Prosodic Approaches to Ambisyllabic Consonants in English

Kwanyoung Oh 국제언어인문학회 2016 인문언어 Vol.18 No.-

This paper explores the characteristics of ambisyllabicity in order to investigate a motive for it. After reviewing previous explanatory methods, we suggested a new approach based on prosodic structure, and through the new representation, we can account for the sonorant devoicing and the difference of segment duration in gemination by ambisyllabicity. First, we critically reviewed some approaches depending on an ambisyllabic rule and the syllable weight principle, but those analyses did not provide a satisfactory explanation regarding the reason for the intervocalic consonant to be treated as an ambisyllabic consonant. However, when we adopt the moraic structure, we can show ambisyllabicity well in the correlation between syllable weight and stress. As regards flapping and ambisyllabicity, which are regarded as occurring in the same environment, to the contrary, in this paper, we can recognize that the environments of each of ambisyllabicity and flapping are not always the same. Also, with respect to sonorant devoicing, when the intervocalic consonants are treated as ambisyllabic, we can well account for the reason why the sonorant devoicing occurs. Finally, with respect to gemination, although gemination has the same environments as ambisyllabicity, we can demonstrate that, first, gemination phonologically derived across a word boundary results in ambisyllabicity, and second, geminates are not the same in segment duration depending on the ambisyllabic structures. Thus we can say that geminates do not exhibit the same characteristics as ambisyllabicity, and geminates are longer in segment duration than a singleton.

Prosodic Approaches to Ambisyllabic Consonants in English

오관영 국제언어인문학회 2016 인문언어 Vol.18 No.-

This paper explores the characteristics of ambisyllabicity in order to investigate a motive for it. After reviewing previous explanatory methods, we suggested a new approach based on prosodic structure, and through the new representation, we can account for the sonorant devoicing and the difference of segment duration in gemination by ambisyllabicity. First, we critically reviewed some approaches depending on an ambisyllabic rule and the syllable weight principle, but those analyses did not provide a satisfactory explanation regarding the reason for the intervocalic consonant to be treated as an ambisyllabic consonant. However, when we adopt the moraic structure, we can show ambisyllabicity well in the correlation between syllable weight and stress. As regards flapping and ambisyllabicity, which are regarded as occurring in the same environment, to the contrary, in this paper, we can recognize that the environments of each of ambisyllabicity and flapping are not always the same. Also, with respect to sonorant devoicing, when the intervocalic consonants are treated as ambisyllabic, we can well account for the reason why the sonorant devoicing occurs. Finally, with respect to gemination, although gemination has the same environments as ambisyllabicity, we can demonstrate that, first, gemination phonologically derived across a word boundary results in ambisyllabicity, and second, geminates are not the same in segment duration depending on the ambisyllabic structures. Thus we can say that geminates do not exhibit the same characteristics as ambisyllabicity, and geminates are longer in segment duration than a singleton.

A phonetic examination of phonological ambisyllabicity: Focusing on temporal and spectral characteristics

Joo-Kyeong Lee,Yuhyeon Seo 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2019 언어연구 Vol.36 No.1

This paper casts doubt on the existence of phonological ambisyllabicity and attempts to find its phonetic substances both temporally and spectrally. An intervocalic consonant becomes ambisyllabic when preceded by a stressed lax vowel, a theoretical apparatus to make the preceding stressed light syllable heavy by linking the intervocalic consonant to both preceding coda and following onset. In the experiment, temporal durations of ambisyllabic and non-ambisyllabic intervocalic consonants were compared, where consonants were varied with obstruents, nasals, and liquids. For a spectral measurement, lateral tokens were investigated because lateral /l/is the only consonant which shows a maximum allophonic difference between onset and coda (clear-[l] and dark-[ɫ]). Their F2-F1 values were compared among the laterals in ambisyllabic, non-ambisyllabic, word-initial onset, and word-final coda positions. Results showed that ambisyllabic and non-ambisyllabic consonants were not significantly different in duration for all three categories and that F2-F1 values of the laterals were not significantly different between ambisyllabic and non-ambisyllabic positions. This is not consistent with the phonological analysis. They were both distinctive from onset or coda laterals. This indicates that there might be a new allophony occurring in the intervocalic position where the preceding syllable is, whether its vowel is tense or lax, stressed.

Ambisyllabicity of an Intervocalic Velar Nasal in English and Korean

Chang-beom Park 한국중원언어학회 2015 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.34

English and Korean are known as the languages that limit a velar nasal /ŋ/ to the coda position only. That is, /ŋ/ does not occur in the onset position in the languages. However, in both languages, there is evidence in support of the claim that intervocalic /ŋ/ functions simultaneously as the onset of a syllable and the coda of the preceding syllable, resulting in ambisyllabicity (Kahn 1976). The main purpose of this paper provides the empirical evidence for such ambisyllabicity from the variation of [ŋ] and [ŋg] in English dialects and suffix alternations like vocative, nominative, and accusative suffixes in Korean. In addition, this paper exhibits that the ambisyllabic behavior of intervocalic velar nasals in English and Korean can straightforwardly be formalized within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995). Along with these purposes, I introduced a concept of ambisyllabicity as a theoretical background, and provided empirical arguments based on data of both Korean and English. Finally, I analyzed the process within the framework of OT.

Ambisyllabicity across a prosodic juncture

Soonhyun Hong 한국음운론학회 1999 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.5 No.1

This paper reilluminates the role of resyllabification across morpheme boundaries. One of the contingent problems in Optimality. Theory is how resyllabification is interpreted in the theory. As the analysis in OT is based on the output structure, interpretation of intermediate syllabification has not been an easy program in OT, In this paper, we will adopt the concept of ambisyllabicity in Kahn 1976, and show that ambisyllabicity actually takes place across a PrWd juncture in both Korean and English when we consider the data for Coda Neutralization and Palatalization in Korean on the one hand and the data for Flapping in American English. Furthermore, we are going to suggest that ambisyllabicity also takes place across Root boundaries in Sino-Korean. Based on these, we will show that intermediate syllabification and resyllabification can be reinterpreted in Optimality Theory without positing an intermediate stage.

Stress, gemination and ambisyllabicity in English

Chang-Kook Suh(서장국) 한국음운론학회 2006 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.12 No.3

  This paper provides an analysis of stress and ambisyllabicity in English within the framework of Optimality Theory. I argue that ambisyllabicity is the result of gemination derived from the interaction of stress-related phenomena in English. In this paper it is also claimed that ambisyllabicity is effective to meet the bimoraicity requirement of the stressed syllables in English. Also, other stress-related phenomena are provided to support the argument.

Ambisyllabicity of an Intervocalic Velar Nasal in English and Korean

박창범 한국중원언어학회 2015 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.34

English and Korean are known as the languages that limit a velar nasal /ŋ/ to the coda position only. That is, /ŋ/ does not occur in the onset position in the languages. However, in both languages, there is evidence in support of the claim that intervocalic /ŋ/ functions simultaneously as the onset of a syllable and the coda of the preceding syllable, resulting in ambisyllabicity (Kahn 1976). The main purpose of this paper provides the empirical evidence for such ambisyllabicity from the variation of [ŋ] and [ŋg] in English dialects and suffix alternations like vocative, nominative, and accusative suffixes in Korean. In addition, this paper exhibits that the ambisyllabic behavior of intervocalic velar nasals in English and Korean can straightforwardly be formalized within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995). Along with these purposes, I introduced a concept of ambisyllabicity as a theoretical background, and provided empirical arguments based on data of both Korean and English. Finally, I analyzed the process within the framework of OT.

An optimality-theoretic account of ambisyllabicity in Old English

Young-Kook Kwon(권영국) 한국음운론학회 2007 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.13 No.1

  The present paper offers an Optimality-Theoretic analysis of the (ambi)syllabification of intervocalic consonants and consonant clusters in Old English. Assuming ambisyllabicity in Old English, we argue that the proposed Optimality-Theoretic (ambi)syllabification results from the interaction between syllable well-formedness and universal markedness constraints, whose motivation is derived from the syllable phonology of Old English The analysis offered below is to be considered a serious alternative to the traditional approaches to the word-internal (ambi)syllabification In Old English.

A Constraint-Based Study on Flapping in English: A Lexical and Syllabic Approach

주대환 미래영어영문학회 2020 영어영문학 Vol.25 No.4

The purpose of the study is to provide the evidence for ambisyllabicity and explore constraints for flapping in American English. Highlighting the vital role of ambisyllabicity, intervocalic /t/ or /d/ becomes ambisyllabic in V́(V) V environment within a (super)foot regardless of the domain difference, which triggers flapping. The constraints and the ranking for flapping are as follows: [CODAambi-]sf 》NO-CODA. In addition, generating an ambisyllabic element inevitably accompanies the change in the original syllable structure, the knowledge associated with (re)syllabification exists somewhere in universal grammar, which is addressed by setting up the syllabification device(SD) in the integrated phonology. Based on the research, it can be concluded that the intervocalic /t/ or /d/ is changed into [ɾ] when the alveolar stops are in V́(V) V environment within the domain of a (super)foot and the knowledge on (re)syllabification should be surely regarded as a part of universal grammar.

A Study on /h/-deletion in favor of Ambisyllabicity in English

주대환 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소 2020 인문과학연구논총 Vol.41 No.2

The current study aims to present further evidence for ambisyllabicity as well as to explore universal constraints for /h/-deletion in English. Highlighting the vital role of ambisyllabicity, I claim that the voiceless glottal fricative is automatically deleted once /h/ in intervocalic position becomes ambisyllabic in V́hV environment within a foot at both lexicon and postlexicon. The constraints and the ranking for /h/-deletion is as follows: AMBI-MARGIN 》CODA-COND 》PARSE. To sum up, it has been found that the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ is deleted when it becomes ambisyllabic resulting from resyllabification in V́hV environment within the domain of a foot.