农村公共仪式与乡村公共性重建 —以中国东北农村A村的“祈雨祭”为中心

Lu Heng,Yang Liu 부산대학교 중국연구소 2018 Journal of China Studies Vol.21 No.1

In 21th century, China's rural areas were impacted by urbanization and industrialization. A general consent is made by many Chinese scholars that China is facing the “end of villages”. On the basis of the scholars' concern about the public reconstruction of the rural areas in the southeast of China, through a long-term field work in village A, a less developed country in the northeast of China, this paper puts more attention to the rural villages in the northeast of China with less clan tradition which are neglected by scholars. This paper analyzes the relationship between rural public ceremony and publicness reconstruction with two components of public beliefs and public rules, on the basis of Victor Turner's “Social Drama Theory” on public ceremony. Public beliefs and public rules are reflected in the A village's well-preserved public ritual of “praying for rain”. The ceremony of praying for rain is a traditional way for Chinese people to ask for rain from Gods when drought is severely happening. And the public beliefs which are based on the folklore religion of A village, are especially embodied in village temple belief, folk Buddhism and magic belief. Public rules are mainly embodied in the process of ritual, which is divided into separation stage, liminal stage and reintegration stage. And there are special behavior of villagers for each stage. During separation stage, people make Gods happy with some ways, and make themselves suffered to plead. and sacrifice to Gods. During liminal stage, people think that Gods heared of their prays and will reward to them. During reintegration stage, it is a kind of spiritual rebirth for the villagers who take part in the ceremony of rain offering. Public beliefs and public rules are complementary relations. Public beliefs lay the ideological foundation for the implementation of public rules, and public rules deepen people's public beliefs. Thus, the publicness of the A village was strengthened through the ceremony of “praying for rain”. And these two factors also play an essential role in strengthening villagers' interaction, rallying identity, shaping public space and rebuilding publicity. Finally, another result is emphasized that the public ceremony has a historical continuity of form and function while facing background of reflecting on Chinese “rural hollowing” problem’s singularity based on the ontological basis of historical continuity, which emphasize unity of all things in the world. Compared with urban publicness, public beliefs and public rules are significant ,both of theoretically and practically, significance for the reconstruction of rural publicness. In 21th century, China's rural areas were impacted by urbanization and industrialization. A general consent is made by many Chinese scholars that China is facing the “end of villages”. On the basis of the scholars' concern about the public reconstruction of the rural areas in the southeast of China, through a long-term field work in village A, a less developed country in the northeast of China, this paper puts more attention to the rural villages in the northeast of China with less clan tradition which are neglected by scholars. This paper analyzes the relationship between rural public ceremony and publicness reconstruction with two components of public beliefs and public rules, on the basis of Victor Turner's “Social Drama Theory” on public ceremony. Public beliefs and public rules are reflected in the A village's well-preserved public ritual of “praying for rain”. The ceremony of praying for rain is a traditional way for Chinese people to ask for rain from Gods when drought is severely happening. And the public beliefs which are based on the folklore religion of A village, are especially embodied in village temple belief, folk Buddhism and magic belief. Public rules are mainly embodied in the process of ritual, which is divided into separation stage, liminal stage and reintegration stage. And there are special behavior of villagers for each stage. During separation stage, people make Gods happy with some ways, and make themselves suffered to plead. and sacrifice to Gods. During liminal stage, people think that Gods heared of their prays and will reward to them. During reintegration stage, it is a kind of spiritual rebirth for the villagers who take part in the ceremony of rain offering. Public beliefs and public rules arecomplementary relations. Public beliefs lay the ideological foundation for the implementation of public rules, and public rules deepen people's public beliefs. Thus, the publicness of the A village was strengthened through the ceremony of “praying for rain”. And these two factors also play an essential role in strengthening villagers' interaction, rallying identity, shaping public space and rebuilding publicity. Finally, another result is emphasized that the public ceremony has a historical continuity of form and function while facing background of reflecting on Chinese “rural hollowing” problem’s singularity based on the ontological basis of historical continuity, which emphasize unity of all things in the world. Compared with urban publicness, public beliefs and public rules are significant ,both of theoretically and practically, significance for the reconstruction of rural publicness.

<論語・先進>‘侍坐’章中曾晳之言爲述‘雩祭’考

林月萍(Lam, Yuet-ping) 대동한문학회 2021 大東漢文學 Vol.67 No.-

본 논문의 甲부는 <論語･侍坐>장을 연구의 대상으로 삼아 曾點이 말한 “暮春者, 春服既成……浴乎沂, 風乎舞雩, 詠而歸.”가 봄비를 기원하는 ‘雩祭’의 장면임을 고찰한 것이다. 曾點의 뜻은 ‘雩祭’를 주관하는 宗伯이 되어서 生民을 위해 강우와 양식과 복을 기원하는 것인데, 이는 仲尼[孔子]의 뜻에 부합하는 것이었다. 논문에서 고찰한 ‘侍坐’장의 ‘春服’이 실제로 祭服이라면, 증점이 했던 그 말은 ‘雩祭’를 뜻하는 증거가 된다. 아울러 ‘侍坐’장은 공자가 장년 시절 大司寇로 부임하기 전에 있었던 일로, 공자가 나이가 젊고 지위가 높았을 때 이미 祭禮를 관장하는 宗伯이 되어 백성에게 복을 주려는 뜻이 있었던 것이니, 이를 통해 仲尼의 ‘老安少懷’ 및 하늘의 도움을 깊게 믿었던 尊天의 정치이상을 엿볼 수 있다. 본 논문의 乙부는 曾點의 ‘浴沂’와 晉나라 사람들의 ‘蘭亭雅會’의 정서를 수용한 한국의 고전문학작품을 선별해서 수록하였다. The first part of this thesis focused on chapter Shi Zuo侍坐 of The Analects of Confucius is to investigate what Zeng Xi曾晳 said “In this, the last month of spring, the sacrificial clothing is prepared. …… I would like to lead the deacons who assist the sacrifice offering undulating in the Yi沂 River to imitate the dragon calling the rain(浴乎沂), singing and dancing at Wu Yu舞雩(風乎舞雩) and reciting the Shi Jing詩經 on the way home. (詠而歸)” showed the scene of Sacrificial Ceremony Praying for Rain. (Yu Ji雩祭) What the ambition of Zeng Xi was willing to be the Chief Priest in charge of sacrifice rituals to pray for rain, food and happy for the people, which conformed to Confucius aspiration. Furthermore, this thesis finds that the spring cloth Zeng Xi said means sacrificial clothing which is the key we can see that what Zeng Xi said was a Sacrificial Ceremony Praying for Rain. Moreover, this thesis finds that the account recorded in chapter Shi Zuo happened before Confucius was appointed to be the supreme judge, we can see that Confucius aspiration was to be a Chief Priest in charge of the sacrifice rituals to pray for the well-being of people during his perfect age. From this, we can have a glimpse of Confucius thought that comfort for the aged as well as caring for the young(老安少懷) and to be blessed by God was his political ideals with respect to Tian天 whom was his vital and faithful belief to. The second part of this thesis is to sort out and list representative literary works of Ancient Korean about how the Ancient Korean people comprehended the compassion in the chapter Shi Zuo of The Analects of Confucius and Lanting Rally of Eastern Jin Dynasty.

平安京 神泉苑의 성격에 관한 고찰: 祥瑞의 放生과 관련하여

김은정 일본사학회 2015 일본역사연구 Vol.41 No.-

This paper is focused on the purpose and the characteristic of the Shinsen-en in the Heian-kyo. The Shinsen-en was different from the gardens of the Heijō-kyo and the Nagaoka-kyo. The gardens in the Heijo-kyo and the Nagaoka-kyo were intensively located on the Shinsen-en where was in the south of the Heian-kyu. According to the result of the use of Shinsen-en, the Shinsen-en was the place for sightseeing and enjoyment for the Emperor Kanmu but it was depending on the time of reign. It was verified by the gardens of the Heijō-kyo and the Nagaoka-kyo. Another characteristic was the Shozui which laid by Countries. It could not be seen in the gardens of the Heijō-kyo and the Nagaoka-kyo. It was rare that the Shozui was seen in the Emperor Montoku period. Because living birds and beasts could not be laid but they could be released under the rule of the Ritsuryo Codes. The reason why there was living the Shozui in the Shinsen-en was that the characteristic of the Shinsen-en was changed from the time of the Emperor Montoku period. The Shinsen-en was used as a stage for people who became a priest. It was held in the Goryo-e ceremony for consolating a person who had grudge against imperial family and it was used for the stage for the Ceremony performed to pray for rain. The shinsn-en was changed into the place with religious overtones. The change was directly influenced on the release of the Shozui in the Shinsen-en.

고려시대 농업정책과 농경의례

한정수 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.38

In this study, I try to examine the characteristics of physiocracy for understanding the agriculture in Goryeo. Also, I try to reveal how policies for agriculture and agricultural rites were designed and implemented in the base of this physiocracy. I come to conclusion as follows. Goryeo built the cast for physiocracy of responding theory between heaven and man based on the thought of providence, accepted monthly order, and try to systematize agricultural administration as guaranteeing agricultural time. In the base of thought that agricultural time ought to be kept, central and regional officials encouraged agriculture and encouraged cultivation and reclamation by farmers. Regional officials cared the deserted field and newly-cultivated field with farmers. Kings of Goryeo leaded agricultural rites as the moderator of weather. They held ceremonies for good harvest in spring and of thanksgiving in fall regularly and tried to resolve disaster and abnormality as drought by means relating Buddhism, Taoism, Worshipping nature and Shamanism. As above, policies for agriculture and agricultural rites in Goryeo were practiced in the base of thought that the foundations of nation were farmer and agriculture. However, the stabilization of farmers was most important thing in the thought of disaster and abnormality of responding theory between heaven and man and physiocracy which were maintained in Goryeo. Owing to these tendency, praying good harvest, rain and good fortune through agricultural rites were likely to more stressed than the development of farming, the establishment of irrigation system and reclamation work.

울산 무룡동 달곡마을의 역사민속학 연구

우승하 국립민속박물관 2017 민속학연구 Vol.0 No.41

This study aims to compare and analyze the history as well as community culture, place names, occupations, and religious belief of the Dalgok village located in Muryong-dong, Buk-gu, Ulsan Metropolitan City from the field survey collected during February through September, 2016. The changes of Dalgok village can be traced from the old documents including <Ulsan Census Register> in the Joseon Dynasty to the modern materials. And the community culture of the village had been influenced by the clan villages and its unique natural-environment. Especially, water had impacted creation, transmission, and isolation of community culture in Dalgok village. The results of the study are as follows. First, although the Koryo Dynasty abolished the ‘hyun(縣, local unit)’, it is confirmed that Yulpo-hyun(栗浦縣) which was the local unit name of the Three Kingdoms period is Yupo-myun(柳浦面) which was the local unit name of the Joseon Dynasty. And the ‘Iphyangjo(入鄕祖, ancestor who first settled in a village)’ of the Asan Chang Clan(牙山 蔣氏) and the Hakseong Lee Clan(鶴城 李氏) in the village of Dalgok are Jang Hee-chun(蔣希春) and Lee Duk-gon(李得坤) respectively, and the time when two people entered in the village was around 1609. In addition, the Hakseong Lee clan which is major family in uptown inherited the property of the Jeju Ko clan. It shows an example of maternal service when there are no inheritance left to serve. Even the villagers call it ‘Dalgol’ in the meaning of Wolgok(月谷), names of the village were still be called as ‘Daldong-ri(達洞里)’, ‘Daldong-bang(達洞坊)’, ‘Dalgok(達谷)’ which was confirmed in the literature record. And sometimes Muryong-san(舞龍山) had been called as ‘Dumuryoung-san(豆無竜山)’, ‘Muriryong-san(無里籠山)’, ‘Mureung-san(武陵山)’, and ‘Dongdae-san(東大山)’ in the past. But it had been generally called ‘Muriyong-san’. It has been assumed that ‘dragon[young] is ‘water’ god[水神]’ related to water, so ‘Muri’ means water. Therefore, Muriyong-san, which symbolizes dragon and water, is connected to ‘Giwooje’ that is a ceremony to pray for rain and ‘Muldanggigi’ that is a ritual behavior to pull water. On the other hand, Muriryong-san is renamed as Muryong-san(舞龍山) in Japanese colonial era. It can be regarded as the same meaning of ‘Mu(無)’ and ‘Mu(舞)’. It also seems that it was originated from ‘Muwooje(舞雩祭)’ which is other name of ‘Giwooje’ or ‘Mujedan(舞祭壇)’ which is the place of Giwooje. Second, ‘Kaldol’ of Dalgok village is a shale with a thin slice of paper, it allow the water to flow underground. Therefore, before the reclamation, the rice farming in the village had been done only in a small scale in some areas. So the villagers had built reservoirs to grow rice farming and had put soil in a gravelly field. And the rice farming in the villages had been done after the mechanization of the farm villages had taken place to a certain extent. Therefore, in the village of Dalgok, there had been no development of common labor organization and labor exchange compared to the traditional rural area, and the language used for farming was also simple. On the other hand, the oral transmission of the village is remarkable in the natural environment, especially ‘the water’. The villagers have believed that the village is the ‘Haengju-type(行舟形)’ that the village is the shape of cruising ship. So the people had flowed water to the village. And the fable that Muryong-chung is Guncheon[a dry stream] had also been originated in the precious environment of water. In addition, the residents belief about in the natural environment, especially water, had appeared as a response to ‘Tujang’ that someone makes a grave secretly. After all ‘Kaldor[shale]’ of the village had made water worthy in the village, and these beliefs had extended from to...

农村公共仪式与乡村公共性重建 - 以中国东北农村A村的“祈雨祭”为中心

芦恒,杨柳 부산대학교 중국연구소 2018 Journal of China Studies Vol.21 No.1

朝鮮前期 圓覺寺의 造營과 運營

李炳熙(Lee Byung Hee) 한국문화사학회 2010 文化史學 Vol.0 No.34