高級階段韓國學習者的陽平加工方式

吳韓娜(Oh, Han-na) 중국어문학연구회 2012 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.72

This paper investigates specific features and processing strategies of Chinese second tone of the advanced Korean learners. In addition, it is examined the possible relationship between perception of Chinese native speakers and production of the second tone of Chinese of advanced course students by perception experiment。Results show that when Korean speakers in advanced course produce the second tone of Chinese, they tend to use a flat tone instead of a rising tone especially when the second tone is in front of the high tones (the first and fourth tone). And the data show that Chinese native speakers also use the flat type actually in same conditions. Moreover, the flat tone of Korean students are perceived as the second tone by Chinese native speakers generally. This suggests that the production of second tone of Korean students in advanced course are affected by feedback processing between the native speakers, and they constantly adjust until they find most appropriate way rather than only follow the rules of Chinese second tone.

경북방언의 성조

김세환 한국방언학회 2018 방언학 Vol.0 No.28

This paper is a general research on the tone of the Gyeongbuk dialect. This dialect is belonged to the tone language to be marked with tone at underlying form. Among the tones, the 'mal'(a unit of measure) is high tone. Because of relationship with rising tone and the distinctive character of falling tone, falling tone is also tone in the Gyeongbuk dialect. The Gyeongbuk dialect is primarily divided into western part and other part, and it is secondly divided into western part, northern central part, southern central part and eastern part considering the realization of the tones. It is thought that the tone have been changing with the change of "L₁HL" with the pushed backward, and the rising tone have been changing into extinction. 이 글은 경북방언의 성조에 대한 개괄적인 고찰로서 성조언어의 성격을 고려할 때, 경북방언은 성조언어에 속하는 것으로 보았다. 기저형에 성조가 함께 표시되어야 하며, 성조 중에서 ‘말(斗)’류의 성조는 고조로 보았다. 하강조 역시 상승조와의 관계 및 변별적 특징으로 말미암아 성조로 인정될 수 있다. 방언의 구획은 크게 서부와 그 외 지역으로 나뉘며 성조의 실현을 고려하면 서부, 중북부, 중남부, 동부로 구획된다. 성조의 변화는 고조가 뒤로 밀리면서 ‘L1HL’로 바뀌는 변화와 함께, 상승조가 소멸되는 변화가 진행되는 것으로 생각된다.

The Tone Bearing Unit in North Kyungsang Korean

정영희 대한언어학회 2007 언어학 Vol.15 No.2

The goal of this paper is to determine what constitutes the tone bering unit in North Kyungsang Korean. For the purpose, I examine tonal phenomena involving contour tones in native and loanwords of North Kyungsang Korean. The crucial fact concerning the determination of the tone bearing unit in this language is that a contour tone, which is a concatenation of two level tones and so needs two tone bearing units, appears only on a bi-moraic syllable which contains a long vowel; it does not occur on a mono-moraic short vowel. In support of a contour tone on a long vowel is a process in which a long vowel, when level-toned, shortens. A contour tone on a long vowel is further supported by loan monosyllabic words with a long vowel. These words, unlike other words with a long vowel, do not show tone doubling. The inapplicability of tone doubling in these words can best be explained if these words is assumed to have a falling tone. Further data of loanwords reveal that a bi-moraic closed syllable with a short vowel does not carry a contour tone. Based on the finding that a contour tone occurs only on a bi-moraic syllable with a long vowel, I argue that the tone bearing unit in North Kyungsang Korean is the mora associated with the feature [+syllabic].

입성(入聲)의 귀속(歸屬) 및 소실(消失) 과정(過程)에 대한 견해(見解) 분석(分析)

배은한 한국중문학회 2014 中國文學硏究 Vol.0 No.54

This paper focuses on analyzing various opinions from existing research outcomes and literature materials regarding the appertaining issue for the syllables designated as Entering-tone or Entering-endings vowel and the loss process of Entering-endings which characterize Entering-tone. Perception gap exposed during the discussion process has been recognized regarding the appertaining issue for Entering-tone, which is still not drawing any united opinion in the current academic circles. And it was verified that, through the analysis of literature materials on Entering-endings` loss process, the weakening phenomenon and loss process of Entering-endings had been already progressing in a variety of aspects in the extensive regions during the Tang dynasty, the era of Middle Chinese. In terms of appertaining issue, analysis on pros and cons has been done centering on the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, regarding whether the Entering-tone, which is classified as three kinds of Coda including [-p], [-t] and [-k], should be recognized as the Tonal type according to traditional viewpoint, or should be appertained to the category of Vowels according to the difference in Coda. After Cen Qixiang(1943) presented the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, the recognition created a sensation, regarding Entering-tone as a problem of Vowels` Coda rather than as a category of Tone through a variety of follow-up studies including those of Huang Borong(1960), Zong Fubang(1984), Yang Xinchuan(1997), Joo Soungil(2002), Xia Zhongyi(2007), etc. On the contrary, Lu Wenwen and Liang Fengju(2006), Song Yong(2011), etc. opposed to the opinion that “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone”, on the basis of Four-Tone classification scheme of PingㆍShangㆍQuㆍRu, which has been maintained as a firm tradition for the last dozen centuries since the recognition on Tone had been established around 6th century, as well as the syllable classification scheme of modern dialects. This kind of pros and cons, “Entering-tone is not a type of Tone” versus “Entering-tone is a type of Tone”, are judged to be not just the problem limited to the Entering-tone`s appertaining method itself but the problem resulting from the fundamental gap in perception on Tone. Regarding whether Pitch of sound, which has been recognized as sound argument in the academic circles ever since Yuanren Chao(1930) presented an opinion called The five degree Tone marking method, should be established as a sole standard in the Tone`s classification, or an element called Length of sound besides Pitch of sound should be applied in parallel as a classification standard according to traditional classification method, this paper judges it desirable to leave it as an unsolved case for which more definite conclusion should be drawn in the future. And regarding the loss of Entering-tone, which has been recognized as a representative phenomenon among Phonological change which differentiates between Middle Chinese and Early Old Mandarin, it was confirmed through the various research results of late that the phenomenon of Entering-tone`s weakening or loss had already been progressing even during the Tang and Song dynasty of Middle Chinese period. In this paper, through the research results of Shi Xiangdong(1983), Zhou Zumo(1988), Kim Eunjoo(2002), etc. and analysis on Hu Zeng`s Xi qizu yu bu zheng, it was verified that the phenomenon of Entering-endings` weakening and loss had been already progressing in the dialects of extensive regions during the Tang dynasty around 7th to 9th century, in a variety of aspects including the mixed uses of [-t] and [-k], [-p] and [-k], etc.

강원방언의 성조 변화와 방언구획

최영미 한글학회 2023 한글 Vol.- No.341

This study was conducted to identify the characteristics of Gangwon dialect tones by comparing the tonal system and tonal realization of individual lower Gangwon dialects. The Gangwon area was divided based on local dialects’ tone systems. As a result, it was confirmed that there are dialect differences in the tones of the Gangwon dialect, and that the Jeongseon dialect, which is currently described as a semi-tonal dialect, should be described as a tonal dialect. This study produced three major results about the Gangwon dialect. The first result is that the Gangwon dialect has six tone rules.: 1. changing the departing tone “geo-seong” to a type-2 even tone “phyeong2-hyeong,” 2. randomly alternating pyeongbog-hyeong tone patterns when the phonological phrase starts with two or more even tones, 3. changing a pyeongbog-hyeong tone to a yin-departing tone, 4. changing rising tone to a yin-rising tone, 5. changing type-1 even tones to pyeongbog-hyeong tones, and 6. changing type-1 even tones to yin-even tones. The second main result is that the six tone rules that exist in Gangwon dialect are the cause of tone change. It is applied differently in the phonological tone processes in the lower Gangwon dialects. The Gangwon dialects with the greatest tonal change in order of decreasing degree of change were the Samcheok, Yeongwol, Gangneung, Jeongseon, and Pyeongchang dialects. The third major result was that the Gangwon dialect tone system could be divided into three regions. Region A contained the Samcheok dialect; Region B the Gangneung, Jeongseon, and Yeongwol dialects; and Region C the Pyeongchang dialect.

광양시 진상 방언의 성조형과 음조형

김차균,강흥구 한글학회 2009 한글 Vol.- No.285

이 연구는 방점법 이론에 의해서 광양시 진상 방언의 성조가 가장 상위의 층위인 방점 층위에서는 무표 성조인 평성(□)과 유표 성조인 측성으로 나눠지고, 측성은 다시 그 조치가 단순 수평조인 거성(·□)과 완만한 굴곡조인 상성(:□)으로 나누어지는 3성조 체계이며, 무표 성조의 약한 중화력과 유표 성조들의 강한 중화력으로 말미암아 최종 방점 표상에서는 성조의 연결에 제약이 심하여 크게 4가지 방법으로 나누어짐을 증명했다. 그 4가지는 2분법으로 분류하면 1차적으로 평측형(□₁·□ⁿ)과 측성형으로 나눠지고, 2차적으로 평측형은 평1형(□·□₀)과 평복형(□₂·□ⁿ)으로, 측성형은 거성형(·□₁)과 상성형(:□₁)으로 나눠지며, 평복형을 더 나누면 평2형, 평3, ……, 평n형으로 나눠짐을 밝혔다. 이 방언의 방점형은 3음절 이상인 경우 평성으로만 이루어지는 평성형(□₃)이 없다는 점에서 그것이 있는 창원 방언과 다르며, 또 창원 방언에서는 없는 4음절 이상의 평측형의 1측형(□₃·□)화가 거의 필수적으로 일어나서, 2측형, 3측형, ……, n측형 등은 극히 드물게 나타난다는 사실도 보여주었다. 방점법에서 제2의 층위인 성조형의 도출은 방점들을 대상 방언의 높낮이 표시인 성조들로 바꿔 주는 단순 작업이다. 광양시 진상 방언에서는 □, ·□, :□은 각각 H, M, 으로 바꾸면 되므로, 4가지 방점형 곧 평1형(□·□₀), 평복형(□₂·□ⁿ), 거성형(·□₁), 상성형(:□₁)은 각각 HM₀, H₂Mⁿ, M₁, ₁으로 간단하게 바뀐다. 제3의 층위는 성조형에서 음조형을 도출한다. /국론/이 음운 규칙의 적용으로 [궁논]으로 도출되는 것처럼, 성조형은 음조 실현 규칙의 적용으로 음조형이 도출된다. 성조형과 그것에서 도출되는 으뜸음조형과 버금음조형들을 적으면, /HM₁/{[HM₁], [HнM₀], [HHM₀]}, /H₂Mⁿ/[Mн₀HMⁿ], /M₁/{[HHM₀], [MHM₀]}, /₁/{[HM₀], [ḦM₁]}이 된다. 제4의 층위는 음조형을 더 자세히 기술하는 곳이다. 음조형은 심리적인 판단에 의해 주관적으로 기호화하는 대신에, 그리고 또한 음향물리적인 측정 대신에, 지각심리적인 관점에 의해 개발해 낸 사분음척도로 제보자에게서 얻은 음향 스펙트로그람을 측정하여 Qt 단위로 엄격하게 객관적인 방법으로 기호화했다(참고: 1Qt=1/24 Octave). 우리의 측정과 기호화의 장점과 특징을 분명하게 드러내기 위해 이 방언에 대한 선행연구 성과인 후꾸이(1998)의 주관적인 액센트형 기술과 대조했다. 그리고 사분음척도의 사용에 의한 음조형 기술은 아직 그 역사가 2년 정도밖에 안 되며, 연구 논문도 극히 드물기 때문에 이 연구에서는 사용 방법의 개발에 무게를 두었다. The purpose of this paper is to describe the tonemic patterns and their pitch forms of Jinsang dialect, Gwangyang City, based on the side-dot theory. This dialect has three tone system, which consist of an unmarked even tone and two marked tones, which are departing tone and rising tone. The even tone is symbolized as □ with no dot, the rising tone, the departing tone as ·□ with one dot, and the rising tone as :□ with two dots. The symbols □, ·□, and :□ are common signs in Middle Korean and all its modern daughter tone dialects. The symbols □, ·□, and :□ are decided according to the neutralization force exercising upon the following syllable and on the basis of phonetic complexity of pitch. The three tones □, ·□, and :□ can be opposed to each other at the word initial position. Both even tone □ and marked tone ·□ can can be opposed to each other at the position after the even tone □, but rising tone is neutralized as ·□ except at the word initial position. Marked marked tone ·□ only can appear at the position after ·□, or :□. Because of the restriction mentioned above, the ways of combination of the side-dot symbols, that is, the side-dot patterns of this dialect are much restricted as follows: ① Pyeong-il ‘only-one even tone’ complex pattern □·□₁, ② Pyeong-bok ‘more -than-two even tone’ complex pattern □₂·□ⁿ, ③ Geoseong pattern ·□₁, ④ Sang-seong pattern :□₁. Each side-dot symbol □, ·□, and :□ has its underlying pitch value, /H/(high), /M/(mid), and //(mid-rising), respectively in Jinsang dialect. We can call /H/, /M/, and // as tone represen tations, or tones. Therefore each of the four side-dot patterns has its own tonemic pattern representations: /HM₁/(□·□₁), /H₂·Mⁿ/(□₂·□ⁿ), /M₁/(·□₁), //(:□₁,). Each tonemic pattern representation is realized as its surface pitch form through the application of some pitch realization rules. The couples of each tonemic pattern and its pitch form are as follows: /HM₁/{[HM₁], [HнM₀], [HHM₀]}, /H₂Mⁿ/[Mн₀HMⁿ], /M₂/{[HHM₀], [MHM₀}, /₂/{[HM₀], [ḦM₁]} The tone signs and pitch signs can not be determined arbitrarily from the subjective point of view. We have measured sound spectrograms of tape-recorded pitch forms with the Quarter Tone Scale (Q-tone scale) developed by SeongㆍKwonㆍLeeㆍGim's team in 2006. The scale is not a acoustic-physical scale of the unit Hz but the perceptual-psychological scale of the unit Qt(cf. 1Qt is 1/24 octave). Each Qt knots of pitch forms are made up as a Qt chain. There are thre kinds of Qt chain. One is measure Qt chain, a chain of Qt rate in each syllable, an other is the adjusted Qt chain which can be obtained by applying the principle of modu lation. The other is reference Qt chain which can be obtained by contrast and comparision of a large amount of measure Qt chains and adjusted Qt chain. The tone signs /H/, /M/ and //, and the pitch he tone signs [H]/, [M], [н], [Ḧ] and [] and so on are determined through strict contrast of the above three Qt chains.

The Tone Bearing Unit in North Kyungsang Korean

( Young Hee Chung ) 대한언어학회 2007 언어학 Vol.15 No.2

The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 15(2), 59-75. The goal of this paper is to determine what constitutes the tone bering unit in North Kyungsang Korean. For the purpose, I examine tonal phenomena involving contour tones in native and loanwords of North Kyungsang Korean. The crucial fact concerning the determination of the tone bearing unit in this language is that a contour tone, which is a concatenation of two level tones and so needs two tone bearing units, appears only on a bi-moraic syllable which contains a long vowel; it does not occur on a mono-moraic short vowel. In support of a contour tone on a long vowel is a process in which a long vowel, when level-toned, shortens. A contour tone on a long vowel is further supported by loan monosyllabic words with a long vowel. These words, unlike other words with a long vowel, do not show tone doubling. The inapplicability of tone doubling in these words can best be explained if these words is assumed to have a falling tone. Further data of loanwords reveal that a bi-moraic closed syllable with a short vowel does not carry a contour tone. Based on the finding that a contour tone occurs only on a bi-moraic syllable with a long vowel, I argue that the tone bearing unit in North Kyungsang Korean is the mora associated with the feature [+syllabic].

普通話聲調教學的一個可行性策略

金立?(Jin Lixin),白水振(Baek Su-jin) 중국어문학연구회 2009 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.57

The third tone in Mandarin should be considered as a low tone which occurs more often and has less restricted condition in contemporary Chinese. A falling-rising tone (214) is virtually the conditioned variation of the third tone. Therefore, which one is the typical third tone needs to be reconsidered. Besides, the disyllable words which include two fourth tones are undergoing weakening on the second syllable. Most of the second fourth tone in parallel structure is becoming a neutral tone. The disyllable word shares one falling tone. The paper presents a third tone teaching practice which took the third tone as a low tone instead of a falling-rising tone. The practice proves that this strategy is very effective.

표준중국어 성조 분포의 유형적 특성

이옥주(Lee, Ok Joo) 한국중어중문학회 2018 中語中文學 Vol.- No.74

Earlier literature on tones of Chinese tends to report the tonal inventory and tone sandhi observed in a certain variety of the language. However, given that Chinese is one of the major tonal languages, a typological investigation of Chinese tones is needed to achieve a better understanding of not only the tonal systems of the Chinese varieties but also the universals of tones across languages. To understand the Mandarin tones from a typological perspective, this study examines the tonal distribution patterns in 518 tonal languages collected in PHOBLIE and compares them with the tonal distribution analyzed from a Mandarin lexicon corpus. Results of a quantitative analysis of the two corpora reveal several important typological features of the tone types and distribution of Mandarin as well as tonal languages in general: (1) Approximately 63% of the tonal languages contain 2 or 3 tone types, and about 19% of the languages, including Mandarin, contain 4 tone types, (2) Implicational relation between tone types (e.g., the existence of contour tone(s) implies the existence of level tone(s)) are observed both across tonal languages and in Mandarin. (3) The distribution pattern of ‘level tone > simple contour tone > complex contour tone’, which is in negative relation with tone markedness, is found across tonal languages. However, falling tone(T4) being the most frequently occurring tone type, Mandarin shows the distribution of ‘simple contour tone > level tone > complex contour tone’.

중고한음 성조와 『소학언해』에 나타난 우리말 한자 형태소 성조의 비교

김차균 한글학회 2012 한글 Vol.- No.297

이 연구에서는 (평성(◱), 상성(◰), 거성(◳), 입성(◲)으로 표시되는) 중고한음 4성과 방점(평성(□), 상성(:□), 거성(·□))으로 표시된 16세기말 문헌인 『소학언해』의 한자어 성조를 대조하여 양자 사이의 대응 정도를 계량적으로 검토했다. 중고한음을 기준으로 하면 평성(◱) 276자, 상성(◰) 153자, 거성(◳) 197자, 입성(◲) 139자, 그리고 4성 중에서 2가지 성조로 나타나는 것 51자, 모두 합쳐서 816자이다. 이 연구를 통해서 4가지 큰 목표를 달성했다. 첫째로 당시의 한자 형태소 방점 자료를 계량적으로 분석 정리했다. 둘째로 『소학언해』 ‘범례’의 현실 성조에 대한 설명이 진실한 것이며, 15,6세기 최고의 성조 이론임을 확인하고 증명했다. 셋째로 우리의 문헌들에서 방점 표시가 사라지기 직전인 16세기말의 문헌인 『소학언해』의 한자의 방점 표시를 통해서 16세기말의 국어의 성조 체계가 붕괴 단계에 있었던 것이 아니라, 오늘날의 영남 방언 이상으로 성조 체계가 생생하게 살아 있었음을 확인했다. 그리고 넷째로 우리 현실 한자음 성조의 확립 기간의 시작을 성리학(/유학)의 본격적인 도입이 시작된 고려 말로 잡았다. In this paper, I have showed, in the first place, how Medieval Chinese four tones-ping tone, shang tone, qu tone, and ru tone-are reflected into Korean three tones-even, rising, and high-level-in 816 Chinese characters of So-hak- on-hae quantitatively. About 256(92.8%) of 276 Medieval Chinese ping tone characters were reflected in even tone in Korean. And about 131(94.2%) of 139 Medieval Chinese ru tone characters were reflected in high-level tone in Korean. By contrast about 95(62.1%) of 153 shang tone characters were reflected in rising tone, and 40(26.1%), in high-level tone. About 119(60.4 %) of 197 qu tone characters were reflected in rising tone, and 55(27.9%), in high-level tone. High degree of reflection of Medieval Chinese ping tone and ru tone and low degree of reflection of shang tone and qu tone show us asymmetric figure. I think it is the two major cause of asymmetry. Firstly, in the adaptation period of Chinese characters into Sino-Korean characters tone system, indispensable separation between ping tone and the other three tones for Chinese poetry work demanded the ruling- upper-caste persistently memorizing ping tone characters. Secondly, the syllable with final /p/, /l/, or /k/ in the Korean reading of Chines characters reflected the ru tone of Chinese. Therefore they were abke to obtain excellent results in reflecting Chinese ru tone into Korean high-level tone with little effort. As separation between shang tone and qu tone was not demanded, the ruling-upper-caste neglected it. Therefor, they were unsuccessful in memorizing shang tone and qu tone.