Polarity Licensing by Inherently Negative Predicates: A Unified Approach

Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.2

  Negative polarity triggered by an inherently negative predicate (INP) apparently displays anti-locality: Negative polarity items (NPIs) should be embedded under the complement clause. A negative operator is often assumed at CP-SPEC to account for the anti-locality. This paper observes, however, that NPIs in the Korean INP context are licensed in the subject position as well. To accommodate this puzzle, a predicate type approach is proposed: An INP is strong enough to license NPIs only when it merges with the embedded predicate, forming a complex predicate. Given the predicate merge, the polarity licensing in the Korean INP context turns out to be not different from the case where overt negation is involved in the sense that NPIs are locally licensed, say at the SPEC of NegP. Scope facts and the one-notch loosened clause mate restriction lend support to the proposed analysis.

동작류(動作類)의 상적(相的) 특성(特性), 그 본유성(本有性)과 의존성(依存性) - ‘약속을 지키다’와 같은 사건(事件)-성향(性向) 술어(述語)를 중심으로 -

임채훈 ( Yim Chae-hun ) 한국어문교육연구회 2006 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.34 No.3

이 논문에서는 動作類(혹은 語彙相)와 關聯하여 旣存 硏究에서는 다루지 않은, 새로운 現象과 解釋을 제시하고자 한다. 從來의 연구에서는 동사가 本有的인 相的 屬性을 가지고 있다고 보고, 그것이 문장의 생성과 해석에 있어 일정한 영향을 미친다고 보았다. 그러나 본고에서 살피고 있는 ‘약속을 지키다’類나 ‘약속을 어기다’類가 드러내는 현상을 보면, 이들이 고유한 상적 특성을 가지고 있다고 보기 어려웠다. 본 논문은 이러한 問題提起로 출발한다. 이 논문에서는 이와 같은 현상을 보이는 構文을 事件-性向 述語라 칭한다. 이 술어는 구체적인 행위에 대한 설명과 판단을 나타낸다. 이 술어를 포함한 구문은 고유한 상적 특성을 가지기보다는 그것이 指示하는 具體的인 동작의 상적 특성을 相續 받아 상적 制約을 일으킨다. 이는 동작류의 상적 특성을 살필 때 본유적인 것과 의존적인 것을 區別해야 한다는 것을 의미한다. This paper has presented new diagnostic of (lexical) aspect. It is that previous researches hasn't presented. In previous researches, lexical aspect is a inherent property that the verb has. But if we take notice of status that ‘yaksok-ul jikida[keep one's promise]' or ‘yaksok-ul eogida [break one's promise]' exhibited, we can't speak that the verb or the verb phrase always has inherent properties. Also, we can't explain this status with aspectual shift, coercion or reinterpretation etc. This paper has called type like ‘yaksok-ul jikida[keep one's promise]' event-dispositional predicate. It appears to report two actions or events in one predicates. The ‘yaksok-ul jikida[keep one's promise]'-type reports activities that promise content represented as well as judgements that keep a promise. This paper rightly examines event-dispositional predicates which are not generally discussed in the aktionsart literature. It is shown that event-dispositional predicate constructions are restricted not by inherent aspectual property, but by dependent property. They are restricted by aspectual property that promise content represented. Therefore, event-dispositional predicate constructions are aspectual object not that they themselves have apectual property but that they inherit other VP's aspectual property. This is new diagnostic of aktionsart.

한중 번역에 나타나는 명시화 현상 고찰 –은희경의 <소년을 위로해줘>를 중심으로

신지언 중앙대학교 외국학연구소 2017 외국학연구 Vol.- No.41

This study compares and analyzes Korean to Chinese translations of Eun Hee-kyung’s “Comfort the Boy.” We analyze the explicitation that describes the process for translating Eun Hee-kyung 's "Comfort the Boy" and "AnweiShaonian" that translated it. This study analyzes the optional explicitation offered by the translator. First, we look at the explicitation in sentence units. Sometimes a translator adds a subject or adds a predicate. These translated sentences are closer to natural Chinese sentences to make it easier for readers to understand the text. The subject or predicate supplemented by the translator clearly reveals the meaning inherent in the original text. Second, we examine the explicitation in lexical units. This is related to the expressive characteristics of language. Korean expressions are often illogical and indirect. Translator added an explanation of these expressions to make the meaning concrete and direct. Third, we analyze errors in the explicitation. Misinterpretation occurs when the lexical meaning is exaggerated, when an object is misidentified, or when a subject is mistakenly omitted.

The Negative Morpheme mal- as an Inherently Negative Predicate

최현숙(Hyon Sook Choe) 한국생성문법학회 2020 생성문법연구 Vol.30 No.3

Assuming that negative commands or requests are expressed in Korean by employing the negative morpheme mal-, not by employing one of the varieties of Neg found in declaratives, Han and Lee (2007) propose a morpho-syntactic analysis of mal-imperatives. This analysis suggests (i) that the morpheme mal- is an allomorphic variant of the string ani-ha- (’Neg-do’; long-form (LF) negation), which appears in the context of the deontic modality that is triggered in imperatives and in certain limited sentence contexts, and (ii) that it appears only in deontic contexts. In this paper, I reject (i-ii) to suggest the following. First, contrary to (i), the morpheme mal- has the meaning of the volitional verb refrain, which exhibits a certain selectional property, requiring an animate subject. Furthermore, it does not behave like LF negation (Neg) in interrogatives. Second, it can easily appear in many non-deontic contexts, contrary to (ii), which may lead to the suspicion that deontic modality is not syntactically involved in imperatives. It has been noted that mal- can be involved in NPI-licensing and in scope ambiguity, like Neg (see Lee 1977, 1978), which can be considered evidence in favor of suggestion (i). However, I argue that it exhibits these two Neg-like properties, simply because it is an inherently negative predicate in the sense of Klima (1964). Suggestion (i) implies that negative imperatives in Korean have the form mal-imperative, but the present discussion suggests that both negative imperatives with LF negation and mal-imperatives are allowed in principle in Korean because mal- and LF negation need not be in complementary distribution, which seems to be empirically supported.

Inherently Negative Predicates and NPI-licensing via Movement

최현숙 한국언어학회 2018 언어 Vol.43 No.4

Choe, Hyon Sook. 2018. Inherently Negative Predicates and NPI-licensing via Movement. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 43-4, 843-869. In this paper, I discuss how Korean inherently negative predicates (INPs) license NPIs, which should be licensed strictly by negative elements (strict NPIs; see also H. Lee 1996). Suggesting that INPs can come with NPIs because they are selected by the null head that can license NPIs just as long-form (LF) negation can (a modified version of Chung (2006)'s suggestion), I attempt to explain or derive two properties of NPI licensing in Korean: (A) the lack of subject-object asymmetry and (B) the observance of a clause-mate/locality requirement. To explain (A), I entertain a head-raising approach, where Neg, covert or overt, is raised up to C. To derive (B) as well as the fact that NPIs are licensed under c-command, I also entertain a movement approach where the Spec of Polarity Phrase (PolP) functions as an "escape hatch" so that NPIs may move to the Spec of PolP across TP, but not CP, a phase, (and ultimately move to the Spec of the complex C projection containing NegP to be properly licensed). The present view suggests that Korean NPI-licensing is strictly a syntactic matter, unlike English NPI-licensing that differs from it in many respects. (Yeungnam University)

준술어 개념을 이용한 어휘관계 기술 - 전문용어 데이터 구축의 관점에서 -

임근석 연세대학교 언어정보연구원 2023 언어사실과 관점 Vol.58 No.-

본고는 Mel’cuk & Polguère(2008)과 Polguère(2012) 등에서 제안된 준술어(quasi-prédicat) 개념을 소개하고 그 특징에 대해 한국어를 중심으로 살펴보았다. ‘의미소(sémantème)’는 온전한(plein) 어휘 요소(불. lexie, 영. full lexical unit)의 기의(signifié)를 가리키는 것으로, 뽈귀에르 교수는 의미소를 ‘결속(liant)’의 유무와, 사태와 존재의 구분이라는 두 가지 기준을 이용하여 네 가지 유형으로 구분하였다. 본고에서 다루는 준술어는 결속의 의미를 가지며 존재를 지시하는 유형이다. 이러한 논의 과정에서 개념적 유사성이 있는 준술어와 술어명사의 개념과 특성에 대해서도 비교하였다. 기존의 전문용어 기술이나 데이터 구축에서는 언어학적 관점에서 언어 정보가 충분히 반영되지 않고 있다는 반성과 함께 본고에서는 준술어를 이용할 경우 전문용어의 언어학적 정보를 더 풍성하게 기술할 수 있다는 점을 밝히었다. 첫째, 검토대상이 되는 전문용어가 준술어일 경우 뜻풀이에 준술어와 내재적 술어(prédicat inhérent)가 표상하는 사태를 이용하여 정의항을 기술할 것을 제안하였다. 둘째, 준술어인 전문용어가 가지는 어휘 결합의 특성을 준술어적 특성을 이용하여 데이터베이스화하는 방안에 대해서도 구체적으로 다루었다.

NPI licensing in the INP contexts – Reviving the NOA

손근원 한국현대언어학회 2019 언어연구 Vol.35 No.3

The current study aims at providing an account for the licensing of negative polarity items in the so called INP (inherently negative predicate) contexts. Sohn (1995) claims, following Progovac (1988) and Laka (1990), that there is a negative complementizer or operator in Korean just as in English, Spain, and Basque and this negative complementizer, selected by an INP, can license an NPI within the embedded clause. Chung (2006) reports that not just an NPI within the embedded clause, but an NPI appearing as a matrix subject can be licensed in the INP context. After showing that this is not explained by Sohn (1995), Chung proposes an alternative analysis – the complex predicate analysis. However there are also some nontrivial problems in Chung’s analysis as well and an alternative analysis is proposed which can account for the new sets of data as well as old ones. It will be shown that a slightly revised version of Sohn’s negative operator analysis (a new NOA) can advance our understanding on the NPI licensing in the INP contexts.

NPI licensing in the INP contexts - Reviving the NOA

( Sohn Keunwon ) 한국현대언어학회 2019 언어연구 Vol.35 No.3

The current study aims at providing an account for the licensing of negative polarity items in the so-called INP (inherently negative predicate) contexts. Sohn (1995) claims, following Progovac (1988) and Laka (1990), that there is a negative complementizer or operator in Korean just as in English, Spanish, and Basque and this negative complementizer, selected by an INP, can license an NPI within the embedded clause. Chung (2006) reports that not just an NPI within the embedded clause, but an NPI appearing as a matrix subject can be licensed in the INP context. After showing that this is not explained by Sohn (1995), Chung proposes an alternative analysis - the complex predicate analysis. However, there are also some nontrivial problems in Chung’s analysis as well, and a new analysis is proposed, which can account for the new sets of data as well as old ones. It will be shown that a slightly revised version of Sohn’s negative operator analysis (a new NOA) can advance our understanding of the NPI licensing in the INP contexts. (Hannam University)

On negative polarity items and free choice items in English with special reference to inherently negative predicate constructions

( Hong Ki Sohng ) 경희대학교 언어연구소 2014 언어연구 Vol.31 No.1

This paper explores the uses of any that has a free choice interpretation in generic contexts and an existential interpretation in polarity contexts, with special focus on the uses of any in inherently negative predicate constructions. Following the approaches by Giannakidou (2001:673) and Montague (1969), I argue that inherently negative predicates are verbs with negation inherent in them, and that they are nonveridical operators. Considering any as a unitary lexical item, I have put forth the Licensing Conditions on Any, modifying Giannakidou’s Condition and incorporating Chung’s (2010) Free Choice Condition. I have shown that the uses of any in inherently negative predicate construction as well as the other uses of any in this paper can be adequately handled via the Licensing Conditions proposed. I have shown that the c-command requirement of the Licensing Conditions follows from the structural relationship between a nonveridical operator and any, and that the Condition on free choice of the Licensing Conditions is derived from the lexical semantics of any.

On negative polarity items and free choice items in English with special reference to inherently negative predicate constructions

송홍기 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2014 언어연구 Vol.31 No.1

This paper explores the uses of any that has a free choice interpretation in generic contexts and an existential interpretation in polarity contexts, with special focus on the uses of any in inherently negative predicate constructions. Following the approaches by Giannakidou (2001:673) and Montague (1969), I argue that inherently negative predicates are verbs with negation inherent in them, and that they are nonveridical operators. Considering any as a unitary lexical item, I have put forth the Licensing Conditions on Any, modifying Giannakidou’s Condition and incorporating Chung’s (2010) Free Choice Condition. I have shown that the uses of any in inherently negative predicate construction as well as the other uses of any in this paper can be adequately handled via the Licensing Conditions proposed. I have shown that the c-command requirement of the Licensing Conditions follows from the structural relationship between a nonveridical operator and any, and that the Condition on free choice of the Licensing Conditions is derived from the lexical semantics of any.