화ㆍ확대하고, 군대의 힘으로 대내외적 위기관리를 이끌어 나가고, 군대를 이용해 자신의 권력을 유지ㆍ확대시키는 역할을 가진 것이라고 종합적으로 평가되었다. 셋째, 본 연구의 분석결과를 종합하여 선군정치는 ‘군사독재정치방식’이라는 특징을 갖고 있다고 분석하였다. 그 결과 현재 북한체제는 당의 지도체계가 제 기능을 제대로 수행하지 못하고 군이 정치의 전면에 나서는 선군영도체계로 작동되고 있다고 결론을 내렸다.

1998∼2007년 『로동신문』 분석을 통해 본 북한의 "선군정치" 논리

정성임 평화문제연구소 2009 統一問題硏究 Vol.21 No.2

This thesis aims to analyze the contents of North Korea``s ``Military-first politics`` which Rodong-shinmun had represented from 1998 to 2007. ``Military-first politics`` is the way to accomplish the national strategy to construct strong and prosperous country, and its political basis lies in the party which is the general staff section and the army, the main power. And its social basis lies in the unity of the military forces and the civilians, and its ideological basis lies in ``Military-first ideas.`` ``Military-first politics`` can be characterized by a long-term strategy, the combination of politics and military, historicity and succession, and lastly, the emphasis of ideology in the contents. ``Military-first politics`` consistently emphasizes three points: A brand-new political (ruling) method by Kim Jong Il, the leading role of the party and the anti-imperialist and self-dependent characteristic. And this has evolved in two stages on the point of the year 2001. In the former stage, ``Military-first politics`` simply focused on explaining ``Military-first politics`` itself, in the latter stage, the explanations became concrete and exquisite and Military-first method had applied broader from domestic revolution·construction part to South Korea, Unification, and propaganda abroad and so on. North Korea has justified ``Military-first politics`` with good use of supporting reports from South Korea and abroad. In the economy area, ``Military-first type`` has been popularized to acquire the military ideologies and struggle spirits and make them part of life, then, applied to mobilize people. In addition, with the learning of ``Military-first politics``, North Korea has strengthened anti-Americanism among people and insisted its initiative in the process of unification. The recently amended North Korean constitution implies that North Korea continues to lead the state on ``Military-first politics`` method for a considerable time ahead. Accordingly, the contents of ``Military-first politics`` are continuously going to complement and revise, and play its certain role in justification of the succession planning. 이 논문은 1998.2007년 로동신문 에 나타난 북한의 선군정치 내용을 분석하는데 목적이 있다. 선군정치는 국가전략인 강성대국을 건설하기 위한 방법이며 정치적 기반은 참모부 당과 주력세력 군, 사회적 기반은 ``군민일치``, 사상적 기반은 선군사상으로 구성되어 있다. 선군논리에서 지속적인 부분은 김정일의 새로운 정치방식, 당의 영도적 역할, 반제자주적 성격을 강조한다는 점이며 2001년을 기점으로 두 단계로 진화하여 왔다. 그 이전 시기가 선군정치 자체에 대한 단순한 설명에 그쳤다면, 그 이후는 설명이 보다 구체화, 정교화되는 한편 선군방식의 활용범위가 대내적 혁명·건설 부문을 넘어 대남, 통일, 해외 선전 등으로 확대되어 나타난다. 북한은 선군정치를 활용하기 위해 남한 및 해외에서의 지지 보도를 활용하여 선군정치를 정당화하여 왔다. 경제부문에서는 군의 사상 및 투쟁 기풍을 체화, 생활화하기 위하여 ``선군전형``을 대중화하여 인민들을 동원하여 왔다. 그리고 학습을 통하여 인민들가운데 반미 의식을 강화하는 한편 통일과정에서 북한의 우위를 주장하여 왔다. 최근 개정된 헌법을 보면 향후 상당기간 북한은 선군정치방식으로 국가를 이끌 것이다. 이에 따라 선군논리는 지속적으로 보완, 수정될 것이며 후계구도의 정당화를 위해서도 역할을 할 것이다.

'선군시대 경제건설노선'의 형성과 변화 과정 연구

김성주 ( Seong Ju Kim ) 연세대학교 통일연구원 2012 통일연구 Vol.16 No.2

The North Korean regime in 1998 under Kim Jong-Il was based on the - military-first politics which focused primarily on laying stress upon the military and reinforcing it to protect the ruling ideology. Four years later, in 2002, the Military-First Era`s Economic Strategy, meant to guarantee the economic and physical realization of the military-first politics, was suggested. Subsequently, The First and Foremost Development of Military Industry and the Simultaneous Development of Light Industry and Agriculture, was made official in North Korea, and a theoretical systemization process was put in place for its justification. Since the late 1990s, North Korea has pursued simultaneous economic development and national defense, while placing emphasis on The First and Foremost Focus on Military Industry, Up to then, however, the relationship between the economy and investments in the military had been regarded as having a trade-off effect. On the other hand, the Military-First Era`s Economic Strategy is regarded as different in terms of contributing to economic development by creating a stable environment for national defense through The First and Foremost Development of Military Industry, while also generating positive spin-off effects in civil economic sectors. During the period of the Military-First Era`s Economic Strategy, it was revealed that the nation`s budget was increasing to continuously invest in national defense, and, due to budget constraints, the remainder was successively invested by selecting sectors in order of priority. In particular, since late 2000, North Korea has put more emphasis on the Enhancement of People`s Lives through greater development of light industry and agriculture than of the military industry. This phenomenon confirms that the Military-First Era`s Economic Strategy was primarily focused on the reinforcement of military strength through the development of asymmetric military capability such as nuclear experiments and long-range rocket launches. It was also revealed that investments in light industry and agriculture increased after the accomplishment of their goal of strengthening the military, thus pursuing balanced economic growth. As a result of examining the estimated economic indicators of North Korea, it can be understood that the result of the development of light industry and agriculture is not very significant when compared with heavy industry. After 2010, however, minor growth has been seen in the field of light industry. This shows that the Military-First Era`s Economic Strategy not only pursued, first and foremost, development of the military industry, but the development of light industry, as well. However, the investment in light industry was made intermittently, not simultaneously, and it eventually exposed the limit of the low growth of the North Korean economy.

북한의 선군정치 사상론과 혁명적 군인정신에 대한 비판적 고찰

최은석 ( Eun-suk Choi ) 한국군사학회 2016 군사논단 Vol.86 No.-

North Korea officially used the term, ``Military-First (Songun)`` in various documents in the end of 2002. We should take note that North Korea has focused on spreading ``Revolutionary Military Spirit`` as the spirit in the times of Military-First. In addition, ``Military-First Ideology`` was introduced as a single ruling ideology to develop military-first politics into a theory. Upon amendment of the constitution in 2009, ``Military-First Ideology`` was added and stipulated along with Juche ideology. The paper begins with fundamental questions on how and why North Korea drew ``Military-First Ideology`` the theory of military-first politics. In particular, it closely observes the emphasis on ``Revolutionary Military Spirit`` as a noble revolutionary mind of revolutionists to have when realization of ``Military-First Ideology`` was mentioned in the New Year``s Address (2003). The revolutionary military spirit of North Korea is the fighting spirit of North Korean army as well as the symbol of ideology, which originates from the revolutionary spirit of Baekdu. The military spirit stressed by North Korea differs from a sound military spirit we may generally think of. It is the ideological foundation to worship North Korean leaders and to build a socialist state. It is necessary to be aware and understand that the military-first theory and revolutionary military spirit of North Korea are far from the path to cultivate a proper view of the state and military spirits as soldiers.

선군혁명문학의 발명과 실재, 위기의 딜레마

이지순(Yee, Ji-sun) 한국비평문학회 2019 批評文學 Vol.- No.72

고난의 행군이라는 위기의 매트릭스는 선군과 선군혁명문학의 탄생지였다. 선군혁명문학의 첫 모습은 주체문학과 구분되지 않았다. 주체문학의 발전된 단계 내지 새 형의 문학으로 규정되던 선군혁명문학은 김정일 리더십을 구현하는 데 초점을 두었다. 선군혁명문학의 전성기는 『선군혁명문학예술과 김정일』(2005) 출간시점이었다. 약하게 존속되다가 김정일이 사망한 이후 쇠퇴의 수순을 밟았다. 새로운 패러다임 전환을 이끌었던 ‘선군’은 생활의 모든 분야를 지배했지만 새로움은 자동화되었다. 선군혁명문학은 새로운 형식과 미학을 촉진하려 했으나, 주체문학론 같이 창작의 기율로 발전하지 못하였다. 선군혁명문학은 북한 문학사에서 김정일의 영도 업적과 그 결과물로 정리되었기 때문이다. The crisis matrix of Arduous March was the birthplace of military-first and military-first revolutionary literature. The first appearance of the military-first revolutionary literature was not distinguished from the Juche literature. The military-first revolutionary literature, which was defined as an advanced stage of Juche Literature or a new type of literature, focused on implementing Kim Jong Il"s leadership. The heyday of the military-first revolutionary literature was at the time of publication of military-first revolutionary literary arts and Kim Jong Il(2005). Since Kim Jong Il died, it has declined. The "military-first", which led to the paradigm shift, dominated all areas of life, but the newness was automated. The military-first revolutionary literature was written as the achievement of Kim Jong Il in North Korean literature and was separated from Kim Jong Un"s leadership. The military-first (revolutionary) literature did not develop into a criterion of creation like the Juche Literary Theory.

북한의 2009 헌법개정과 선군정치 : 국방위원장과 국방위원회의 지위와 권한 강화

장명봉(Chang, Myung-Bong) 국제고려학회 서울지회 2010 국제고려학회 서울지회 논문집 Vol.13 No.-

The amended socialist constitution of North Korea was adopted by the first session of the 12th Supreme People’s Assembly on April 9, 2009. Above all, the revised constitution consolidates Institutionalization of the Kim Jong-il’s ‘Songun’(military-first) politics. It places Kim Jong-il’s ‘Songun’ (military-first) idelogy on the same level as the nation’s founding idelogy of ‘Juche,’ which was strongly promoted by his late father and the North Korea’s founding leader, Kim Il-sung. In the revised constitution, Article 3 stipulates that North Korea “is guided in its activities by the Songun ideology and Juche idea, a world outlook centered on people and a revolutionary ideology for a achieving the independence of the masses.” The newly revised constitution dramatically reinforces the authority and duties of the chairman of the National Defense Commission (NDC) and stipulates the power that have been executed by the NDC chairman(Kim Jong-il). Article 100 in the amended statutes says that the chairman of the NDC, a post held by Kim Jong-il since 1993, is the “supreme leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK).” While inarguably the most powerful figure in the reclusive socialist nation, the revisions mark the first official acknowledgment of this in the state’s constitution. New articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman were added in the revised constitution. Article 103 states that the chairman of the NDC “oversees all state affairs, appoints and dismisses major figures in the military sector, and also ratifies or abrogate important treaties with foreign nations.” It stipulates the NDC chairman also maintains the authority to grant special pardons, and declare states of emergency and war or issue mobilization orders. As is well known, Kim Jong-il was re-elected as NDC chairman by the Supreme People’s Assembly(SPA) in April 2009. Kim was initially named chief of the NDC in 1993, a year before the death of his father. He was re-elected to the post in 1998 and 2003. Kim Jong-il officially succeeded his father in September 1998, four years after the death of the former leader. An constitutional amendment in 1992 helped transfer military command to Kim from his father. North Korea revised its constitution in 1998 to strengthen the NDC as “the highest military leading organ of State power” in charge of all defense policies and military sactions, making Kim the nation’s leader under its ‘Songun’ Politics. The NDC holds the right to appoint and dismiss key military officials, and to declare war or issue mobilization orders. As mentioned above, new articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman and the NDC were added in the newly revised constitution of 2009. In result, North Korea has revised its constitution to articulate that the NDC chairman is the supreme leader of the country, a virtual head of state. According to the constitution, Kim Jong-il is inarguably the paramount leader of North Korea as chairman of the NDC. In this respect, the new constitution seems to suggest that the new structure of state power is a monolithic leadership system of ‘Great Leader Kim Jong-il’ as Chairman of the NDC. It can be said a mechanism of the military-first politics. In North Korea, the military-first politics is referred to regime crisis. Ever since the late 1980s when the socialist bloc collapsed, the North Korean system has been in an overall crisis. The regime continues to struggle to maintain itself. In short, the military-first political line is likely to be a survival strategy to maintain the regime and a lifeline of ‘Socialism of Our Own Style’ in North Korea. In sum, the military-first political system will be consolidated continuously.

북한의 2009 헌법개정과 선군정치의 제도적 공고화

장명봉(Chang, Myung-Bong) 한국헌법학회 2010 憲法學硏究 Vol.16 No.1

북한은 2009년 4월 9일 최고인민회의 제12기 제1차회의에서 1998년 개정된 사회주의헌법을 다시 개정(수정 보충)하였다. 이 논문에서는 이번 헌법개정의 주요 내용을 이루는 선군정치의 제도적 공고화에 관하여 서술하고 있다. 북한에서 선군정치체제는 국방위원장(김정일)이 북한의 최고영도자이며 국가의 전반사업을 지도한다고 명문화하는 등 2009년 개정헌법에서 더욱 공고화되었다. 2009년 개정헌법은 제3조에서 주체사상과 함께 선군사상을 북한의 공식 통치이데올로기로 명시하였다. 선군사상은 그동안 북한에서 그 일색화작업이 진행되어 왔으며, 이제 헌법상 혁명과 건설의 지도적 지침으로 격상되었다. 2009년 개정헌법은 ‘선군혁명로선’을 새로이 명시하였는데(제59조), 북한에서 선군혁명노선은 군대를 혁명의 주력군으로 앞세운 혁명노선이라는 것이다. 이번 개정헌법은 ‘선군혁명로선’을 관철하기 위한 국가 중요정책의 결정 권한을 국방위원회에 부여하고 있다(제109조 제1호). 북한의 2009년 개정헌법은 제100조에서의 “조선민주주의인민공화국 국방위원회 위원장은 조선민주주의인민공화국의 최고령도자이다.”라는 국방위원장의 지위에 관한 새로운 규정을 비롯해 국가의 전반사업 지도권을 위시한 국방위원장의 권한 등에 관하여 5개 조항을 신설하였다(제100~105조). 2009년 개정헌법상 국방위원장의 지위와 권한은 1972년 사회주의헌법에 규정된 국가주석의 지위와 권한과 유사하다. 전반적 무력의 최고사령관이며 일체무력의 지휘통솔권, 명령 제정권, 특사권, 외국과의 중요조약 비준 및 폐기권 등이 1972년 사회주의헌법상 국가주석이 행사했던 권한이었던 점을 보면(1972년 사회주의헌법 제80조, 제93~96조 등), 1998년 사회주의헌법 개정과 함께 폐지되었던 국가주석제가 일부 부활한 것으로 평가된다. 2009년 개정헌법은 제106조에서 “국방위원회는 국가주권의 최고국방지도기관이다.”라고 지위를 명시하면서, 제109조에서 “선군혁명로선을 관철하기 위한 국가의 중요정책을 세운다.”(1호)는 규정을 비롯한 신설 권한으로 3개 사항을 규정( 1호, 3호, 4호)함으로써 그 권한이 강화되었다. 2009년 4월 최고인민회의 제12기 제1차회의를 통해 구성된 이번(김정일 3기 체제하의) 국방위원회의 구성원의 확대는 국방위원회의 위상 및 권한이 한층 강화된 결과라 볼 수 있다(제106조, 제109조, 제110조 참조). 이와 더불어 이번 헌법개정으로 국방위원회가 이른바 ‘선군혁명로선’ 관철을 위한 국가의 중요 정책을 수립하는 임무와 권한(제109조 1호)을 가짐에 따라 군사분야는 물론 정치, 외교, 경제, 사회분야에서 최고정책결정기관으로 기능할 가능성이 엿보인다. 요컨대 국방위원장과 국방위원회의 헌법상 지위와 권한 강화, 선군사상의 지도사상화, 선군혁명노선의 명문화, 혁명의 수뇌부 보위 등의 규정을 볼 때, 이번 개정헌법은 명실공히 ‘군 중시의 국가정치체제’를 확고히 수립하였다고 할 수 있다. 이처럼 선군정치 실현을 철저히 보장함과 아울러 1972년 사회주의헌법상 국가주석의 유일적 영도제와 유사한 국방위원장 중심의 유일적 영도체제를 확립하였다는데 이번 헌법개정의 두드러진 특징이 있다. 한편 북한에서는 선군정치를 '우리식 사회주의의 생명선'으로 보고 있으며, 1990년대 중반 이후 ‘고난의 행군’을 이겨낼 수 있었던 것도 선군정치 때문이라고 한다. 북한은 1990년대 위기상황의 핵심을 정치사상적 동요와 패배주의 확산으로 정리하였으며, 이를 극복하기 위해 고난의 행군을 '총포성 없는 전쟁', 즉 '사상전'으로 규정하고 자력갱생, 간고분투의 혁명정신, 혁명적 낙관주의의 강화를 들고 나왔으며, 새로운 시대정신으로 '혁명적 군인정신'을 제기하였다. 이를 종합해 볼 때, ‘우리식 사회주의’ 수호와 김정일 국방위원장의 ‘유일적 영도체제’ 유지를 위해 선군사상을 지도사상으로 한 북한의 선군정치는 상당기간 계속될 것으로 전망된다. The amended socialist constitution of North Korea was adopted by the first session of the 12th Supreme People's Assembly on April 9, 2009. First of all, the revised constitution consolidates Institutionalization of the Kim Jong-il's 'Songun'(military-first) politics. It places Kim Jong-il's 'Songun'(military-first) idelogy on the same level as the nation's founding idelogy of 'Juche,' which was strongly promoted by his late father and the North Korea's founding leader, Kim Il-sung. In the revised constitution, Article 3 stipulates that North Korea "is guided in its activities by the Songun ideology and Juche idea, a world outlook centered on people and a revolutionary ideology for a achieving the independence of the masses." The newly revised constitution dramatically reinforces the authority and duties of the chairman of the National Defense Commission (NDC) and stipulates the power that have been executed by the NDC chairman(Kim Jong-il). Article 100 in the amended statutes says that the chairman of the NDC, a post held by Kim Jong-il since 1993, is the "supreme leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK)." While inarguably the most powerful figure in the reclusive socialist nation, the revisions mark the first official acknowledgment of this in the state's constitution. New articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman were added in the revised constitution. Article 103 states that the chairman of the NDC "oversees all state affairs, appoints and dismisses major figures in the military sector, and also ratifies or abrogate important treaties with foreign nations." It stipulates the NDC chairman also maintains the authority to grant special pardons, and declare states of emergency and war or issue mobilization orders. North Korea revised its constitution in 1998 to strengthen the NDC as "the highest military leading organ of State power" in charge of all defense policies and military sactions, making Kim Jong-il the nation's leader under its 'Songun' Politics. The NDC holds the right to appoint and dismiss key military officials, and to declare war or issue mobilization orders. As mentioned above, new articles on the role and authority of the NDC chairman and the NDC were added in the newly revised constitution of 2009. In result, North Korea has revised its constitution to articulate that the NDC chairman is the supreme leader of the country, a virtual head of state. According to the constitution, Kim Jong-il is inarguably the paramount leader of North Korea as chairman of the NDC. In this respect, the new constitution seems to suggest that the new structure of state power is a monolithic leadership system of 'Great Leader Kim Jong-il' as Chairman of the NDC. It can be said a mechanism of the military-first politics. In North Korea, the military-first politics is referred to regime crisis. Ever since the late 1980s when the socialist bloc collapsed, the North Korean system has been in an overall crisis. The regime continues to struggle to maintain itself. In short, the military-first political line is likely to be a survival strategy to maintain the regime and a lifeline of 'Socialism of Our Own Style' in North Korea. In sum, the military-first political system will be consolidated continuously.

김정은 시대 당-군 관계 연구

안찬일 ( Ahn Chan-il ),주승현 ( Joo Seung-hyeon ) 한국군사학회 2017 군사논단 Vol.91 No.-

This study examined changes in party-military relationship through power structure and succession process of the Kim Ilseong, Kim Jeongil and Kim Jeongeun regime, in order to clarify how Kim Jeongeun in North Korea has dominated and taken advantage of the party and the military, to seize and solidify his regime for the last six years, especially how status and roles of the party and the military have been transformed in the process. On the basis of the Manchrian party as a political foundation, Kim Ilseong established the North Korean Military before he took over the leadership, then the cult of personality around Kim Ilseong was emphasized within the Korean People's Army. He strengthened party register control for the military through the political committee system during the Korean War, and then, he eliminated counterforce by purging hard-liners and military authorities on the occasion of the factionalist incident, while maintaining and strengthening Suryeong's monolithic leadership, ‘party-state regime’ around Suryeong. Kim Jeongil as a successor gradually seized the party and the military based on the ‘Ten Principles for Party's Monolithic Ideological System’, through his fathers' power and authority. Above all, main consultative bodies and organizations which had played key roles in decision makings in ‘party-state regime’ could not properly function any more, whereas the power of Kim Jeongil was intensified and Military-First-Policy was institutionalized through decision-makings around the National Defense Committee. The party's function was restored by Kim Jeonguen in 2012, after the death of Kim Jeongil, but also the party register control for the military was strengthened, indicating that various measures were tried to institutionalize another type of ‘party-state regime’ by containing the Military-First-Policy'. After acceding to the ‘Chairman of the Labour Party’, the highest position of North Korea at the 7th convention of the party in June, 2016, Kim Jeongeun nominally and virtually restored the ‘Suryeong-directed regime’ or the party-based ‘party-state regime’, as he reorganized national organizations and became the ‘leader of state ministers’. However, it may be somewhat clumsy judgement that the restoration of party-military relationship led to stability of the regime or normalization of party-military relationship. First, the Military-First-Policy as a governing ideology during the era of Kim Jeongil, which aimed to overcome crises home and aborad was rooted in and complementary to the self-reliance ideology, rather than replaced it. Although military authorities's status and influences were reinforced and enlarged, compared to those of the party, chronic and serious degeneration of conventional military strength or economic problems in North Korea could not resolved even by the Military-First-Policy. Second, it was not certain that the military authorities whose roles and status were strengthened and enlarged by the Military-First-Policy kept their spontaneous loyalty for Kim Jeongeun's style of the reign of terror based on purges and elimination. The military authorities and their elites have experienced serious loss of their power and benefits, as the General Politburo and the Military State Security Agency monitored, controled and brutally purged them, especially their material basis including various interests and earning foreign currency was transferred ,and only the specific department responsible for nuclear weapons has been supported and resources have been concentrated on enhancement of people's life and economic construction, since the parallel pursuit of both economy and nuclear weapons was announced and conventional military strength was weakened, suggesting that it is difficult to ascertain if the military can secure normalization of party-military relationship and stability of the regime as before.

북한의 “선군정치”와 군의 역할

정성임 ( Sung Im Jung ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2004 국방연구 Vol.47 No.1

이 연구의 목적은 김정일 시대 `선군정치` 하에서 조선인민군의 위상과 역할을 제시하는 데 있다. `강성대국`은 1998년 대내·외 환경의 어려움 속에서 인민들에게 제시된 장기적 목표이며, `선군정치`는 `군에 의한 정치`가 아니라 군을 앞세우고 군의 정치사상적, 조직적 우월성을 활용하는 정치이다. `선군정치` 하에서 당은 참모부의 역할, 군은 인민들을 이끄는 주력군의 역할을 각각 담당하고 있다. `선군정치` 시대 군의 위상은 이전과 변함이 없다. `군대가 곧 당이다`라는 것은 군대의 창건, 목적, 사명, 정치적 성격에서 당과 군대는 하나라는 뜻이며, 군의 정치화, 사상화`란 당의 영도를 받드는 것을 말한다. 1998년 헌법에서 강화된 것은 국방위위원장 개인의 권한이며, 군의 지휘권도 김정일에게 권한이 집중되어 있고, 인사권은 당 중앙군사위원회에 있다. 당이 군대를 통제하는 방식인 `당적지도` 체계는 이미 1960년대 후반 형성, 확립되었다. 조선인민군은 `군사선`(야전)과 `정치선`(당 정치사업) 등 `군정배합`으로 이루어져 있으며, 당위원회와 정치위원(정치지도원)제를 통해 군을 통제하는 방식을 수행하고 있다. `선군정치` 이후 달라진 점은 군의 역할이 강화되었다는 점이다. 정치·사회적 측면에서 당 일꾼들에게는 `화선식 정치사업` 그리고 인민들에게는 `혁명적 군인정신` 등이 모범사례로 제시되고 있다. This study aims to present the phase and role of the Korean People`s Army under `Military-First Politics` in Kim Jong Il era. `Prosperous and Great Country` has been presented in internal and external hardship for the long-term national strategy in 1998. And Being one of the methods to make a `Prosperous and Great Country,` `Military-First Politics` is defined as letting the Army lead and utilizing the predominance of the army`s political ideology and structure. The phase of the military in the `Military-First Politics` period stays the same as before. In 1998`s constitution, just the individual power as Chairman of the National Defense Commission was consolidated, the rights of command and personnel management are still exercised by Kim Jong Il and the party central military committee. And the party has performed the `Guidance through the Party` on controlling the army with the party central committee and the system of political commissioners since the late 1960`s. The differences after `Military-First Politics` emerged from the reinforcement of the military`s role. Sociopolitically, the military models are presented to the party workers with the `Battle Front Political Undertaking` and to the people with `Revolutionary Military Spirit,` while economically, the military`s role in the `labor mobilization` attracts the attention. These military `model` roles have effects on the political undertakings or construction sites, they rather show negative effects through the conflict between the army and the civilians. In North Korean society, the phase of the Korean People`s Army won`t drastically transform as long as the North Korean Worker`s Party charter is not changed. For the basis of North Korean regime is the Party and this position of the party wouldn`t be easily relinquished.

선군노선과 북한식 급진주의: 이데올로기, 조직, 정책을 중심으로

안경모 ( Kyung Mo Ahn ) 북한연구학회 2013 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.17 No.2

This paper aims to explain the nature and the reason for the advent of the North Korean Military-First Line. As everyone knows, there have been so many studies about the Military-First Line of the Kim Jong Il regime. This paper, however, tries to overcome their limitations as in the followings. First, this study is focused on the substantial attributes of the Military-First Line rather than the phenomenal characteristics. This paper argues that Military-First Line is North Korean-Style radicalism, drawing on the concept of radicalism by Robert Tucker. Military-First Line consists of three core elements: anti-imperialism, Great, Prosperous and Powerful Nation, and Military-First Politics. Each element corresponds to Tucker`s three elements of radicalism, that is, negation, vision, and activism, respectively. Second, this study puts emphasis on the domestic politics rather than external threats as the causes of Military-First Line. Radicalization was a kind of authority-building strategy, which responded to the crisis of political authority erupted by succession, economic crisis, and asymmetric end of the Cold War. Finally, this study tries to describe the Military-First Line on the whole, not just in part. It accompanied the organizational and policy changes as well as ideological radicalization. The organizational changes included the advent of the National Defense Commission system and North Korean-style divisibility of politics and economy by Cabinet Responsibility System, while the policy changes was made up of the withdrawal of Revolutionary Economic Strategy, the revival of the priority development of heavy Industry policy for Self-Reliance, and the Defense Industry First Policy.