표준중국어 성조 분포의 유형적 특성

이옥주(Lee, Ok Joo) 한국중어중문학회 2018 中語中文學 Vol.- No.74

Earlier literature on tones of Chinese tends to report the tonal inventory and tone sandhi observed in a certain variety of the language. However, given that Chinese is one of the major tonal languages, a typological investigation of Chinese tones is needed to achieve a better understanding of not only the tonal systems of the Chinese varieties but also the universals of tones across languages. To understand the Mandarin tones from a typological perspective, this study examines the tonal distribution patterns in 518 tonal languages collected in PHOBLIE and compares them with the tonal distribution analyzed from a Mandarin lexicon corpus. Results of a quantitative analysis of the two corpora reveal several important typological features of the tone types and distribution of Mandarin as well as tonal languages in general: (1) Approximately 63% of the tonal languages contain 2 or 3 tone types, and about 19% of the languages, including Mandarin, contain 4 tone types, (2) Implicational relation between tone types (e.g., the existence of contour tone(s) implies the existence of level tone(s)) are observed both across tonal languages and in Mandarin. (3) The distribution pattern of ‘level tone > simple contour tone > complex contour tone’, which is in negative relation with tone markedness, is found across tonal languages. However, falling tone(T4) being the most frequently occurring tone type, Mandarin shows the distribution of ‘simple contour tone > level tone > complex contour tone’.

高級階段韓國學習者的陽平加工方式

吳韓娜(Oh, Han-na) 중국어문학연구회 2012 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.72

This paper investigates specific features and processing strategies of Chinese second tone of the advanced Korean learners. In addition, it is examined the possible relationship between perception of Chinese native speakers and production of the second tone of Chinese of advanced course students by perception experiment。Results show that when Korean speakers in advanced course produce the second tone of Chinese, they tend to use a flat tone instead of a rising tone especially when the second tone is in front of the high tones (the first and fourth tone). And the data show that Chinese native speakers also use the flat type actually in same conditions. Moreover, the flat tone of Korean students are perceived as the second tone by Chinese native speakers generally. This suggests that the production of second tone of Korean students in advanced course are affected by feedback processing between the native speakers, and they constantly adjust until they find most appropriate way rather than only follow the rules of Chinese second tone.

The Tone Bearing Unit in North Kyungsang Korean

정영희 대한언어학회 2007 언어학 Vol.15 No.2

The goal of this paper is to determine what constitutes the tone bering unit in North Kyungsang Korean. For the purpose, I examine tonal phenomena involving contour tones in native and loanwords of North Kyungsang Korean. The crucial fact concerning the determination of the tone bearing unit in this language is that a contour tone, which is a concatenation of two level tones and so needs two tone bearing units, appears only on a bi-moraic syllable which contains a long vowel; it does not occur on a mono-moraic short vowel. In support of a contour tone on a long vowel is a process in which a long vowel, when level-toned, shortens. A contour tone on a long vowel is further supported by loan monosyllabic words with a long vowel. These words, unlike other words with a long vowel, do not show tone doubling. The inapplicability of tone doubling in these words can best be explained if these words is assumed to have a falling tone. Further data of loanwords reveal that a bi-moraic closed syllable with a short vowel does not carry a contour tone. Based on the finding that a contour tone occurs only on a bi-moraic syllable with a long vowel, I argue that the tone bearing unit in North Kyungsang Korean is the mora associated with the feature [+syllabic].

普通話聲調教學的一個可行性策略

金立?(Jin Lixin),白水振(Baek Su-jin) 중국어문학연구회 2009 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.57

The third tone in Mandarin should be considered as a low tone which occurs more often and has less restricted condition in contemporary Chinese. A falling-rising tone (214) is virtually the conditioned variation of the third tone. Therefore, which one is the typical third tone needs to be reconsidered. Besides, the disyllable words which include two fourth tones are undergoing weakening on the second syllable. Most of the second fourth tone in parallel structure is becoming a neutral tone. The disyllable word shares one falling tone. The paper presents a third tone teaching practice which took the third tone as a low tone instead of a falling-rising tone. The practice proves that this strategy is very effective.

경북방언의 성조

김세환 한국방언학회 2018 방언학 Vol.0 No.28

This paper is a general research on the tone of the Gyeongbuk dialect. This dialect is belonged to the tone language to be marked with tone at underlying form. Among the tones, the 'mal'(a unit of measure) is high tone. Because of relationship with rising tone and the distinctive character of falling tone, falling tone is also tone in the Gyeongbuk dialect. The Gyeongbuk dialect is primarily divided into western part and other part, and it is secondly divided into western part, northern central part, southern central part and eastern part considering the realization of the tones. It is thought that the tone have been changing with the change of "L₁HL" with the pushed backward, and the rising tone have been changing into extinction. 이 글은 경북방언의 성조에 대한 개괄적인 고찰로서 성조언어의 성격을 고려할 때, 경북방언은 성조언어에 속하는 것으로 보았다. 기저형에 성조가 함께 표시되어야 하며, 성조 중에서 ‘말(斗)’류의 성조는 고조로 보았다. 하강조 역시 상승조와의 관계 및 변별적 특징으로 말미암아 성조로 인정될 수 있다. 방언의 구획은 크게 서부와 그 외 지역으로 나뉘며 성조의 실현을 고려하면 서부, 중북부, 중남부, 동부로 구획된다. 성조의 변화는 고조가 뒤로 밀리면서 ‘L1HL’로 바뀌는 변화와 함께, 상승조가 소멸되는 변화가 진행되는 것으로 생각된다.

입성(入聲)의 귀속(歸屬) 및 소실(消失) 과정(過程)에 대한 견해(見解) 분석(分析)

배은한 한국중문학회 2014 중국문학연구 Vol.0 No.54

This paper focuses on analyzing various opinions from existing research outcomes and literature materials regarding the appertaining issue for the syllables designated as Entering-tone or Entering-endings vowel and the loss process of Entering-endings which characterize Entering-tone. Perception gap exposed during the discussion process has been recognized regarding the appertaining issue for Entering-tone, which is still not drawing any united opinion in the current academic circles. And it was verified that, through the analysis of literature materials on Entering-endings` loss process, the weakening phenomenon and loss process of Entering-endings had been already progressing in a variety of aspects in the extensive regions during the Tang dynasty, the era of Middle Chinese. In terms of appertaining issue, analysis on pros and cons has been done centering on the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, regarding whether the Entering-tone, which is classified as three kinds of Coda including [-p], [-t] and [-k], should be recognized as the Tonal type according to traditional viewpoint, or should be appertained to the category of Vowels according to the difference in Coda. After Cen Qixiang(1943) presented the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, the recognition created a sensation, regarding Entering-tone as a problem of Vowels` Coda rather than as a category of Tone through a variety of follow-up studies including those of Huang Borong(1960), Zong Fubang(1984), Yang Xinchuan(1997), Joo Soungil(2002), Xia Zhongyi(2007), etc. On the contrary, Lu Wenwen and Liang Fengju(2006), Song Yong(2011), etc. opposed to the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, on the basis of Four-Tone classification scheme of PingㆍShangㆍQuㆍRu, which has been maintained as a firm tradition for the last dozen centuries since the recognition on Tone had been established around 6th century, as well as the syllable classification scheme of modern dialects. This kind of pros and cons, “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone” versus “Entering-tone is a type of Tone”, are judged to be not just the problem limited to the Entering-tone`s appertaining method itself but the problem resulting from the fundamental gap in perception on Tone. Regarding whether Pitch of sound, which has been recognized as sound argument in the academic circles ever since Yuanren Chao(1930) presented an opinion called The five degree Tone marking method, should be established as a sole standard in the Tone`s classification, or an element called Length of sound besides Pitch of sound should be applied in parallel as a classification standard according to traditional classification method, this paper judges it desirable to leave it as an unsolved case for which more definite conclusion should be drawn in the future. And regarding the loss of Entering-tone, which has been recognized as a representative phenomenon among Phonological change which differentiates between Middle Chinese and Early Old Mandarin, it was confirmed through the various research results of late that the phenomenon of Entering-tone`s weakening or loss had already been progressing even during the Tang and Song dynasty of Middle Chinese period. In this paper, through the research results of Shi Xiangdong(1983), Zhou Zumo(1988), Kim Eunjoo(2002), etc. and analysis on Hu Zeng`s Xi qizu yu bu zheng, it was verified that the phenomenon of Entering-endings` weakening and loss had been already progressing in the dialects of extensive regions during the Tang dynasty around 7th to 9th century, in a variety of aspects including the mixed uses of [-t] and [-k], [-p] and [-k], etc.

광양시 진상 방언의 성조형과 음조형

김차균,강흥구 한글학회 2009 한글 Vol.- No.285

The purpose of this paper is to describe the tonemic patterns and their pitch forms of Jinsang dialect, Gwangyang City, based on the side-dot theory. This dialect has three tone system, which consist of an unmarked even tone and two marked tones, which are departing tone and rising tone. The even tone is symbolized as □ with no dot, the rising tone, the departing tone as ·□ with one dot, and the rising tone as :□ with two dots. The symbols □, ·□, and :□ are common signs in Middle Korean and all its modern daughter tone dialects. The symbols □, ·□, and :□ are decided according to the neutralization force exercising upon the following syllable and on the basis of phonetic complexity of pitch. The three tones □, ·□, and :□ can be opposed to each other at the word initial position. Both even tone □ and marked tone ·□ can can be opposed to each other at the position after the even tone □, but rising tone is neutralized as ·□ except at the word initial position. Marked marked tone ·□ only can appear at the position after ·□, or :□. Because of the restriction mentioned above, the ways of combination of the side-dot symbols, that is, the side-dot patterns of this dialect are much restricted as follows: ① Pyeong-il ‘only-one even tone’ complex pattern □·□₁, ② Pyeong-bok ‘more -than-two even tone’ complex pattern □₂·□ⁿ, ③ Geoseong pattern ·□₁, ④ Sang-seong pattern :□₁. Each side-dot symbol □, ·□, and :□ has its underlying pitch value, /H/(high), /M/(mid), and //(mid-rising), respectively in Jinsang dialect. We can call /H/, /M/, and // as tone represen tations, or tones. Therefore each of the four side-dot patterns has its own tonemic pattern representations: /HM₁/(□·□₁), /H₂·Mⁿ/(□₂·□ⁿ), /M₁/(·□₁), //(:□₁,). Each tonemic pattern representation is realized as its surface pitch form through the application of some pitch realization rules. The couples of each tonemic pattern and its pitch form are as follows: /HM₁/{[HM₁], [HнM₀], [HHM₀]}, /H₂Mⁿ/[Mн₀HMⁿ], /M₂/{[HHM₀], [MHM₀}, /₂/{[HM₀], [ḦM₁]} The tone signs and pitch signs can not be determined arbitrarily from the subjective point of view. We have measured sound spectrograms of tape-recorded pitch forms with the Quarter Tone Scale (Q-tone scale) developed by SeongㆍKwonㆍLeeㆍGim's team in 2006. The scale is not a acoustic-physical scale of the unit Hz but the perceptual-psychological scale of the unit Qt(cf. 1Qt is 1/24 octave). Each Qt knots of pitch forms are made up as a Qt chain. There are thre kinds of Qt chain. One is measure Qt chain, a chain of Qt rate in each syllable, an other is the adjusted Qt chain which can be obtained by applying the principle of modu lation. The other is reference Qt chain which can be obtained by contrast and comparision of a large amount of measure Qt chains and adjusted Qt chain. The tone signs /H/, /M/ and //, and the pitch he tone signs [H]/, [M], [н], [Ḧ] and [] and so on are determined through strict contrast of the above three Qt chains.

강원방언의 성조 변화와 방언구획

최영미 한글학회 2023 한글 Vol.- No.341

This study was conducted to identify the characteristics of Gangwon dialect tones by comparing the tonal system and tonal realization of individual lower Gangwon dialects. The Gangwon area was divided based on local dialects’ tone systems. As a result, it was confirmed that there are dialect differences in the tones of the Gangwon dialect, and that the Jeongseon dialect, which is currently described as a semi-tonal dialect, should be described as a tonal dialect. This study produced three major results about the Gangwon dialect. The first result is that the Gangwon dialect has six tone rules.: 1. changing the departing tone “geo-seong” to a type-2 even tone “phyeong2-hyeong,” 2. randomly alternating pyeongbog-hyeong tone patterns when the phonological phrase starts with two or more even tones, 3. changing a pyeongbog-hyeong tone to a yin-departing tone, 4. changing rising tone to a yin-rising tone, 5. changing type-1 even tones to pyeongbog-hyeong tones, and 6. changing type-1 even tones to yin-even tones. The second main result is that the six tone rules that exist in Gangwon dialect are the cause of tone change. It is applied differently in the phonological tone processes in the lower Gangwon dialects. The Gangwon dialects with the greatest tonal change in order of decreasing degree of change were the Samcheok, Yeongwol, Gangneung, Jeongseon, and Pyeongchang dialects. The third major result was that the Gangwon dialect tone system could be divided into three regions. Region A contained the Samcheok dialect; Region B the Gangneung, Jeongseon, and Yeongwol dialects; and Region C the Pyeongchang dialect.

The Tone Bearing Unit in North Kyungsang Korean

( Young Hee Chung ) 대한언어학회 2007 언어학 Vol.15 No.2

The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 15(2), 59-75. The goal of this paper is to determine what constitutes the tone bering unit in North Kyungsang Korean. For the purpose, I examine tonal phenomena involving contour tones in native and loanwords of North Kyungsang Korean. The crucial fact concerning the determination of the tone bearing unit in this language is that a contour tone, which is a concatenation of two level tones and so needs two tone bearing units, appears only on a bi-moraic syllable which contains a long vowel; it does not occur on a mono-moraic short vowel. In support of a contour tone on a long vowel is a process in which a long vowel, when level-toned, shortens. A contour tone on a long vowel is further supported by loan monosyllabic words with a long vowel. These words, unlike other words with a long vowel, do not show tone doubling. The inapplicability of tone doubling in these words can best be explained if these words is assumed to have a falling tone. Further data of loanwords reveal that a bi-moraic closed syllable with a short vowel does not carry a contour tone. Based on the finding that a contour tone occurs only on a bi-moraic syllable with a long vowel, I argue that the tone bearing unit in North Kyungsang Korean is the mora associated with the feature [+syllabic].

음성학적 연구에 기반 한 중국어 3성 교육에 대한 재고

오한나 중국어문학연구회 2019 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.117

The purpose of this study is to analyze the contents of tone3 in textbooks for native speakers and foreign learners and to compare the characteristics of the three characters defined in the textbooks and the actual features of the three characters recorded in the textbooks through phonetic analysis. In case of pronouncing singly, the tone curve is low and smooth. Most of the tone is not more than 1-2 degree. In other words, the stable characteristic of the three is in 'low' rather than 'rising'. When the tone3 is located in the front syllable, most syllables are pronounced as '21' or '32', as described in the textbook.When the tone3 is located at the end of the back syllable or sentence, similar to the result of (1), but a little more various numerical values due to the intonation of the sentence, the characteristics of the low elliptical tone are unchanged, which was also different from the description of the textbook. If you give up the characteristic of 'rising', students can distinguish it from 'tone2. According to the results of the above analysis and the discrimination characteristics of the tone3 revealed in the previous study, the characteristics of the tone3 defined by many textbooks do not accurately reflect the pronunciation of the actual Chinese speaker, and the tone curve depicting the tone3 , The textbook contents have to review, and the teacher should exclude the "rising" characteristic to be emphasized.