‘ARRANGED’ MARRIAGE, EDUCATION, AND DOWRY: A CONTRACT-THEORETIC PERSPECTIVE

SOUMYANETRA MUNSHI 중앙대학교 경제연구소 2017 Journal of Economic Development Vol.42 No.1

This paper propounds a contract-theoretic model that addresses the empirically observed conundrum of increased education of the groom being associated with increased dowry transactions. Unlike the human capital approach, we impart a signaling role to education whereby education signals unobservable qualities of the groom that are valuable to the bride. In ‘arranged’ marriage settings that are characterized by incomplete information in the sense that the true quality of the groom remains unobservable to the bride, and in the presence of observable traits like education that are easier for the better quality groom to achieve, education-dowry contracts can potentially serve as a screening instrument to differentiate grooms of varying qualities. In equilibrium, different types of grooms select different education-dowry contracts, with better types being associated with both higher education and higher dowry. Hence the model has interesting and important policy implications since it means that increased public expenditure on education may actually be forcing dowry levels to rise. The paper also discusses historical and narrative evidences in support of its main hypotheses.

고전기 아테네에서 재산상속에 관한 형제-자매 관계

문혜경 ( Mun Hye Gyeong ) 대구사학회 2004 대구사학 Vol.74 No.-

The Athenian kinship system appears to be readily recognizable as cognatic. The kinship terminology is thoroughly bilateral. Nevertheless the Athenian kinship system can be seen as patrilineal. Thus the Athenian inheritance laws requiring equal division of the paternal estate among male heirs. The complexities of sibling relationships resulted from the struggles for the acquisition of property and wealth. Females neither were their doweries equal to their brothers` share of the patrimony. Women were not legally competent to control any property. It was their kyrioi who stood to benefit from any female inheritance. Then the dowry was in the ownership of the husband. There is no doubt that dowry was considered in part to be a contribution from the bride s oikos to the oikos of her husband. The dowry, always a source of male honor, stimulates concern for the woman s welfare and reinforces strong ties between brothers and sisters. This concern results in the tendency for sisters to many earlier than their brothers. The brother`s care devoted to the dowry and the contracting of a suitable marriage for the sister went hand in hand with a family`s concern for its prestige and its maintenance of ties with trustworthy allies. Because the sister ideally had little claim to the paternal estate outside the dowry, she was not a rival to her brother, and as such she and her husband could work with her brother in a trusting relationship for the benefit of the paternal estate. The sister made sure that she provided an heir for their brother, or she and her brother worked together to protect her dotal property, or in order to protect her brother`s estate. After all a brother` concern for his sister`s welfare at and after marriage, concern for her children, and concern Particularly for the dowry that originally belonged to the woman`s paternal estate. As well as brother concerns focused on whether or not the sister was dowered adequately, or the widowed or divorced sister would return to the brother s house with in intact dowry. A woman`s natal oikos retained a strong interest in her and in her dowry even after marriage. By the process of adoption, a sister could supply her brother with a son. Further, a girl could supply her own father with a son. Given the nature of the Athenian kinship and inheritance systems, whether they wished it or not, they played a vital role in the life of the polis. Women were not only the producers of legitimate sons and heirs for their husbands but, in the marriage exchanges between oikoi, they could be counted on to provide an alternative supply of heirs for their own natal oikoi. In these ways women played a role integral to the economic transferences and kinship solidarity of the polis.

신바빌론 상속법 연구 -재산별 유산상속의 특징-

김아리 한국서양사학회 2022 西洋史論 Vol.- No.155

The purpose of this paper was to examine the tradition of inheritance based on Neo-Babylonian texts. Generally, in the Neo-Babylonian period, the first-born son received two portions of their father’s property and the other sons received one portion each. Some of the inherited real estate properties were not divided but held in common among the heirs. Even if these properties were controlled in common, profits from the properties were distributed and portioned to the owners separately, and each individual owner exercised their rights. Women also receive real estate as dowry. These practices were exercised mostly among the high social status family. The prebend was distributed according to the same rule that was applied to the real estate. The prebend was seldomly given to women. The meuble properties were given individually to the heirs and could be held in common. The women received mostly meuble property such as silver, household goods, and furniture as a dowry. Gold was also given as a dowry, but it was not common. The first-born son had priority rights when compared to the other heirs. Except for the first son, the other sons shared the rest of the inherited properties evenly. However, there was some discriminations between first marriage children and second marriage children. The children born by slavery women were not entitled to their fathers’ properties without certification of the father. 본 고에서는 신바빌론 시대의 상속에 관련된 문헌들을 상속 재산의 종류별로 분류 분석하여 신바빌론 시대의 상속관행에 대해서 살펴보았다. 신바빌론 시대의 상속 비율은 일반적으로 장남은 일반 아들보다 2배로 받았고 나머지 아들들은 다 일정하게 1의 비율로 배분받았다. 부동산의 경우 일부는 상속이 되어도 공동의 재산으로 여겨져서 분할되지 않고 관리되는 재산들이 존재했다. 하지만 이러한 경우에도 땅에서 나오는 이득은 상속분의 비율대로 가지고 갔던 것이 확인되었고 개개인들은 공동으로 관리된다고 하더라도 자신의 지분에 대한 권리를 행사할 수있었음을 알 수 있다. 여성들 역시 부동산을 지참금의 명목으로 상속받았다. 여성에 대한 부동산의 증여는 주로 상류 계층에서 이루어졌지만 반드시 그런 것은 아니었다. 사제직과 직접적인 연관을 가지고 있는 성직록 역시도 상속의 대상이었다. 성직록도 앞서 언급한 바와 같이 장남은 2 나머지 아들들은 1의 비율로 배분받았다. 하지만 성직록의 특성상 동일하게 배분하기 어려운 경우에는 부족 부분에 대해서 다른 금전적 보상을 하는 형식으로 상속이 이루어졌다. 특징적인 것은 성직록은 여성에게 아주 드물게 상속되었다는 점이다. 이는 성직록이 기본적으로 성직을 행할 수 있는 권리를 주는 재산이었기 때문에 그러했던 것으로 보인다. 동산의 소유형태는 일반적으로 개별소유였지만 노예와 같이 개별 혹은 공동소유가 되는 소유형태가 다양한 경우도 존재했다. 가장 많이 여성에게 재산으로 주어진 것은 동산이고 그 중에서도 은이나 가재도구 혹은 가구가 가장 많이 언급이 된다. 금은 드물게 여성에게 주어졌는데 이는 당시 금이 드물게 유통된 것도 있고 희귀했기 때문일 것이다. 장자를 제외한 모든 아들들은 상속권에 관해서는 평등하게대우되었고 문헌들은 이들 사이에 불평등한 분배가 생기는 경우 다른 방식으로그 불평등을 해소하고자 바빌로니아 사람들이 노력했음을 보여준다. 단, 두 번째결혼에서 태어난 아이들은 첫 번째 결혼에서 태어난 아이들보다 적게 상속받았고, 노예에게서 난 아이들은 아버지의 승인이 없는 상황에서는 상속을 받지 못했던것으로 보인다.

Н. 디야코노프의 스탈린상 수상 희극 『결혼지참금』 연구 : 제2차 세계대전 후 소련 희극의 문제

백용식 한국러시아문학회 2018 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.60 No.-

This paper is devoted to study N. Dyakovs’s play 『Wedding with a Dowry』; the comedy is analyzed in terms of conflict and competition, satire and criticism, entertainment and education, what should explain compromise and tension between the contemporary theater policy and the Soviet comedy. In the 『Wedding with a Dowry』, Olga and Maxim's strife is different from the traditional conflict of the drama; while they have a common goal of improving agricultural productivity and achieving production goals, the enthusiastic heros of comedy, who have strong competition spirit, own different views on how to achieve the goal: The conflict of comedy is replaced by socialist competition between two young activist leaders of collective farms. As a result, 『Wedding with a Dowry』 became a comedy of conflict-free. Since 1945, satire has become virtually impossible in Soviet theater, and the criticism overwhelms satire instead. Criticism and self-criticism were the means for evaluating social practice and overcoming individual errors and deficiencies. In the ‘Zdanovshchina’s period of Soviet literature, criticism and self-criticism had to become the principle of dramaturgy, what resulted in anomalous changes and modifications not only in the content of the Soviet comedy but also in the form: The process of < error-criticism-self criticism-rebirth > became a structural feature of the comedy plot and the laughter of comedy has weakened. When Diyakonov was writing the comedy 『Wedding with a Dowry』, he should consider the drama policy demands to deal with the modern themes of the Soviet Union and the characteristics of the comedy genre, which should provide laughter and entertainment. In his comedy, education is centered around the modern theme of agriculture; on the other hand, the comic situation is minimized. Kurotskin, who plays a central role in singing, dancing, and music, is also the object of character comic of the comedy; the proposal scene for Maksim produces the comic effect. Education and entertainment, which are integrated in the ending wedding scenes, should create the effect of emotion among the audience. But the truth of the impression of the ending is doubtful. Because emotion contributes to beautifying and varnishing of reality of the Soviet Union.

현대 중국 농촌의 시장개혁과 혼인관습의 변화: Jack Goody의 신부대 이론에 대한 비판적 고찰

이현정 ( Lee Hyeon Jung ) 한국문화인류학회 2017 韓國文化人類學 Vol.50 No.1

중국 농촌의 혼인에서 신부대는 신랑의 친족과 신부의 친족 간에 이루어지는 가장 중요한 경제적 거래이자 의례적 절차로서, 특히 아들을 둔 부모에게는 일생의 과제로 인식될 만큼 핵심적인 문제로 나타난다. 지금까지 학자들은 공통적으로 중국에서 시장개혁이 진행되면서 신부대 가격이 급상승해왔다는 것을 보고해왔다. 또한 신부대가 첫 수령인인 신부의 부모에 의해서 사용되기보다는 시집가는 신부에게 전달되어 궁극적으로 신혼살림에 사용된다고 하였다. 오늘날 중국 농촌에서 신부대가 신부의 부모에 의해 신부에게 전달되는 양상은 인류학자 잭 구디의 `간접적인 지참금`의 개념과 형태적으로 매우 유사해 보인다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 중국 허베이성 펑롱현에서의 수집한 민족지적 자료를 토대로, 과연 구디의 `간접적인 지참금` 개념이 오늘날 중국 농촌에서 나타나는 신부대 관습의 성격을 제대로 드러내고 있는지 분석한다. 결론적으로, 본 논문은 구디의 `간접적인 지참금`이 중국 펑롱현의 신부대 관습을 설명하기에는 적절치 못한 개념이며, 나아가 오늘날 중국 농촌에서 딸과 친정부모 간의 관계가 변화해가는 것의 함의를 제대로 파악할 수 없도록 이끈다고 주장한다. Brideprice is the most important economic transaction as well as ritual procedure between the kin of the groom and the kin of the bride in the marriage of rural China. It is also a serious burden for the parents who have a son, even regarded as a life-long task. Scholars have commonly reported that brideprice in rural China has risen sharply since market reforms. It is also said that although the bride`s parents are the first recipient of brideprice, today the parents give it to the bride so that she can use it as part of a conjugal fund. This change reminds me of the concept of “indirect dowry” proposed by Jack Goody. Thus, I analyze whether “indirect dowry” can explain the custom of brideprice in today`s rural China through ethnographic data collected in Feng Long County in Hebei Province. In conclusion, I argue that the concept of indirect dowry is inadequate for explaining Chinese brideprice practices; it rather tends to keep us from understanding the actual implications of the changing custom in rural China today.

국가횡단적 비교 여성학의 모색: 아시아 여성학에 대한 재검토를 중심으로

민가영 문화사학회 2011 역사와 문화 Vol.21 No.-

Research on Transnational Comparative Women’s Studies: Focused on Asian Women’s Studies Gayoung Min(Hanyang University) Asian women’s studies have shown divergent historical contexts beyond western perspective as an intellectually postcolonial work. But these work have lead to reproduce the nationally and regionally bounded. This research aims to examine the way for Asian women’s studies which have aimed to criticize western-centered perspective and reveal asian context to go beyond Asian boundedness. Specially this research aims to reproblematize the boundary of Asia by examining ‘division of civilization during the period of imperialism and division of human rights’ during the period of developmentalism after the world war II. Historically women’s human rights have been used to represent non western societies in a way of inferior to Western society and through this process hierarchy of areas have been justified. Women’s human rights in the age of imperialism and developmentalism had played a crucial role to represent the colony and no western society in a contrasting way of civilization vs tradition and savior for human rights vs victim of inferior human rights. Sati represented as a tradition against India women had been constituted as an universal tradition by collaboration between India elites and imperialist with erasing diverse interpretations and practices around sati in India. By comparing sati with a witch-hunt in Europe, while sati was represented as an ongoing practice to make India women’s life dangerous, witch-hunt was represented as an ended practice. To represent non western society as the homogeneous and the ahistorical serve to represent women as a victim of tradition by erasing cultural differences and complexities. The pattern around civilizaion between imperial and colony has been repeated around human rights between the 1st world and the third world. the concept of ‘division in human rights’ has emerged based on the dichotomy of universal savior vs universal victim. It is important to notice how ‘non western human rights’ has been invented. Narayan shows that how a dowry-murder has been represented as a India tradition, while it is a form of domestic violences that occurs in almost every country. She asked why dowry-murder has been represented as a local problems and murders in domestic violence have been invisible while the ratio of murder in domestic violence in the USA is similar to that in India. While a dowry-murder has been considered as a problem , general domestic violences have not issued. In a contrast while murders in domestic violence have not been visible, general domestic violences have been considered as an important social issue. The process to construct issues about women’s human rights as a local tradition shows that the process to construct non western society as an other of western society is situated on cross internal and national connection. The fact raises a need for a transnational comparative research by showing multiple connectivities among nations. This method will open a space of possibility to problematize a category of Asia and go beyond a category of Asia.

베르나르 다디에의 『검정 파뉴』에서 거미 카쿠 아낭제의 계략을 통해서 본 흑아프리카 도덕과 사회 풍자

유재명 ( Yu Jai-myong ) 경희대학교 비교문화연구소 2018 比較文化硏究 Vol.52 No.-

베르나르 다디에는 콩트 모음집 『검정 파뉴』에서 현실과 허구를 가미하여 흑아프리카 민담에서 중요하게 여겼던 미덕, 정의, 선을 거미 카쿠 아낭제의 삶을 통해 그리고 있다. 거미의 삶은 상상과 계략으로 가득 차 있다. 그 상상과 계략은 「거미와 거북이」에서 물질적 풍요와 좌절의 모습으로, 「거미와 혹」에서는 모체와의 분리를 거부하는 자폐적 삶의 모습으로, 「거미의 황소」에서는 금기위반의 흔적을 양에게 전가하는 행위로, 「혼인지참금」에서는 개인의 욕망 충족을 위해 타인을 아프게 함으로써 실패한 계략의 교훈으로서의 ‘보도아’로 다양화된다. 이 다양한 이야기는 작가가 민담이나 신화를 재해석하여 사회의 풍습과 관습에 대한 가치를 문제 삼아 그 가치를 명확하게 하여 교훈적인 의도를 담은 것으로 인간적인 품성과 결점을 이해하는 데 도움을 준다. Bernard Dadie expresses virtue, justice, and goodness by mixing reality and fiction through the life of the spider Kacou Ananze in The Black Cloth (le Pagne noir). In Black Africa folktale, especially Cote d'Ivoire, virtue, justice, and goodness are important factors. The spider's life is full of imagination and tricks that reveal a variety of lessons: i) material abundance and frustration in the ‘Spider and the Tortoise’, ii) an autistic life that refuses to separate from the mother in the ‘Spider's Hump’, iii) leaving a trace of violating the taboo on the sheep in the ‘Spider's Ox’, iv) the failure of a ploy by hurting others to satisfy individual desire in ‘The Dowry’. These diverse stories enable us to understand human characteristics and imperfections by questioning customs of society and value of customs, reinterpreting folktale, and clarifying instructional intentions.

인도의 지참금 죽음에 대한 법사회학적 연구

백좌흠 ( Jwa Heum Baek ) 경상대학교 법학연구소 2014 法學硏究 Vol.22 No.3

전통적으로 인도에서 지참금은 결혼 시에 신부, 신랑 및 신랑가족에게 자발적으로 주는 선물을 의미했다. 그러나 오늘날 지참금은 신랑가족이 신부가족에게 거액의 현금 및 귀중품을 강요하는 ‘괴물’로 변화되었다. 지참금 관습의 이러한 변화는 신부가족에게 결혼은 경제적 긴장의 근원이 되었고 딸들을 결혼시키는 것이 매우 어려운 일이 되었다. 그리고 마침내는 불충분한 지참금 또는 신랑가족의 요구를 충족시키지 못하는 경우 흔히 신부에게 모욕과 상처를 주고 극단적으로는 신부의 고문 및 죽음을 초래한다. ‘신부를 불태워 죽이는 행위’ 또는 기타 지참금과 관련된 학대 행위에 대한 기사는 신문에 매일 넘쳐난다. 인도 전국범죄기록국의 통계에 의하면 2012년에 인도 전체에 ‘지참금 죽음’으로 희생된 여성이 총 8,233명으로 기록되고 있다. 이는 하루에 평균 23명이 지참금으로 인해 죽었다는 것으로, 매일 거의 한 시간마다 인도의 어딘가에서 젊은 기혼 여성이 산채로 불타고 있거나 맞아죽고 있거나 자살하도록 내몰린다는 것을 의미한다. 신부지참금 문제는 근대 이후 서구화된 인도에서 소비주의가 증가하고 사회적인 지위를 물질적인 대상과 동등시하는 경향이 커진 것이 중요한 요인으로 작용하지만, 인도에서 아직도 일반적인 집합가족제도와 힌두상속법제 하에서 여전히 여성의 지위가 남성보다 낮은 것이 근본적인 배경으로 작용하고 있고 그 위에 힌두의 혼인제도와 카스트 요인이 이를 강화하는 사회문화적 요인으로 작용하는 결과로 보인다. 지참금이라는 사회적 악습을 금지하고 이를 처벌함으로써 지참금 관행을 철폐하기 위해서 인도 의회는 1961년에 지참금 금지법을 제정하였으나, 법 위반이 끊임없이 증가하고, 나아가 ‘지참금 죽음’이 급증하자 인도 의회는 1983년과 1986년에 인도형법전에 304B조(지참금 죽음)와 498A조(지참금과 관련한 학대 행위)를 새로 삽입하고 아울러 인도형사소송법 및 인도증거법의 관련조항들을 이에 맞추어 새로 규정하여 지참금 죽음에 대한 처벌을 강화하였다. 인도사회에 뿌리 깊은 사회적 악인 ‘지참금 죽음’의 문제가 힌두상속법, 인도 형법전, 지참금 금지법, 형사소송법 및 증거법 등을 개정하고 경찰의 적절한 수사와 법원의 효과적인 법집행 등 법적 조치들만을 통해 해결될 수 없을 것이라는 점은 분명하다. 결국은 당사자인 모든 여성들이 이 악습의 퇴치에 전투적으로 나서서 어떠한 희생을 치루더라도 스스로 지참금을 거부해야 한다. Traditionally, dowry denoted the gifts voluntarily presented to the bride, groom and his family in marriage. Today dowry, however, turned into ‘a monstrosity’ by which the bridegroom’s family forces the bride’s family to give the huge amount of cash and valuables. Due to the change of the customary form of dowry, marriages have become a source of financial strain for the bride`s family and dowry makes it difficult for daughters to be married off. Inadequate dowry or the failure to meet the demands of the bridegroom’s family often causes humiliation, trauma and at the extreme end, the torture and death of brides. Reports of ‘bride-burning’ or other dowry related cruelties abound everyday in newspapers. According to data compiled by the National Crime Records of India, a total of 8,233 female victims of dowry deaths were reported in 2012. This means that an average 23 Indian women died everyday over dowry disputes and that everyday, almost every one hour, somewhere at some place in India, a young married woman is being burnt alive or beaten to death or being pushed to commit suicide In modern India after Westernization, growing consumerism and the increasing tendency to equate social status with material objects has acted as an important factor for the dowry system. And it is submitted that relatively low status of women both in the joint family system and the Hindu succession laws is providing necessary social background to the prevalence of the dowry system and moreover, socio-cultural factors like the Hindu marriage system and caste system strengthen its rigidity, particularly in India. The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 was brought in with the objective of prohibiting the evil practice of dowry and making it punishable to eradicate it. Despite this Act, the increasing number of dowry deaths led to the Indian Parliament to make two important amendments in 1983 and 1986 respectively which have inserted new Articles of 304B(Dowry death) and 498A(Husband or relative of husband of a woman subjecting her cruelty) in the Indian Penal Code as well as to make certain necessary changes in the Code of Criminal Procedure and the Indian Evidence Act with a view to making punishment of the offences of dowry death more severe. It is quite clear that ‘dowry death’ problem being deep rooted social evil in Indian society can`t be solved only through legal measures of amending the Hindu Succession Act, the Indian Penal Code, the Dowry Prohibition Act, the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Indian Evidence Act etc., as well as of securing speedy police investigation and effective enforcement of justice of the judiciary. Ultimately, the very concerned all the women must come forward to combat against this evil and to deny the dowry at all cost.

힌두 지참금 관습의 구조적 성격

정채성(Jeong Chae-Seong) 한국인도학회 2007 印度硏究 Vol.12 No.1

힌두 지참금 관습은 가족과 친족, 마을생활의 다양한 사회적 관계망, 브라민 중심의 이데올로기 등뿐 아니라, 전반적인 인도 사회의 변화와 근대화 과정, 카스트 집단들 간의 신분상승 경쟁 등, 인도 사회와 문화의 밑바탕을 이루는 제도들과 밀접하게 관련된 원형적인 제도이다. 브라민의 혼인에서 깐야단 의식과 함께 지참금을 건네는 관습은 역사적으로 뿌리가 깊지만, 오늘날 ‘지참금 살해’라는 신조어가 생길 정도로 전 사회적인 문제가 되고 있는 소위 ‘악의 지참금’의 역사는 그리 오래지 않다. 이러한 현상은 시장화폐경제의 확산과 자본주의의 발달, 농업을 비롯한 다른 분야의 경제적 발전, 그리고 조직화된 부문에 들어갈 수 있는 기회의 증가 등을 토대로 하여 널리 확산되었으며, 특히 경제적 기회가 확대되는 1980년대 이후 더욱 심각해지는 양상을 띠고 있다. 카스트 내혼제의 원칙에 따라 행해지는 혼인은 원칙적으로 동등혼 이어야 하지만, 실제로는 여자를 주는 쪽 집단이 여자를 받는 쪽 집단에 비해 열등한 것으로 간주되며, 이러한 불평등 관계는 혼인이 지속되는 동안 각종 의례 때마다 신부 쪽에서 신랑 쪽으로 일방적으로 건네지는 선물들을 통해 물질적으로 표현된다. 지위가 같던 두 친족집단이혼인을 한 후 불평등한 관계로 바뀌고 이 관계가 지속되는 것은, 브라민의 이상적인 혼인 형태라고 규정된 깐야단 혼인과 밀접히 관련된다. 마누법전에는 생리를 시작했는데도 결혼시키지 않은 딸을 둔 브라민은 딸이 생리를 할 때마다 살인과 마찬가지 죄를 짓는 것이라고 규정되어 있는데, 이렇게 본다면 딸을 받아주는 사위는 장인이 엄청난 죄를 짓지 않도록 구제해주는 은인이기 때문에 신과 마찬가지로 경배해야 할 대상이 된다. 즉 신랑 쪽 집단은 신부 쪽 집단에게 은혜를 베푸는 우월한 입장으로서, 경배를 받을 자격이 있을 뿐 아니라 깐야단과 함께 따라오는 온갖 종류의 선물을 받을 권리도 아울러 갖는 것이다. 힌두의 결혼식은 가족-친족집단의 지위와 관계망을 공개적으로 과시하고 확인하는 중요한 기회이다. 지참금은 자기 집단의 사회적 지위와 명예, 위신 등을 계산하고 드러내는 중요한 수단일 뿐 아니라, 동시에 기존의 위계서열을 새롭게 평가-판단하고 재해석할 기회를 제공하는 첨예한 경쟁과 협상의 장이기도 하다. 카스트 집단들 간의 관계에서, 그리고 같은 카스트의 여러 친족집단들 간의 관계에서 지참금이 담당하는 이러한 구조적 기능에 주목한다면, 1980년대 이후 여성운동계를 중심으로 전개되어 온 지참금 반대운동에서 주장하는 남녀불평등과 여성 차별이라는 틀에는 일정한 한계가 있다고 생각된다. 지참금 문제를 올바르게 이해하고 해결하기 위해서는, 힌두이즘과 카스트 제도에서 지참금 관습이 갖는 의미와 더불어, 현대 인도 사회 전반에 걸친 거시적인 변화의 경향을 함께 고려할 필요가 있는 것이다. Dowry practice among the Hindus can be regarded as an 'archetypal institution' which has deep-rooted relationships not only with caste, kinship, family, village life, Brahmanic ideology, etc., but also with the macro processes of change in Indian society at large. Although kanyadan marriage and dowry practice have a long history among the brahmins and upper castes, the so-called 'dowry evil' is a relatively modern phenomena which became all pervasive social problem only after the modernization of Indian society, with the penetration and expansion of monetary and market economy, development of capitalism in industry and agriculture, and the rapid growth of organized sector in recent times. In theory, marriage among the Hindus is expected to be an isogamy because of the principle of jati endogamy. But in practice, the wife-givers are regarded as definitely inferior to the wife-takers, and this inferiority is expressed materially as the continuous flow of numerous gifts from the bride's side to the groom's as long as the marriage relationship continues. The logic of this unequal relationship between the wife-givers and the wife-takers originating from marriage is provided by the kanyadan ideology in Hinduism. According to the Manusmrti, a brahmin who keeps an unmarried daughter after puberty amounts to monthly committing as grave a sin as the murder of a child! In this regard, the man who takes a daughter as his legitimate bride from her father should be regarded by the latter as a divine saviour like god, and deserves utmost respect and dan without any obligation to reciprocate. At the same time, marriage among the Hindus is an all-important opportunity through which the socio-religious, politico-economic status and networks of one's family and kinship group are publicly displayed, contested, and confirmed by others. In this cultural setting, dowry is not only the most effective and conspicuous instrument in asserting the status, honour and prestige of the concerned marriage parties, but also an intensively competitive arena in which the present hierarchical structure is interpreted anew through complex processes of acute negotiation and competition. If we keep in mind this structural characteristics of dowry practice among the Hindus, we can understand the inherent limitations of main slogans of anti-dowry campaigns targeting gender inequalities and discrimination against women in Indian society. I argue that in order to correctly tackle the 'dowry evil', we must go deeper and try to understand it in relation with Hinduism and caste system as well as the general changes in contemporary Indian society.

宋代 딸의 相續權과 法令의 變化

육정임 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

The inheritance law of the early Song period granted daughter's right to inherit a portion of parents' property as the dowry, whose size was ambiguously suggested as one half of the son's marriage expense. As the size of the property transfer by marriage increased, the dowry grew to play a more important role in deciding her husband's social status as well as hers in in-law's family. It was not limited to a certain class of people that the size of the dowry eventually surpassed marriage expense to the extent of including sizable properties such as lands and buildings. Daughters partook in dividing the family property along with sons, which became a general practice in the society. Also, with the growth of the people's right for the civil suit, the number of family disputes and lawsuits increased rapidly over the inheritance of the family property. Now the need far a legislation was recognized, that would reflect the practice of "coparcenary" of the son and the daughter to legalize the right of the daughter to inherit her share on one hand, and that would set a reasonable official guideline for deciding shares for them which would prevent the recurrence and reduce the number of lawsuits. An amendment was made at the early period of Southern Song that the daughter be given a half the share of the son's inherited property. The increase of daughter's inherited property helped with her rise of property right as well as the status. The family system as reflected in the daughter's claim to the property displayed a structure different from the one dubbed as the traditional Chinese family system - the one based on the Confucian principle with the patrilineal succession and androcentric inheritance practices.