The underlying representation of tense consonants in Korean revisited

Sang Jik Rhee 한국음운론학회 2012 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.18 No.1

The issue of the underlying representation of tense consonants in Korean is highly controversial. Two competing proposals have been put forward, i.e. the singleton and the geminate hypothesis. The former regards a tense consonant as a singleton underlyingly, while in the latter a tense consonant is lexically specified as a geminate lax obstruents. This paper argues against the geminate hypothesis on the basis of the phonotactic constraints on coda-onset clusters in Korean, including geminates. We investigate whether or not a geminate lax obstruent is phonotactically well-formed in Korean. On the basis of the assumption that a geminate is syllabified as a doubly-linked coda-onset cluster, this paper explores the distribution of [ɨ] in Korean, since this vowel plays a crucial role in determining the well-formedness of internal coda-onset clusters. The absence of this vowel between certain consonants indicates that the sequences of liquid-nasal and liquid-lax obstruent are well-formed coda-onset clusters. When the order of sequences is reversed, however, the vowel [ɨ] is present. The geminate hypothesis incorrectly predicts that the vowel [ɨ] is absent in (identical) two lax obstruent sequences. The examples, such as [tɨtiə] ‘at last’, show that this vowel does occur between two lax obstruents. This suggests that these clusters are not well-formed. Therefore, the presence of [ɨ] in this position significantly undermines the geminate hypothesis. We conclude that a tense consonant is underlyingly represented as a singleton.

Geminate Inalterability in Old English

한은주 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2019 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.83

In Old English, Fricative Voicing and g-Spirantization fail to apply to geminates whereas Palatalization freely applies to geminates. Such difference in the applicability of phonological processes to geminates relies on the question whether the nature of a phonological process is lenition or not. On the basis of the observation that geminate consonants tend to resist lenition processes, the present paper proposes that geminate inalterability/alterability in Old English can be accounted for by specifying the distinction between singleton segments and geminate segments in relevant markedness constraints and thus restricting lenition processes to affecting short segments only.

러시아어와 이탈리아어 겹자음의 유형론적 비교

변군혁 ( Koon Hyuk Byun ) 한국이탈리아어문학회(구 한국이어이문학회) 2015 이탈리아어문학 Vol.0 No.46

The purpose of this paper to analyze geminates in Russian and Italian. Geminate refers to a long or double consonant that contrasts phonemically with its shorter or singleton counterpart. It is not uncommon to find examples of geminates in many languages. We can find many examples of geminates in Russian and Italian as well. But phonological status of two languages is not same. Hayes(1986) distinguishes ``true`` geminates from ``fake`` ones. ``True`` geminates are doubly linked and ``fake`` geminates are linked just singly linked into segments. In Russian most geminates are found in boundary of morphemes, but few are within morphemes. And Russian geminates found within morphemes are all loanwords originated from other languages. Unlike in Russian, there are many geminates that are found within morphemes and boundary of morphemes in Italian. Russian geminates found in boundary of morphemes can be splittable by epenthesis. But Italian ones can``t be splittable by epenthesis. In this regard, it can be said that Russian has fake geminates but Italian has true geminates. And it is noticeable that geminates are found frequently in intervocalic and immediate post-accent position in both Russian and Italian. The environment of Raddoppiamento Sintattico, the gemination of a word initial consonant when preceded by a stressed vowel, is the same position. As the result of RS, there are many gemintes found in Italian. Russian palatal [s``:] and Italian palatals [s], [n] are internally long consonants and pronounced longer than any single consonants in any position.

短縮語形成に影響する音韻的要因について -重子音における有標性を中心に-

문창윤 ( Moon Chang-yun ),구마가이가쿠지 ( Kumagai Gakuji ) 한국일어일문학회 2021 日語日文學硏究 Vol.116 No.-

이 논문에서는, 형태소 경계에 위치하는 중자음(촉음)의 유표성이 일본어 단축어 형성에 미치는 영향에 대해 고찰하였다. 단일어의 경우, 무성저해음 뿐만 아니라 유성저해음도 중자음을 구성할 수 있지만(예:/kjappu/, /heddo/), 접근음은 중자음화되기 어렵다. 한편 복합 단축어의 경우에는, 무성저해음이 가장 많이 중자음화하는 것으로 나타났다(예:/nikkado/). 그러나 촉음을 포함하는 복합 단축어의 예가 매우 적고, 복합어를 구성하는 요소에 따라서는 특정한 패턴으로 단축되는 경향이 있었다. 이 문제를 해결하기 위해, 어형성 실험을 시행하였다. 실험에서는, 촉음이 단축어에 유지되는 패턴(예:/niQkeru/+/kadomiumu/→/niQkado/, /Q/는 중자음의 첫 번째 요소)과, 촉음 대신 촉음 바로 뒤에 위치한 자립박이 단축어에 포함되는 패턴(예:/neQto/+/geemu/→/netoge/)을 사용하였다. 일본어 모국어 화자에게 가상 복합어와 두 단축 패턴을 제시하고, 단축 시 더욱더 자연스럽게 느껴지는 패턴을 한 가지만 고르게 하였다. 실험 결과, 무성저해음으로 구성되는 중자음의 허용도는 가장 높은 반면, 접근음은 가장 회피되는 것으로 나타났다. 이 결과는, 본래 일본어의 고유어에만 적용되는 음운 제약이, 화자의 어휘부에 존재하지 않는 외래어에도 적용될 수 있다는 가능성을 시사한다. 또한 자음의 공명도가 높을수록 중자음을 형성하기 어렵다는 유표성 계층(Podesva 2002; Kawahara 2007)이 일본어 단축어 형성 과정에 영향을 미치는 중요한 요인 중 하나라는 사실이 검증되었다. The current study focuses on consonant gemination in truncated compounds of Japanese loanwords. In this language, voiced and voiceless obstruent geminates can be observed in lexical simple loanwords (e.g., /kjappu/ ‘cap’, /heddo/ ‘head’), while approximants can hardly be geminated, on the one hand, and truncated compounds allow only voiceless obstruent geminates (e.g., /nikkado/ ‘nickel cádmium’; /wetti/ ‘wet wipes’), on the other hand. The aim of the current study is to experimentally examine whether voiced obstruent and approximant geminates are less likely to appear than voiceless geminates. There are two main types of truncated patterns of compounds whose first element contains the first part of a geminate in the second-initial mora. The first type contains the first part of the geminate (e.g., /niQkeru/ ‘nickel’ + /kadomiumu/ ‘cádmium’ → /niQkado/ ‘nickel cá dmium’) (‘Q’ represents the first part of the geminates). The second type avoids gemination and instead contains the third mora (e.g., /neQto/ ‘Internet’ + /geemu/ ‘game’ → /netoge/ ‘computer game’). Our experiment prepared twenty-seven new compounds with a nonce word in the first element and a real word in the second one (e.g., /seQtarisu/ + /panorama/ ‘panorama’) and asked thirty-two native speakers of Japanese which of the two patterns (/seQpano/ vs. /setapano/) would be preferred. The results showed that voiceless geminates were the most acceptable, while approximant geminates were the least acceptable, and voiced geminates came in the middle. A possible reason for the difference between voiceless and voiced obstruents is that the truncation process of loanwords can be affected by the constraint working in native words of Japanese that voiceless obstruents are much more likely to occur than voiced ones. Furthermore, the difference between voiced obstruents and approximants can be accounted for by the markedness hierarchy of sonority in gemination that the higher the sonority is, the more difficult it is to become a geminate (Podesva 2002; Kawahara 2007). This is why more sonorous consonants (i.e., approximants) were less acceptable than less sonorous ones (i.e., voiced obstruents).

모음 [ɨ] 분포의 관점에서 본 경음의 기저구조

이상직(Sang Jik Rhee) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.0 No.53

The issue of the underlying representation of tense consonants in Korean is highly controversial. Two competing proposals have been put forward, i.e. the singleton and the geminate hypothesis. The former regards a tense consonant as a singleton underlyingly, while in the latter a tense consonant is lexically specified as a geminate lax obstruents. This paper argues against the geminate hypothesis on the basis of the phonotactic constraints on coda-onset clusters in Korean, including geminates. We investigate whether or not a geminate lax obstruent is phonotactically well-formed in Korean. On the basis of the assumption that a geminate is syllabified as a doubly-linked coda-onset cluster, this paper explores the distribution of [?] in Korean, since this vowel plays a crucial role in determining the well-formedness of internal coda-onset clusters. The absence of this vowel between certain consonants indicates that the sequences of liquid-nasal and liquid-lax obstruent are well-formed coda-onset clusters. When the order of sequences is reversed, however, the vowel [?] is present. The geminate hypothesis incorrectly predicts that the vowel [?] is absent in (identical) two lax obstruent sequences. The examples, such as [t?ti?] ‘at last’, show that this vowel does occur between two lax obstruents. This suggests that these clusters are not well-formed. Therefore, the presence of [?] in this position significantly undermines the geminate hypothesis. We conclude that a tense consonant is underlying represented as a singleton.

The underlying representation of tense consonants in Korean revisited: A government approach

이상직 한국음운론학회 2012 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.18 No.1

The issue of the underlying representation of tense consonants in Korean is highly controversial. Two competing proposals have been put forward, i.e. the singleton and the geminate hypothesis. The former regards a tense consonant as a singleton underlyingly, while in the latter a tense consonant is lexically specified as a geminate lax obstruents. This paper argues against the geminate hypothesis on the basis of the phonotactic constraints on coda-onset clusters in Korean, including geminates. We investigate whether or not a geminate lax obstruent is phonotactically well-formed in Korean. On the basis of the assumption that a geminate is syllabified as a doubly-linked coda-onset cluster, this paper explores the distribution of [ɨ] in Korean, since this vowel plays a crucial role in determining the well-formedness of internal coda-onset clusters. The absence of this vowel between certain consonants indicates that the sequences of liquid-nasal and liquid-lax obstruent are well-formed coda-onset clusters. When the order of sequences is reversed, however, the vowel [ɨ] is present. The geminate hypothesis incorrectly predicts that the vowel [ɨ] is absent in (identical) two lax obstruent sequences. The examples, such as [tɨtiə] ‘at last’, show that this vowel does occur between two lax obstruents. This suggests that these clusters are not well-formed. Therefore, the presence of [ɨ] in this position significantly undermines the geminate hypothesis. We conclude that a tense consonant is underlyingly represented as a singleton.

Geminate consonants in Korean

Kyung-Im Han 한국영미어문학회 2008 영미어문학 Vol.- No.86

A correlation between phonetics and phonology on geminates in Korean was sought and investigated. Two native Korean speakers read 15 pairs of one- and disyllabic real words in a carrier sentence at both fast and slow rates, three times each. The consonant, vowel, and word durations of the singletons in CVC contexts and contrasting geminates and assimilated geminates in CVCCV contexts were measured. Consonant and vowel durations are cues for discriminating the singletons from two kinds of geminates regardless of the rate of speech. Rate of speech, especially a slow rate, affects the geminates/assimilated geminates distinction.

중복자음의 모라성

여상필(Sang Pil Yeo) 현대문법학회 2002 현대문법연구 Vol.29 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to review the moracity of Korean geminates argued in previous studies. They assume that a geminate consonant is underlyingly moraic (Kang 1991, Han 1992, Jun 1994). However, Tak & Davis (1994) argue that non-derived tense consonants, which are nonmoraic, pattern phonologically as single consonants, whereas derived tense consonants, which are moraic, function as geminates. I show that geminates do not contribute to mora count in Korean, and that syllables containing geminates, either syllable-initial or syllable final, pattern with light syllables in high tone assignment of North Kyungsang dialect and in umlaut. Umlaut applies over an intervening geminate consonant, whether derived or non-derived. Contrary to the claim of the previous studies, this evidence supports the view of geminates as underlyingly nonmoraic in Korean. Nonmoracity of geminates maintains not only the widely accepted claim that moras are excluded from the onset but also the Principle of Equal Weight for Codas (Tranel 1991).

中世語 ‘ㅆ, ㆅ’에 대한 考察

정인호 진단학회 2010 진단학보 Vol.- No.110

This study aims to set up a hypothesis that ‘ㅆ, ㆅ’ in the Middle Korean are not ejectives but geminates and to verify this hypothesis on the basis of some evidences. And the evidences are as follows; (1) The ‘CC’ in the sequence of ‘l-CC’ is quite within the realms of possibility of geminate. (2) When the ‘ㅉ’ is interpreted as geminate, a word-internally confused writing between ‘ㅉ’ and ‘ㄷㅈ’ can be understood easily. (3) The ejective system that have ejective stops and ejective fricatives except for ejective affricates is far from perfect phonetically. (4) In some parts of the Gyeongsang dialect where /s’/ is not qualified as a phoneme, geminate /ss/ is generated by means that a stem-final /h/ combines with ending-initial /s/. (5) If ‘ㆅ’ is a ejective, then it is difficult to explain why the /h’/ is dephonologized when ejective system is about to be constructed firmly, and how the ejective /h’/ is changed into the aspirate /kh/. On the basis of evidences mentioned above, I carefully conclude that ‘ㅆ, ㆅ’ in the Middle Korean are, as the letters reveal, geminates. 본고에서는 ‘ㅆ, ㆅ’을 비롯한 중세어의 각자병서가 경음이 아닌 중자음을 표기한 것이라는 가설을 제기하고 다음 몇 가지 근거를 통해 이 가설을 검증하려 하였다. 첫째, 지금까지는 중세어에서 보이는 ‘ㄹ-각자병서’형 표기에서의 각자병서를 주로 경음으로 해석하였으나 이는 중자음으로 해석될 가능성도 충분하다. 둘째, 중세어에서 선어말어미 ‘-’이 결합할 때 어중에서 보이는 ‘ㅉ’과 ‘ㄷㅈ’의 혼기는 ‘ㅉ’을 중자음으로 해석할 때 그 설명이 보다 용이하다. 셋째, 음운체계와 관련하여 폐쇄음과 마찰음의 경음이 존재하는데 파찰음의 경음이 존재하지 않는 경음체계가 얼마나 타당성을 가질 수 있을지는 의문이다. 넷째, 현대 ‘ㅆ’이 음소로서 존재하지 않는 일부 경상방언에서는 어간말음 ‘ㅎ’과 어미두음 ‘ㅅ’이 결합할 때 중자음 [ss]를 형성하는바, 이는 동일한 환경의 중세어에서 보이는 ‘ㅆ’도 중자음이었을 가능성을 지지해 준다. 다섯째, 음운사적으로 ‘ㆅ’은 경음체계가 완성되어가는 시기에 비음운화하며 그 변화 방향도 ‘ㆅ>ㅋ’이 일반적인데 만약 중세어 시기의 ‘ㆅ’을 경음이라고 한다면 이 두 가지 현상을 설명하는 데에 모두 어려움을 겪을 수밖에 없다.

Complex Analysis and Proposal for Verifying Realization Direction of Geminates

오관영 한국현대언어학회 2020 언어연구 Vol.36 No.3

The purpose of this study is to confirm whether Korean students can perceive the difference in duration between singleton and geminate types of words in English and Korean and articulate both of them distinctively. Also, through acoustic analyses we want to identify the duration of geminate structures which are regarded as being categorized into two classes, tautomorphemic and concatenated, itself subdivided into morpheme-boundary and word-boundary geminates. Thus, the current study tested some words which are associated with geminate structures and singletons on American and Korean groups of speakers. The results of our study showed that most Koreans’ articulation deeply relied on the spelling of words without recognizing sound variations according to their specific contexts and was greatly affected by the speech sound system of their mother language.