이순신의 牙山 낙향과 무과 수련과정

김일환(Kim, Il Hwan) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2018 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.30

아산은 임진왜란기에 조선을 침략한 일본수군을 격파하고 불멸의 전공을 세운 수군명장 이순신을 배출한 고향이다. 이순신은 아동기에 서울에서 아산으로 이주하여 생애의 대부분을 아산과 연결되어 살았다. 그러나 현재까지 이순신일가의 아산으로 낙향의 동기나 이유를 분명히 알지 못했고 아산에서의 삶의 기반, 이순신의 성장과정에서 보여준 학술연마, 師承관계와 무인으로 인생행로를 전환하게 되는 과정, 武學 수련의 내용과 과정 등 어느 하나도 정확히 알 수 있는 근거가 없다. 이순신가의 큰 변화를 가져온 인물은 조부 이백록이었다. 이백록은 지금까지 통설과는 달리 중종대 사림파세력과는 직접적인 관련이 없었다. 그것은 기록상 그의 형 이백복과 착종된 결과였다. 그는 문음으로 관직에 나와 평시서봉사로 벼슬하다가 파직되었고 중종의 국상기간에 3자인 李 貴의 혼사를 호사스럽게 치렀다는 이유로 적발되어 綱常을 어긴 죄로 廢 錮되고 錄案에 올라 자손들의 벼슬길도 막히게 되었다. 아들인 李貞은 국왕에게 소청을 넣어 부친의 억울함을 풀어달라고 노력했지만 실패하여 허사가 되었다. 이백록의 사후에 李貞은 가족을 데리고 부인 초계 변씨의 친정이 있는 아산으로 낙향하였다. 당시 아산은 제대로 된 사족사회가 형성되지 못할 정도로 척박한 고장이어서 이순신, 이요신형제가 문과에 급제하기에는 매우 열악한 교육적 환경이었다. 이순신이 문과시험을 준비하다가 무과로 전향한 것도 이런 이유가 있었다. 그런데 이순신이 무과로 전향하면 친가, 외가, 처가 모두 무인적 배경이 있어 유리한 상황이었다. 이순신은 21세에 무과로 전향을 결정하고 아산지역의 한량집단과 교유하면서 무과준비에 열정적으로 노력하였다. 선조 5년에 처음으로 무과에 응시하였지만 낙마로 부상당하여 실패하였다. 하지만 부상을 치료하고 열심히 재수련하여 선조 9년 식년시 무과에 급제할 수 있었다. 이순신은 위난에 빠진 국가를 구해낸 한국 역사상 최고의 전쟁영웅으로 인식되고 있다. 이런 이유로 아산의 지역적 정체성을 확립하는데 대단히 큰 비중을 가진 역사인물이다. 이순신이 보여준 구국정신과 진지한 삶의 태도는 그대로 아산의 지역적 정체성으로 자리 잡았다. 이제 이순신은 아산과 분리할 수 없는 지역의 역사적 표상이 된 것이다. 하지만 그런 위상에 걸맞게 이순신과 아산의 지역적 관계성을 해명하는데는 아직도 해결해야할 과제가 너무 많이 남아 있다. Asan is the home of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, who defeated the Japanese navy that invaded Jo-seon during the Japanese Invasion to Jo-seon during the Im-jin War. Yi Sun-sin moved to Asan as a child and lived most of his life connected to Asan. But so far, we have not been able to clearly understand the motive or reason for the family s migration to Asan, and there is no compelling evidence that helps us become aware of such things as Yi’s foundation of life in Asan, academic performance that Yi Sun-sin has shown in his growing path, the process of making him a warrior, and the contents and process of the training. Yi Sun-sin family s great change was due to his grandfather, Yi Baek-rok. Unlike what people have believed so far, Yi Baek-rok was not directly related to the Sa-rim faction of Jung-jong period. He worked as Pyong-si-seo-bong-sa, a kind of position of a public office by a process of Moon-eum, which is a system where a position is given to descendants by benefits of his ancestors. Meanwhile, he was found to have violated the national moral rules while holding his son, Yi Gui’s marriage in a luxury way during the period of king Jung-jong’s death; at that time, big ceremonies were not banned during national sorrow. This affair made him not able to get any official position later, including his descendants. After the death of Yi Baek-rok, Yi Jung, the father of Yi Sun-sin, moved to Asan where his wife, Byeon in Cho Kye area, stayed. At that time, Asan was socially barren and not an area where private family could develop, so Yi Sun-sin’s brothers would not be able to pass the gwageo test((科擧). This was the reason why Yi Sun-sin changed his mind to take a test for military service while preparing for the civil service exam. If Yi Sun-sin turned into military position, he could get a number of advantages because he had families close in a background of military. Yi Sun-sin, who decided to transfer to military position at the age of 21, formed a close relationship with a group of Han-ryang(閑良) in Asan, and showed enthusiasm for the preparation. He first applied for the military position in the fifth year of Sun-jo, but failed because he was injured by having fallen from a horse. However, he cured the injury and re-retrained hard, so he was admitted to a military department in the ninth year of Sun-jo. Yi Sun-sin is a historical figure who is very important in establishing Asan s regional identity. Yi Sun-sin is considered the greatest war hero in Korean history who saved the nation from the Im-jin War. Asan, which produced such a historical figure, has become a regional identity of Asan as shown by Yi Sun-sin s spirit and attitude in life. Now, Yi Sun-sin has become a historic symbol of the area that cannot be separated from Asan. However, there are still too many tasks left to be solved in explaining the regional relationship between Yi Sun-sin and Asan.

이(以)의 문법화 과정 고찰(하(下)) ― ≪시경(詩經)≫에 나타난 용례를 바탕으로

장정임 ( Chang Jungim ) 중국어문연구회 2017 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.84

This paper is a follow-up of the previous paper <The grammaticalization path of yi (以) -Based on its occurrences in The Book of Odes (Shijing ≪詩經≫)>. In the previous paper, it is illustrated that yi is originally a verb meaning ‘to lead’, and from its verbal usage, it is grammaticalized into an adposition with a wide range of usages. This paper investigates how yi is further grammaticalized from a postposition into a conjunction and what the conjunctional usages are. First of all, the widely-believed hypothesis that the conjunctional yi was derived from the form [VP₁+以之+VP₂] through the elision of zhi 之was rejected. Rather, it originated from the form [[VP₁+以]_PostP+VP₂], where VP₁ is used as a nominalized object of the postpositional yi. This argument is supported by the fact that an adposition and a conjunction often share the same form in other languages and they are considered as the same part of speech. English before and after are such examples. As a conjunction, yi has a wide range of usages, such as cause and result, purpose, time sequence, and manner. It is also used as a noun phrase conjunction(NP-AND). The conjunctional yi which expresses cause/result or used as a purpose marker (all of which are often grouped as ‘consequence’ in the literature) all developed from the postpositional yi which expresses reason. Yi expressing time sequence was derived directly from the verbal yi meaning ‘to lead’. Yi expressing manner was derived from its postpositional usage meaning instrument. Yi used as an NP-AND originated from the postpositional yi indicating instrumental/comitative, a development which is broadly observed across languages.

李箱의 미발표 창작노트의 텍스트 확정 문제와 일본 문학 수용 양상 - 「與田準一」과 「月原橙一郞」의 출처에 관하여

송민호 한국비교문학회 2009 比較文學 Vol.0 No.49

Up to now, known as Yi-sang's own poems, "Yoda Junichi(與田準一)" and "Tsukihara Toichiro(月原橙一郞)" are, in fact, not his poems but the poems written by japanese poet, Yoda Junichi(與田準一) and Tsukihara Toichiro(月原橙一郞) themselves. Yi-sang excerpted and transcribed that poems to his creation note, reading them in the "collected poems of 1930" published in Tokyo, 1930. Because Yi-sang's unpublished creation note were just discovered in 1987, researchers couldn't find whether none of poems created by him were. This study focuses on investigating into the relationship between Yi-sang and japanese literature at that time, confirming the poems in Yi-sang's unpublished creation notes empirically. Yi-sang was responsive of the state of japanese literature circle well reading a lot of poems written in Japan in those days through the library of Chosen the government-general. His genius works in Korean literature is not just made in a back room, but results from being influenced keeping pace with the modernity of Japan literature and world. This fact gives us a vivid and wide prospect to interpret Yi-sang's abstruse text covered with Yi-sang's deified image. Up to now, known as Yi-sang's own poems, "Yoda Junichi(與田準一)" and "Tsukihara Toichiro(月原橙一郞)" are, in fact, not his poems but the poems written by japanese poet, Yoda Junichi(與田準一) and Tsukihara Toichiro(月原橙一郞) themselves. Yi-sang excerpted and transcribed that poems to his creation note, reading them in the "collected poems of 1930" published in Tokyo, 1930. Because Yi-sang's unpublished creation note were just discovered in 1987, researchers couldn't find whether none of poems created by him were. This study focuses on investigating into the relationship between Yi-sang and japanese literature at that time, confirming the poems in Yi-sang's unpublished creation notes empirically. Yi-sang was responsive of the state of japanese literature circle well reading a lot of poems written in Japan in those days through the library of Chosen the government-general. His genius works in Korean literature is not just made in a back room, but results from being influenced keeping pace with the modernity of Japan literature and world. This fact gives us a vivid and wide prospect to interpret Yi-sang's abstruse text covered with Yi-sang's deified image.

李穡의 隱仕觀

都賢喆(Do Hyeon-Chul) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.133 No.-

The inclusion of the character eun(隱) in ones pen name was a very popular practice during the latter half of the Goryeo dynasty. In this regard. Yi Saek's penname was Mogeun(牧隱), and the un character was based on Yi's own interpretation of the term. This study attempts to identify the reasons why members of the sadaebu class either decided to serve as public figures or to live in seclusion during this period. by conducting a review of the standards which Yi Saek himself employed to classify the concepts of seclusion (eundun, 隱遁) and participation(chulsa, 出仕) in worldly affairs. Yi Saeks perception of Neo-Confucianism was heavily influenced by the notion of sugichiin(修已治人), the governance of the self and of others). In addition, Yi was also an adherent of the seonghak(聖學) school who regarded the observance of kyeong(敬) as the most favorable way to cultivate ones mind. Yi Saek also adhered to the standards laid down by Confucius when it came to the division of the notion of seclusion and participation in worldly affairs. Confucius once stated that a human could not live with birds and animals, and that as such he should live with other humans. He also stated that while one should serve in the government when the state to which he belonged was guided by the Way(道), one should seclude himself from worldly affairs when a state was not guided by the Way. Moreover, he also asserted that being rich and high-classed in a state which was not guided by the Way was just as humiliating as being poor and lowly in a state guided by the Way(道). Confucius then went on to state that although the Way of the Sage could not be brought about if one completely withdrew from reality, a wise man should base his decision as to whether or not to seclude himself from worldly affairs, or participate therein, on the nature of the prevailing circumstances. Yi greatly respected Confucius teachings. He believed that because a sage was an enlightened individual, he would know whether it was right to accept a government post or seek seclusion from the world. This was because a sages decision to pursue seclusion or participation was inherently based on the achievement of the Way. However, actual circumstances did not unfold as Yi Saek had intended. The new reality was one in which the ruling class was increasingly becoming lethargic and divided, political discipline was slipping, and social insecurity and turbulence reigned as a result of invasions by Red Turbans and Japanese marauders. This deepening political insecurity meant that a career as a government official was no longer a stable option. As such, although one intended to actively participate in the real world in order to bring about the Confucian Way, the possibility that he would be excluded from a government position, whether it be of ones volition or not, was now greatly heightened. Yi Saek made his position vis-a-vis the sensitive and dangerous political issues which emerged during the reigns of King Gongmin and King Wu very clear. To this end, he voiced his support for the rise to the throne of King Wu's son, King Chang: aired his position on land reform: and directly petitioned the Ming dynasty to come to the aid of the royal family of Goryeo against Yi Seonggye. Yi subsequently refused to take up a government post following the foundation of the Joseon dynasty. Under his pen name. which as mentioned above included the character eun, Yi Saek actively expressed his opinions on various worldly matters. This course of action was in great part the result of the fact that Yi regarded the notions of seclusion and participation as essentially the same action. and as being based on the same logic. As such. a sage could help bring about the Way through either seclusion or participation in worldly affairs Yi Saeks thought, which was exposed through his pen name that contained the character un, and which was based on his belief that a sage could choose seclusion or participation

조선시대 官僚文人의 詩에 나타난 吏隱觀의 實際

강지희(Kang Ji hee) 대동한문학회 2015 大東漢文學 Vol.42 No.-

吏隱'은 관직에 있으면서 그것을 隱逸의 수단으로 삼는 것을 말한다. 조선시대 관료문인들에게 산수자연은 인간의 궁극적인 귀의처 또는 잠깐의 휴식을 위한 공간, 그리고 더 나아가서는 格物의 과정을 통해 性情之情을 발견하는 정신수양의 공간이었다. 이것을 실천하기 위해서는 벼슬을 버리고 온전히 전원으로 돌아가야만 하지만, 현실세계에서 유가적 이상을 실현시키는 것이 공부의 목표인 儒者들로서는 쉽게 결단을 내릴 수 없는 문제였다. 이들은 관직에 머물면서 아울러 '은'을 실천하고자 하는 모순된 삶을 지향했다고 생각된다. 이들에게는 분명 벼슬을 그만두고 귀전원하고자 하는 열망이 있었던 바, 관직에 있으면서도 자연에 은거하는 방법, 그것을 '이은'이라고 칭했던 것이다. 관료로서 은거할 수 있는 이론적 근거가 '이은'이었던 셈이다. 그들이 '이은'이라는 용어를 썼을 경우 그 유형은 몇 가지로 두드러지게 나타난다. 첫째는 지방관으로 떠나는 지인이나 벗에게 주는 시에서 '이은' 이라는 용어를 쓰는 것인데, 여기에는 상대방에 대한 위로와 격려의 의도가 저변에 깔려 있다. 둘째는 자신의 처지와 심사를 술회하는 시에 '이은'의 용어를 쓰는 경우인데, 이때 작자의 신분은 조정의 관리일 수도 있고 지방관일 수도 있다. 전자의 경우엔 중앙 정부에 소속되어 있어도 한가롭게 자연을 벗할 시간을 누릴 수 있다면 이를 이은이라고 칭했다. 후자의 경우엔 자신의 처지를 비관하기보다는 낮은 관직에서도 자족하고자 하는 태도가 엿보인다. 또한 이은을 바라보는 두 개의 시각이 존재하는데, 첫째는 불평한 마음으로 이은을 인식하는 것이고, 둘째는 긍정과 자족의 마음으로 이은을 인식하는 것이다. 이은을 '眞隱'이 아니라고 하는 것은 몸은 한가롭되 마음은 수고로운 부조화에서 기인한다. 낮은 관직에 머물면서 은자를 가장한 삶은 자기기만임을 고백하고, 내면의 갈등과 고뇌가 그치지 않는 자신의 모습을 토로하는 경우가 그렇다. 긍정과 자족의 마음으로 이은을 바라보는 태도는 자신의 시대를 태평성대로 인식하고, 이은의 삶이 성은으로 말미암아 가능하다고 여기는 인식에서 비롯된다. 또한 이은은 공무와 송사로 번거롭지 않을 때 누릴 수 있으므로, 여기에는 목민관으로서의 치리능력에 대한 찬사가 내포되어 있다. '이은'이라는 용어는 중국 唐宋代에 본격적으로 등장하지만, 그 이전에 이미 은둔의 형태에 대한 다양한 논의가 있었고 결국 小隱과 大隱의 사이, 즉 中隱의 실천 양상을 대변하는 말로 쓰였다. 우리나라의 경우 조선시대에 들어와 이은을 언급한 작자와 작품수가 대거 증가한다. 이는 관료사회의 고착화와 더불어 현실과 이상 사이에서 어느 정도 조율과 합리화가 필요했던 사대부들의 선택처가 아니었던가 생각된다. The word 'Yi-eun(吏隱)' means that a man who is holding on office leads the life of recluse. Intellectuals of Chosun considered nature as the final place of recurrence, the resting place for a moment, and the space for mental training. To live a life of silence, leisure, and idea, they should have gone back to nature after they laid down their office and retired. But they couldn't do that because they should realize an ideal politics in the human society. In theory Confucian scholar must construct ideal world holding public office. It is not simple choice for Confucian scholar to go back to nature and live in seclusion. So some intellectuals of Chosun wanted to live a somewhat hermit-like life holding public office. They called such a hermit-like life 'Yi-eun'. Based on the life-style of Yi-eun, they found the way to live a hermit-like life as a public official. Officials of Chosun used the word 'Yi-eun' as a concept in their literary works. We can find several types of 'Yi-eun' used in their literary works. First, writers gave their friends and acquaintances poems when they were appointed a local government post. Writers used the word 'Yi-eun' in their poems to console their friends' misfortune. Second, a writer used the word 'Yi-eun' in his poems to relate his thought. He intended to overcome his tragic conditions by regarding himself as a hermit. Some writer was filled with anguish because his life was real one of a hermit. He expressed his true feeling of conflicts. Third, if the writer affirmed his life of 'Yi-eun', we can read his sense of reality and longing for ideal life. The life of 'Yi-eun' can be possible only when the world is peaceful. And to conclude, he was a compete district magistrate, so his village could be peaceful, and he could enjoy his life of 'Yi-eun'. In addition, the writer thought 'Yi-eun' as a real hermit. The word 'Yi-eun' appeared concretely in literature of Tang(唐) and Song(宋) dynasty in Chinese history. There was a discussion about the reclusive type in earlier times, it was divided into two types; a great seclusion and a insignificant seclusion. Po Chu-i(白居易), the poet of Tang dynasty, suggested a compromise proposal between the two types. He choose a moderate seclusion which was similar to Yi-eun. In the case of our country, writers and literary works related with Yi-eun increased exponentially in Chosun dynasty. Intellectuals of Chosun, as government officials, suffered from discrepancy between ideals and reality, so they espoused Yi-eun, a hermit-like life as a rational solution.

이색과 이이의 주돈이 이해와 추존

곽신환 ( Kwak Shin Hwan ) (사)율곡연구원(구 사단법인 율곡학회) 2018 율곡학연구 Vol.36 No.-

신유학의 비조(鼻祖)라는 염계 주돈이에 대한 평판은 조선조에서도 흔들림이 없었다. 그의 『태극도설(太極圖說)』과 『통서(通書)』는 이론과 규범체계에 있어서 조선유자들에게 기본적이고 일반적인 텍스트였다. 또한 「애련설(愛蓮說)」에서 보이는 것과 같은 그의 지향과 인격은 후학들의 깊은 동의와 호감을 얻었다. 주희 중심의 학계에서 주돈이를 극진히 평가하고 높인 학자가 있다. 이색(李穡)과 이이(李珥)이다. 이색은 주돈이를 도의 정통으로 인정하며 사숙하였다. 그의 문집에서 주돈이에 대한 언급은 주희에 대한 언급보다 많다. 그는 경(敬)보다는 정정공부(靜定功夫)를 강조하였다. 이이는 주돈이를 닮았다는 평가를 받았다. 그는 주돈이가 도학의 은미함을 드러내고 오묘함을 밝혔으며[闡微發奧], 그 마음의 쇄락(灑落)함이 마치 광풍제월(光風霽月) 같고, 그 경지가 천민(天民)이라고 규정하였다. 이이 역시 『태극도설』을 본원(本源)에 대한 철학적 담론 첫머리에 둔다. 그에게 있어서 『태극도설』은 도리의 핵심처이고 리학(理學)의 본원처이며, 리의 존호(尊號)였다. 이이 자신, 그의 제자, 그리고 이후 그의 문파에서 태극론은 극본궁원론(極本窮源論)이었다. 그들은 그것이 진정 조화(造化)의 중심축이 되며 만물의 뿌리 역할을 하는지에 대해 집중적으로 해명하였다. 주돈이와 관련하여 이색과 이이의 태도에서 공통점을 찾는다면 우선 그들이 유학자이면서 불교를 깊이 이해하고 있었다는 점이다. 한편 이색이 주돈이를 도학의 정통과 신유학의 창설자 자리에 놓으며 정정공부(靜定功夫)를 강조하였다면, 이이는 그를 천민(天民)으로 규정했고, 태극론으로 본원탐구의 체계를 확립해 나갔다는 데서 차이를 볼 수 있다. Chou Tun-i's reputation as a granfather of Neo-Confucianism had not been agitated through Choson Dynasty.. His book of Taegeukdosel and Tongseo had played the role of basic and common texts in their philosophy. His attitude and personality especially viewed in Loving a Lotus Flower got much favour of many Confucian scholars. Among the scholars in Korea who gave him extraordinary respect, we could choose two person, Yi Saek and Yi Yi. Yi Saek admired Chou Tun-i more than Xhu Xi as a founder of Neo-Confucianism. Yi Saek's good talkings about him were more than thouse about Zhu Xi. He also paid much strength to exercising of the being queit. In the studying of the li-qi theories, Yi Yi enjoyed good reputation for his academic accomplishments in theoretical arguments of li-qi. Scholars arround Yi Yi said that he resembled a lot Chou Tun-i 's academic talents and etc. . Yi Yi venerated Chou Tun-i as a citizen of Heavenly Kingdom. He said that Chou discovered the essence and caught the subtle meaning of sage's teaching. And he told that Chou's mind was clear and bright as well as sunny wind and after-rained full moon. He located the Taegeukdoseol at the first part of his book Seonghakjiqyo, and recognized it as a core of the all principles, and the roots of Neo-Confucianism, and the reverend name of the truth. Yi Yi himself, his students, and followers of him took the theory of Taegeuk as an investgating arguments of the ultimate reality. Their debating and arguments were concentrated upon the explaining whether it could be a genuine axim of Creation. Saying the common of thouse two philosophers thinkings about ChouTu-i, for the first, as like Chou, each two were no doubtly Confucian scholar but they had the deep understanding Buddhism. Many people had a conspicious about Chou Tun-i's attitude to Buddhism, It could also be applied in the case of Yi Saek and Yi Yi. Another one, each philosopher gave him lots of respect. One located him at the orthodox position of sage's teachings, and the first founder of Neo-Confucianism, another admired him as a citizen of Heavenly Kingdom. Both venerated Chou because of his outstanding noble character and extending the horizon of Confucianism.

景淵堂 李玄祚의 「東遊錄」 연구

권진용(Kwon, Jin-yong) 한국학중앙연구원 2015 장서각 Vol.0 No.33

景淵堂 李玄祚는 숙종 때 활동한 문인으로 근기남인의 문단을 대표하는 인물 가운데 한 명이다. 1691년 그는 회양부사로 부임하게 되면서 종형 李玄錫과 함께 금강산을 다녀왔는데 이때 남긴 시편이 「동유록」으로 전한다. 「동유록」에는 총 147제 167수의 한시가 수록되어 있는데, 모두 ‘次□□韻, 追次□□韻’ 등의 형식으로 구성되어 있다. 이 작품들은 중조부 李敏求의 「동유록」과 백부 李同揆의 「풍악록」, 그리고 종형 李玄錫의 「동유록」에 차운하고 있다. 이는 기존에 연구되었던 금강산 유람시들과는 다르게 전 작품이 차운시로 구성되어 있다는 점에서, 그리고 芝峯 李?光의 후손들에게 금강산은 단순한 유람의 대상이 아닌 그리움과 추모의 공간으로 인식되었다는 점에서 주목할 수 있다. 「동유록」은 차운하는 방법에서 선조들이 다녀간 장소를 자신들이 방문한 경우에는 ‘次’를, 방문하지 않고 단순히 운자만을 빌려 쓴 경우에는 ‘次某韻’, ‘某地次某韻’으로, 선조의 시를 차운하되 그 시가 타인의 시에 차운한 경우에는 ‘步’로, 다른 문인의 시에 차운한 경우에는 ‘用’자를 써서 구별하였다. 이는 여행경로와 일정의 차이 때문이었지만 선조들에게 받았던 은혜에 보답하고 그 정신을 계승하겠다는 취지에서 시작된 것이었다. Gyeongyeondang Yi, Hyeonjo was one of the most influential literati belong to the Nam-in clan residing near the Capital. In 1691, appointed as a magistrate for the city of Hweyang, Yi Hyeonjo visited Mt. Geumgang (Diamond Mountain) with his cousin Yi, Hyeonseok during which a collection of poems called the Dongyurok was composed. In it, there are total of 167 Chinese poems, composed in the prosodic form of rhyme ‘where-to tread rhyme (次□□韻)’, ‘where-to cherish tread rhyme (追次□□韻)’ and so on. Such prosodic form is to usher his grandfather, Yi Mingu’s Dongyurok (東遊錄) uncle Yi Donggyu’s Pungagrok (楓岳錄), and his cousin Yi Hyeonseok’s Dongyurok (東遊錄). It is remarkable that the entire composition was done in this form of prosodic rhyme differently from other Mt. Geumgangperegrinatedpoems. Moreover, as the descendants of Yi Sugwang (penname: Jibong), the patriarchic figure in the clan, Yi Hyeonjo has dedicated the collection to Sugwang, and Mt. Geumgang was recognized as the object of longing and commemoration not merely an object of excursion for personal gratification. As such, this research investigates the unique features of poems contained inthe Dongyurok. Here, there are some salient features: is that when the author visited the places where his ancestors visited, Yi began the poem with the word ‘tread (次)’; if he did not visit those places, the poem began with either ‘where-to tread rhyme (次某韻),’ or ‘where-to, where-to tread rhyme (某地次某韻).’ If, however, Yi’s ancestor used the prosodic form used by another poet, the word ‘follow (步) was used, and if Yi’s ancestor’s poems used to other literati, the term ‘Yong (用) was used. The above methodological utilization was implemented for the purpose of expressing gratitude towards his ancestors and paying tribute.

문왕과 『주역』 창작에 관한 연구 -주자의 역학 이론을 중심으로-

송호영 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2020 민족문화논총 Vol.75 No.-

There are many different theories about the authors of Yi. Ancient Chinese scholars traditionally understood this subject in terms of "Yi was made by saints". "Yi was made by saints" is a theory that some saints, Fuxi, King Wen, Duke of Zhou, Confucius etc, who had a profound influence on the construction of Chinese civilization in ancient Chinese legends and history were involved in the creation of Yi. However, this theory did not reach a consensus, because scholars understood differently about the specific contexts and roles of saints in the process of producing Yi. The reason why scholars' theories are not unified is mainly due to the different ideas of King Wen's "Expanding original meaning of Yi". For example, various theories about "overlapping trigrams" and "Yi was made by three saints" and "Yi was made by four saints" stem from differences in understanding King Wen's work. Therefore, the work of synthesizing and arranging the complex and confusing theories of "Yi was made by saints" should start from c learly defining the truth of "Expanding original meaning of Yi", ac tivities to create Yi of King Wen. Since Yi has a unique characteristic in which the element of divination and the philosophical element coexist, it is difficult to grasp the essence of it. However, if we can find out that the elements of Yi were inc orporated into the c lassic by what kind of person, at what age, for what purpose, and through what proc ess, we will be able to release the tension between divination and philosophy in Yi, and furthermore, it will be of great help in understanding original meaning of Yi.

사치론을 통해 본 전한 사대부들의 이풍역속

홍승현 ( Seng Hyun Hong ) 중국사학회 2003 中國史硏究 Vol.24 No.-

Public morals mean unique civil order, social moral fiber, and cultural tradition as well as surface and visible things like the product of the local, a dialect, and music. The ancient Chinese considered public morals as the people`s total reaction to the statesmen political intention, and thought they could achieve their political purpose. That’s why Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) that changes the public morals means the key conception from which we can grasp their value system, and their world view as well as the political purpose and ideal of the statesman at that time. This article is prepared to confirm the political ideal of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in the Han Dunasty(漢代) through the concept of Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗). The objection of criticism for extravagance raised from within Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in the early Han Dynasty was to construct specific public morals. Representatively the extravagances criticized by Liu-jia(陸賈), Jia-yi(賈誼). Wen-xue(文學) in the time of Wu-di(??帝) and the Confucian bureaucracy in the time of Xuan-di (宣帝) were not about the material but about the specific political situation. Though they were a little different from each other, they all blocked the entry and participation of the Confucians in politics, and hindered the autonomy of the Confucian bureaucracy. So Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) without extravagance Shi-da-fu(士大夫) thought was the status that guaranteed the entry and participation of the Confucians in politics and assured the autonomy of them. Therefore it was regarded as Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) in the time of Wen-di(文帝) to establish the ruling order by Huan-lao-shu(黃老術) supporting the reduction of emperor`s power. But it was considered as Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) to acquire the political rights the Confucians in the time of Wu-di (??帝) when readers started to appear in the provinces, and to obtain the identity of provincial rule in the time of Xuan-di (宣帝) when Hao-zu(??族) of the provinces started to be the regional official. And lastly, it was understood as Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) to secure the absoluteness of Confucianism in the time of Yuan-di(元帝) After all, Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in the Han Dynasty intended to make the Confucianism as public morals. This is because Confucianism, especially Gona-yang-xue(公羊學) supported the autonomy of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) and had them establish make their own identity against the emperor’s power.

이암(李巖)의 가응도(架鷹圖): 해청도의 전통과 새로운 상징

오다연 미술사와 시각문화학회 2012 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.11 No.-

보스턴미술관의 <가응도>는 화면 상단에 이암의 낙관이 있음에도 오랫동안 원대 화가 서택의 그림으로 전칭되어 왔다. 이 글은 <가응도>에 보이는 회화적 요소들을 분석하여 그림의 제작자가 이암임을 밝히고 이암이 가응도를 비롯하여 공필의 회화를 제작했던 환경을 살펴보았다. 나아가 ‘가응(架鷹)’의 상징적 의미를 규명하였다. 종실 출신의 화가였던 이암은 왕실을 출입하며 중종의 애완동물을 회화로 제작했으며 중종의 후원 속에 화원화 및 왕공엄의 채색화조화풍를 학습할 수 있었다. 구륵전채화법으로 제작된 이암의 가응도와 화훼화는 왕실과 관료 사이에서 감상되었고 특히 <가응도>는 새로운 상징으로서 수용되었다. 16세기 중반 정치· 문화적 맥락에서 이암의 <가응도>는 매와 횃대의 핍진한 재현 너머에 이상적인 군신관계를 함의한 그림으로 이해될 수 있다. While Falcon on a perch in the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston has been attributed to a fourteenth-century Chinese painter, Xu Ze, since the 19th century, there are six seals of Yi Am (1507-1566), a royal painter in Joseon Dynasty. The purpose of this paper is to explore the painter of the questioned painting and to reconstruct Yi Am's practice within the contexts of royal art in the reign of King Jungjong (r. 1506-1544). Through an examination of pictorial images in Yi's paintings and words by contemporaries of the artist, the paper seeks to understand the symbolism in Yi's Falcon on a perch. Though the painter of Falcon on a perch is known as Xu Ze, there is few documentation about him or his authentic paintings. Most of Yuan paintings of falcon illustrate the falcon in the wild, within such a natural setting, thus it is difficult to discover the visualization of a Chinese perch. Interestingly, Falcon in the MFA is extremely close to another Falcon with the inscription by Park Young (1471-1540) in terms of the exquisite quality of falcon and perch, the brightness of colors, and Yi's seals. Literati such as Yi Hwang (1501-1570), Sung Sechang (1481-1548), Jung Saryong (1491-1570) supported that Yi Am painted a pair of falcon paintings or screen of falcon paintings with excellent brush. Especially, Japanese painter, Kano Tanyu (1602-1674) studied and copied Yi Am's paintings of falcon. The poem by Sung Sechang copied by Tanyu, provides good evidence that Yi painted a screen painting of falcon and Yi's manner of painting was superior to court painter's. Then, how did Yi Am, a member of royal descent, paint polychrome paintings of falcon in a court manner? Yi studied paintings of falcon on the basis of the tradition of Haecheongdo (painting of Korean falcon) by Joseon court painters in the early 15th century. Court painters produced Haecheongdo to make hunters capture Korean falcons, which were important tribute items for the Ming court. Following the tradition of Haecheongdo, Yi also trained the manner of bird and flower paintings by a Yuan professional painter, Wang Gongum. Wang's paintings were circulated among the connoisseurs in the early Joseon and played a significant role in the establishment of polychrome bird and flower painting in the Joseon court. It is King Jungjong who support and encourage Yi's practice of depicting animals reared within the palace precincts with professional manner. Under the patronage of Jungjong, Yi painted paintings of dog and puppies, falcons, but also decorative screens of flower and insects actively in his 30's. In Yi' Falcon on a perch, it is the lavishly decorative perch to pay much attention as an important feature in the painting. Most of scholar-officials who appreciated Yi's paintings of falcon, described the special perch in their poems. Why was the perch apparently emphasized both verbal and visual works in the mid-16th century? Since the falcon has typically symbolized loyal officials, the stand that a falcon set on, stands for the government position or reward for official capability. Scholar-officials who appreciated Yi's paintings, mostly belonged to the political reforming group, Sarim who were against the conservative faction in the reign of Jungjong. They suffered the same frustrations and miseries such as an exile during the purge of literati in 1519. The word, “Gayung” (a falcon on a perch) was used in contemporary officials' poems as a metaphor of Sarim waiting for the time to recover their political power. As Sarim returned to their position at the court after 1537, Yi am might paint symbolic paintings for them. In this regard, Yi's paintings of falcon crystallized the harmonious combination of falcon and perch and exemplified the symbolic relationship between the king and loyal officials.