제 10차 朝鮮通信使 관련 자료 朝鮮人來聘記

이재정 국립중앙박물관 2014 미술자료 Vol.- No.86

This paper introduces a collection of historical materials related to Joseon-era Korean 10th envoy to Tokugawa Japan (第10次朝鮮通信使), which is in the possession of the National Museum of Korea. The 10th Korean envoy led by Hong Gyehui (洪啓禧), the chief delegate, in 1748 was sent to congratulate Ieshige Tokugawa (德川家重) on his appointment as shogun. This collection consists of three scrolls, one set of four books and one unmounted leaf. The first scroll (M2) depicts a ceremonial procession of members of Tsushima-han (對馬藩) who led the procession of Korean envoys. The second scroll (M3) shows the ceremonial procession of Korean envoys to Yodojo˗wCastle (淀城). The unmounted leaf depicts the reception of Korean envoys at Yodojo˗Castle. These three paintings are supplements to the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan (朝鮮人來聘記) recorded by Watanabe Zenyuemon Moriari (渡辺善友衛門守業), a lower samurai of Yodo-han (淀藩) who was in charge of preparing the reception for the Korean envoys. The set of four books, in the possession of the Library of the National Museum of Korea, records in detail the process of preparing the reception of the Korean envoys as well as the author’ observations of the envoys themselves. In particular, the fourth book even records the menu for the envoys. The last scroll depicts a scene of martial horsemanship, which was performed in front of the shogun at Edo. Although this scroll is not believed to be a part of the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan, it is still regarded as a historical source pertaining to Korean envoys to Tokugawa Japan. Upon investigation, these documents have been identified to be an exact copy of Watanabe’ originals. With the exception of the second scroll, the rest of the originals were deposited with the Kyoto City Archives of History by the owner, one of Watanabe’ descendants. It is unknown when and how these historical materials came into the possession of the National Museum of Korea. However, if we consider the fact that a copy, made in 1919, of the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan was in Kyoto University’ Library of the Graduate School of Letters around that time and that some Kyoto University researchers were working in the Government-General Museum of Korea around the same period, it is likely that the National Museum of Korea’ copy might have come into the museum’ possession during that period, when the copy in Kyoto University’ Library of the Graduate School of Letters was done. The fact that the Record of Korean Envoy to Tokugawa Japan and its supplementary pictures was based on the direct experiences and observations of someone who was in charge of preparing the reception as well as a participant makes this a rare collection of historical materials, and the National Museum of Korea’ copy possesses the same amount of importance as the original.

용주(龍州) 조경(趙絅)의 대일인식

방기철 ( Ki-cheol Bang ) 한국사상문화학회 2017 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.89 No.-

조경은 일본과 여진족의 침략을 모두 경험한 인물이었다. 그에게 일본의 침략은 어린 시절 간접경험에 그친 것이었지만, 여진족의 침략은 국가 뿐 아니라 자신에게도 직접적 영향을 미친 매우 중요한 사건이었다. 이러한 점은 그의 대일인식과 밀접한 관련이 있다고 생각한다. 조경의 대일인식과 관련하여 가장 주목할 점은 일본의 도움으로 여진족을 공격해야 한다고 주장했다는 점이다. 그는 명 - 조선 - 일본 -여진족이라는 질서의식을 가지고 있었고, 일본의 군사력이 강하다고 인식했다. 반면 여진족의 군사력은 대단하지 않다고 여겼기 때문에 일본의 도움으로 여진족을 물리칠 수 있다고 생각했던 것이다. 그러나 이러한 모습은 화이론에 입각한 조선의 전통적 대일인식에서 크게 벗어난 것은 아니었다고 할 수 있다. 1643년 일본사행 중 조경은 일본의 민속이나 민족성, 조선을 침략한 원흉인 도요토미 히데요시와 쓰시마에 대해 부정적 평가를 내렸다. 반면 도쿠가와 이에야스가 조선의 원수를 갚아 준 것으로 인식했고, 일본의 문물이 발전한 사실에 대해서는 긍정적 평가를 내렸다. 도쿠가와 바쿠후에 대한 긍정적 평가는 일본이 조선을 공격할 의사가 없음을 확인하였기 때문이기도 한 것이었다. 즉 일본사행을 통해 그는 일본을 바라보는 시각에 일정한 변화를 보였던 것이다. 조경이 일본사행을 통해 대일인식에 변화를 보였다고 해서, 그가 일본을 조선과 대등한 국가로 여겼던 것은 아니었다. 그에게 조선은 중국과 견줄 수 있는 문화국이었지만, 일본은 조선보다 하위에 위치한 국가였다. 즉 사행을 통해 그의 일본관은 일정한 변화를 보였지만, 여전히 그는 당시 세계를 명 - 조선 - 일본 - 여진족으로 위치지웠던 것이다. Jo Gyeong(趙絅) tried to keep the Jurchens in check with the assistance of Japan, which is the most noteworthy in his perceptions of Japan. He experienced the invasions of both Japan and the Jurchens. While the invasion of Japan was a part of his second-hand experiences during childhood, that of the Jurchens had direct impacts on him. He understood the world of his time in relations among Ming Dynasty, Joseon, Japan, and the Jurchens, which was in line with people's view of world order during the former half of Joseon. His perceptions of Japan were thus in line with the idea of Japan as theory of the civilized and the barbarians. In his diplomatic mission to Japan, Jo Gyeong criticized Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who invaded Joseon, harshly and exhibited strong distrust in Tsushima as he believed that the main culprits of invasion of Joseon were Hideyoshi and Tsushima. He, on the contrary, had an amicable view of Tokugawa Ieyasu and Tokugawa shogunate. He praised the grand civilization of Japan and even called Japan a friend nation. His diplomatic mission to Japan changed his viewpoint of the country, but the change was restricted to the Tokugawa shogunate. That is, he had a dichotomous viewpoint of Japan between the main culprits of the war, which were Hideyoshi and Tsushima, and the Tokugawa shogunate, which brought Hideyoshi down. The changes to his perceptions of Japan did not mean that he recognized it as an equal to Joseon. He took pride in Joseon that learned civilization from Gija(箕子) and stood shoulder to shoulder with Samdae (三代) and emphasized that Joseon was superior to Japan. In other words, his view of the world in relations among Ming Dynasty, Joseon, Japan, and the Jurchens continued even though his view of Japan became more positive after his diplomatic mission to the country.

龍州 趙絅의 대일인식

방기철 한국사상문화학회 2017 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.89 No.-

Jo Gyeong(趙絅) tried to keep the Jurchens in check with the assistance of Japan, which is the most noteworthy in his perceptions of Japan. He experienced the invasions of both Japan and the Jurchens. While the invasion of Japan was a part of his second-hand experiences during childhood, that of the Jurchens had direct impacts on him. He understood the world of his time in relations among Ming Dynasty, Joseon, Japan, and the Jurchens, which was in line with people's view of world order during the former half of Joseon. His perceptions of Japan were thus in line with the idea of Japan as theory of the civilized and the barbarians. In his diplomatic mission to Japan, Jo Gyeong criticized Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who invaded Joseon, harshly and exhibited strong distrust in Tsushima as he believed that the main culprits of invasion of Joseon were Hideyoshi and Tsushima. He, on the contrary, had an amicable view of Tokugawa Ieyasu and Tokugawa shogunate. He praised the grand civilization of Japan and even called Japan a friend nation. His diplomatic mission to Japan changed his viewpoint of the country, but the change was restricted to the Tokugawa shogunate. That is, he had a dichotomous viewpoint of Japan between the main culprits of the war, which were Hideyoshi and Tsushima, and the Tokugawa shogunate, which brought Hideyoshi down. The changes to his perceptions of Japan did not mean that he recognized it as an equal to Joseon. He took pride in Joseon that learned civilization from Gija(箕子) and stood shoulder to shoulder with Samdae(三代) and emphasized that Joseon was superior to Japan. In other words, his view of the world in relations among Ming Dynasty, Joseon, Japan, and the Jurchens continued even though his view of Japan became more positive after his diplomatic mission to the country. 조경은 일본과 여진족의 침략을 모두 경험한 인물이었다. 그에게 일본의 침략은 어린 시절 간접경험에 그친 것이었지만, 여진족의 침략은 국가 뿐 아니라 자신에게도 직접적 영향을 미친 매우 중요한 사건이었다. 이러한 점은 그의 대일인식과 밀접한 관련이 있다고 생각한다. 조경의 대일인식과 관련하여 가장 주목할 점은 일본의 도움으로 여진족을 공격해야 한다고 주장했다는 점이다. 그는 명 - 조선 - 일본 - 여진족이라는 질서의식을 가지고 있었고, 일본의 군사력이 강하다고 인식했다. 반면 여진족의 군사력은 대단하지 않다고 여겼기 때문에 일본의 도움으로 여진족을 물리칠 수 있다고 생각했던 것이다. 그러나 이러한 모습은 화이론에 입각한 조선의 전통적 대일인식에서 크게 벗어난 것은 아니었다고 할 수 있다. 1643년 일본사행 중 조경은 일본의 민속이나 민족성, 조선을 침략한 원흉인 도요토미 히데요시와 쓰시마에 대해 부정적 평가를 내렸다. 반면 도쿠가와 이에야스가 조선의 원수를 갚아 준 것으로 인식했고, 일본의 문물이 발전한 사실에 대해서는 긍정적 평가를 내렸다. 도쿠가와 바쿠후에 대한 긍정적 평가는 일본이 조선을 공격할 의사가 없음을 확인하였기 때문이기도 한 것이었다. 즉 일본사행을 통해 그는 일본을 바라보는 시각에 일정한 변화를 보였던 것이다. 조경이 일본사행을 통해 대일인식에 변화를 보였다고 해서, 그가 일본을 조선과 대등한 국가로 여겼던 것은 아니었다. 그에게 조선은 중국과 견줄 수 있는 문화국이었지만, 일본은 조선보다 하위에 위치한 국가였다. 즉 사행을 통해 그의 일본관은 일정한 변화를 보였지만, 여전히 그는 당시 세계를 명 - 조선 - 일본 - 여진족으로 위치지웠던 것이다.

1607년 朝 日간 국교재개시 被虜人의 역할

방기철 호남사학회 2011 역사학연구 Vol.42 No.-

이 글은 1592년 일본의 침략으로 시작된 7년 여에 걸친 전쟁 후, 일본의 국교재개 요청에 대한 조선 정부의 대응과정에서 피로인들이 어떠한 역할을 했는지를 살펴 본 것이다. 전쟁 중 일본은 10만여 명 이상의 조선인을 일본으로 납치했고, 전후 6,000~9,000여 명 이상이 조선으로 돌아왔다. 당시 조선은 일본과 국교가 단절된 상태였으므로, 일본에 대한 정보를 확보할 수 있는 루트가 거의 없는 상태였다. 따라서 대일정보의 상당 부분을 일본에서 생활하다 돌아온 피로인들에게 의존할 수밖에 없었다. 쓰시마는 종전과 거의 동시에 조선 정부에게 통상재개를 요청했다. 뒤이어 일본 중앙정부와의 국교재개를 요청했다. 조선은 전후 일본에 대한 적개심이 남아 있었지만, 일본과의 화의는 피할 수 없다는 생각을 가지고 있었다. 일본과의 국교재개에서 가장 중요한 문제는 일본의 재침이 있을 것인지의 여부였다. 이 문제는 새로 집권한 도쿠가와 이에야스가 일본을 완전히 장악한 것인지와도 관련된 문제였다. 조선 정부는 대일정보 확보를 위해 쓰시마에 사신을 보내 일본의 정세를 파악하기도 했지만, 이와 함께 조선으로 돌아온 피로인들에게 대일정보의 상당 부분을 의지하기도 했다. 피로인들은 자신들의 경험을 바탕으로 일본의 재침가능성 여부, 쓰시마와의 통상문제, 일본의 정세 등을 조선 정부에 알려 국교재개에 일정한 역할을 담당하였다. 조선 정부는 피로인들을 믿을 수 없는 존재로 규정하고, 국교재개에 적극적인 인물들을 처벌하기도 했다. 하지만 조선 정부의 대일정책은 피로인들이 제시한 바와 같이 쓰시마와의 통상 재개를 허가했고, 일본에 사신을 파견하여 국교를 재개했다. 이러한 사실들은 조선 정부의 대일정책에 피로인들의 정보 제공이 상당한 부분 반영된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 전후 조선과 일본이 국교를 재개하여 200여 년에 걸쳐 교린우호의 평화 관계를 유지할 수 있었던 데에는 피로인들의 역할이 상당히 큰 것이었다고 생각한다. This study set out to investigate the roles of a war prisoner in the process of Joseon government's reactions to Japan's request for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries after about seven years of war that started by Japan's invasion in 1592. During the war, Japan abducted more than 100,000 Joseon people to the islands, and 6,000~9,000 of them returned back to Joseon after the war was ended. Since the diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan were severed during the period, Joseon had few routes to secure information about Japan and accordingly had to depend on a war prisoner, who returned back to Joseon after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. Tsushima Island requested the resumption of trade to the Joseon government almost right after the war was over, being followed by Japan's central government that asked for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Even though Joseon still had antagonism against Japan after the war, it thought it was inevitable to resume interactions with Japan. The most important issues in the resumption of its diplomatic relationships with Japan were whether Japan would invade Joseon again in future and whether Tokugawa Ieyasu(德川家康), who recently grasped the power in Japan, would completely own the country in his hands. The Joseon government dispatched envoys to Tsushima Island to secure some information about Japan and understand what was going on in the country, while depending on a war prisoner, who returned back to Japan after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. A war Prisoner performed certain roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries regarding whether Japan would invade again, trade with Tsushima Island, and political situations of Japan based on their experiences. Thinking that a war Piroinser were not to be trusted, the Joseon government even punished some of them who were active with the resumption of diplomatic relationships with Japan. Like they suggested, however, it carried out such policies on Japan as allowing for the resumption of trade with Tsushima Island and that of diplomatic relationships with Japan by dispatching envoys to it. Those measures taken by the Joseon government suggest that its policies on Japan reflected a considerable of information provided by a war prisoner. In that sense, it is safe to say that a war prisoner played very huge roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan after the war and the peaceful state over 200 years or so between the two countries.

임진왜란 후 조·일간 국교재개 과정 연구

방기철(Bang, Ki-cheol) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2012 군사 Vol.- No.84

Almost right after Japan"s Invasion of Joseon in 1592 ended, Japan requested the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries, but the anti-Japanese sentiment among the Joseon people was too strong to allow the resumption. Tokugawa Ieyasu asked Joseon to resume its diplomatic relationships with Japan through the Tsushima Island after the Sekigahara battle, but Joseon refused his request. Then Tsushima demanded reconciliation, proposing the return of captives and spreading a rumor about re-invasion. Joseon was not able to easily take a position because it could not clearly determine whether there-invasion rumor was true and the request for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries was the intention of Ieyasu. However, it ended up dispatching Yu Jeong(惟政) as Tamjeoksa(探賊使) to Tsushimain 1604, giving in to its repeated requests. Yu Jeong met with Ieyasu in Edo and agreed on the restoration principles of diplomatic relationships between the two countries, but Ieyasu did not send the credentials and accordingly prevented the formal diplomatic relationships from being formed between the two countries. After that, Tsushima continued to make requests for resuming diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Joseon asked for Ieyasu"s credentials and subpoena on the robbers of Seonreung(宣陵) and Jeongreung(靖陵),finally its requests were metby Japan.Even though there was doubts on the authenticity of the credentials and the robbers, Joseon restored its diplomatic relationships with Japan by dispatching Hoidapgyeomsoehwansa(回答兼刷還使) in 1607. Joseon decided to resume its diplomatic relationships with Japan because it had to focus on the defense on its northern border with the growing Jurchen state as well as post-war restoration efforts. In addition, Joseon people grew favorable to Japan, especially Ieyasu, which played a critical rolein the resumption. King Seonjo(宣祖) regarded Japan as an equal of Joseon unlike his perception before the war and exhibited a friendly attitude to Ieyasu.The envoys of Joseon dispatched to Japan were also friendly to Ieyasu and his son Tokugawa Hidetada, and Ieyasu and Hidetada treated them well, too. The international order was changing around Ming Dynasty after Japan"s invasion of Joseon in 1592. In China, Ming Dynasty was being replaced by Qing Dynasty. In Japan, the Toyotomi Hideyoshi feudal government was replaced by the Ieyasu feudal government. In those changing international situations, Joseon needed a different diplomatic ideology from before the war in order to make active responses to them and thus treated Japan in a more equal position than before the war.

2009년 새역모 지유샤(自由社) 교과서 중ㆍ․근세 관련 서술의 검토 -조선 관련 서술을 중심으로-

윤유숙 역사교육학회 2009 역사교육논집 Vol.43 No.-

This essay examines how a few Japanese history textbooks represent Japan’s historical relations with Korea, focusing on the 2001, 2005 editions of the Husoshya Middle School History Book and the 2009 edition of the Jiyusha Middle School History Book. In particular, the essay is an attempt to analyze the characteristics and problems in these textbooks’ representations of Japan-Joseon relations in the mid-modern period, especially such issues as waegu, the 1592 Japanese invasion of Joseon, the Joseon-Japan relation in the Edo era, and Japan’s foreign policies in the early Edo era. The 2009 edition of the Jiyusha Middle School History Book is very similar to the 2005 edition of the Husoshya Middle School History Book on the whole--not just in the descriptions of aforementioned issues--with only occasional variations in terminology. This in turn signifies that the problems which had been pointed out in 2005 were not corrected or addressed; and also that the ideals of Japan-centricism, Western-centric historical consciousness and historigraphy, which had been upheld by Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, are still being advocated. The historical consciousness motivating Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform is reflected in the representations of the Japan’s relations to Joseon and foreign policies of the mid-modern period which this essay examines. The descriptions of waegu and the 1592 invasion remain uninfluenced by recent academic views and findings, with Japan’s impact on neighboring countries subtly understated. In addition, Joseon, Ryukyu, Ejochi--all on friendly diplomatic terms with Japan in the Edo era--are implicitly positioned hierarchically below the Tokugawa Bakuhu. Any relations to China are largely omitted or curtailed, while in comparison Japan’s interaction with the West and its consequences are positively represented and evaluated. These tendencies in history textbooks can inculcate extreme ethnocentrism and Japan-centric historical consciousness in Japanese students and consequently paralyze or impair their capacity for realistic world views and well-balanced, critical understandings of historical contexts. Considering the future necessity for mutually beneficial co-existence of East Asian countries, it is highly imperative that textbook historiograhy should incorporate an objective and critical standpoint regarding Japan’s history in East Asia.

연구논문 : 1607년 조(朝),일(日)간 국교재개시 피로인(被虜人)의 역할

방기철 ( Ki Cheol Bang ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2011 역사학연구 Vol.42 No.-

이 글은 1592년 일본의 침략으로 시작된 7년 여에 걸친 전쟁 후, 일본의 국교재개 요청에 대한 조선 정부의 대응과정에서 피로인들이 어떠한 역할을 했는지를 살펴 본 것이다. 전쟁 중 일본은 10만여 명 이상의 조선인을 일본으로 납치했고, 전후6,000~9,000여 명 이상이 조선으로 돌아왔다. 당시 조선은 일본과 국교가 단절된 상태였으므로, 일본에 대한 정보를 확보할 수 있는 루트가 거의 없는 상태였다. 따라서 대일정보의 상당 부분을 일본에서 생활하다 돌아온 피로인들에게 의존할 수밖에 없었다. 쓰시마는 종전과 거의 동시에 조선 정부에게 통상재개를 요청했다. 뒤이어 일본 중앙정부와의 국교재개를 요청했다. 조선은 전후 일본에 대한 적개심이 남아 있었지만, 일본과의 화의는 피할 수 없다는 생각을 가지고 있었다. 일본과의 국교재개에서 가장 중요한 문제는 일본의 재침이 있을 것인지의 여부였다. 이 문제는 새로 집권한 도쿠가와 이에야스가 일본을 완전히 장악한 것인지와도 관련된 문제였다. 조선 정부는 대일정보 확보를 위해 쓰시마에 사신을 보내 일본의 정세를 파악하기도 했지만, 이와 함께 조선으로 돌아온 피로인들에게 대일정보의 상당 부분을 의지하기도 했다. 피로인들은 자신들의 경험을 바탕으로 일본의 재침가능성 여부, 쓰시마와의 통상문제, 일본의 정세 등을 조선 정부에 알려 국교재개에 일정한 역할을 담당하였다. 조선 정부는 피로인들을 믿을 수 없는 존재로 규정하고, 국교재개에 적극적인 인물들을 처벌하기도 했다. 하지만 조선 정부의 대일정책은 피로인들이 제시한 바와 같이 쓰시마와의 통상 재개를 허가했고, 일본에 사신을 파견하여 국교를 재개했다. 이러한 사실들은 조선 정부의 대일정책에 피로인들의 정보제공이 상당한 부분 반영된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 전후 조선과 일본이 국교를 재개하여 200여 년에 걸쳐 교린우호의 평화 관계를 유지할 수 있었던 데에는 피로인들의 역할이 상당히 큰 것이었다고 생각한다. This study set out to investigate the roles of a war prisoner in the process of Joseon government`s reactions to Japan`s request for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries after about seven years of war that started by Japan`s invasion in 1592. During the war, Japan abducted more than 100,000 Joseon people to the islands, and 6,000~9,000 of them returned back to Joseon after the war was ended. Since the diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan were severed during the period, Joseon had few routes to secure information about Japan and accordingly had to depend on a war prisoner, who returned back to Joseon after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. Tsushima Island requested the resumption of trade to the Joseon government almost right after the war was over, being followed by Japan`s central government that asked for the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries. Even though Joseon still had antagonism against Japan after the war, it thought it was inevitable to resume interactions with Japan. The most important issues in the resumption of its diplomatic relationships with Japan were whether Japan would invade Joseon again in future and whether Tokugawa Ieyasu(德川家康), who recently grasped the power in Japan, would completely own the country in his hands. The Joseon government dispatched envoys to Tsushima Island to secure some information about Japan and understand what was going on in the country, while depending on a war prisoner, who returned back to Japan after years of staying in Japan, for the majority of information about Japan. A war Prisoner performed certain roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between the two countries regarding whether Japan would invade again, trade with Tsushima Island, and political situations of Japan based on their experiences. Thinking that a war Piroinser were not to be trusted, the Joseon government even punished some of them who were active with the resumption of diplomatic relationships with Japan. Like they suggested, however, it carried out such policies on Japan as allowing for the resumption of trade with Tsushima Island and that of diplomatic relationships with Japan by dispatching envoys to it. Those measures taken by the Joseon government suggest that its policies on Japan reflected a considerable of information provided by a war prisoner. In that sense, it is safe to say that a war prisoner played very huge roles in the resumption of diplomatic relationships between Joseon and Japan after the war and the peaceful state over 200 years or so between the two countries.

17세기 朝日間 日本製 武器類의 교역과 밀매

윤유숙 역사학연구회 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

This essay examines the progress of Joseon-Japan trades from the beginning of the seventeenth century to 1667, the year when Nukebune occurred. The Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 was the key factor that made Joseon take interest in the Japan-made weaponry. Joseon recognized the particular effectiveness of Japanese rifles and swords, and accordingly endeavored to import the manufacturing technologies. When with the Giyu Agreement the commerce between the two countries officially resumed, Joseon began importing Japanese weapons through official channels. In the period from 1600 to 1610, when no regulations in Japan forbade exportations of weaponry, Joseon was able to purchase weapons with relative ease; and Japan in turn was cooperative. The Tokugawa Bakuhu pronounced a prohibition on the export of weapons in 1621, but Joseon, affected by the two invasions by Hugeum(後金) between 1620 and 1630, still more welcomed the Tsushima Clan's selling of weapons. After the regime of King Injo, Japanese weaponry drew even more attention, due to the Injo regime's policies toward Hugeum(後金). In other words, this was part of the plans to amplify military preparations. Although aware of its illegal nature, the Tsushima Clan kept exporting weapons because it enabled them to carry on interactions with Joseon with some advantage. However, when the Tsushima Clan's export of weapons was found out in the process of the Bakuhu's investigation of Yanagawaikken, the Tsushima Clan refrained from selling weapons to Joseon. Then in 1660s the Joseon government, in pursuit of Japanese sulphur and weapons, actively issued directions to tradesmen and interpreters to mediate purchases of such. The goods illegally brought in by Japanese vessels from 1663 to 1666 were purchased first by tradesmen or interpreters and then sold off, or offered as tributes, to Joseon's government institutions. After the mid-seventeenth century when the Hyojong regime unfolded plans to conquer Northen areas into the Ch'ing dynasty and to strengthen the armed forces, military institutions in the capital (Hansung) and local cities geared up to further promote military training and weapons production. As the production of rifles, gunpowder, and bullets increased, the demands for their raw materials such as iron and sulphur increased rapidly as well. But since sulphur mines had hardly been developed in Joseon at the time, Joseon had to rely upon the Japanese import as the only source of sulphur and gunpower. Joseon's smuggling of Japanese weapons of around 1660s, therefore, was a desperate measure taken in the conflict caused by the military reinforcement plans and the underdeveloped state of domestic weapons production systems.

Формирование гуманистической культуры токугавской Японии на примере творчества выдающегося драматурга Тикамацу Мондзаэмона

Эгнара Гайковна Вартаньян(E.G. Vartanyan) 경북대학교 러시아-유라시아 연구소 2022 러시아유라시아연구 Vol.7 No.1

Статья посвящена творчеству великого японского драматурга Тикамацу Мондзаэмона (1653-1724), выявлению гуманистических основ его произведений. Показаны законодательные и этические запреты и регламентации, существовавшие в токугавском феодальном обществе, цензурные ограничения и надзор над театром со стороны правительства. Рассмотрен японский городской театр, сформировавшийся и достигший расцвета в ХVII-ХVIII вв. - дзёрури и Кабуки. Анализируются этапы жизненного пути Тикамацу, первые шаги на поприще драматургии, появление жанра бытовой драмы. Подчеркивается, что Тикамацу создал 24 бытовые и более 100 исторических драм, почти каждая из них становилась событием в театральной жизни Японии того времени. Главная тема всех бытовых драм Тикамацу - противоречие между долгом и чувствами человека, что неизбежно приводит к столкновению с устоявшейся в феодальном обществе моралью. Исход борьбы всегда решен в феодальном обществе - побеждает старый уклад, но сочувствие автора было на стороне побеждённых. В этом его верность духу своего времени, гуманизм и подлинное новаторство драматурга, который идейно открыл эпоху Нового времени в Японии. Тикамацу показал на японской сцене драму своего современника, маленького человека, который ценой жизни отстаивает самое дорогое, что у него есть - любовь и доброе имя. Тикамацу не только реалистически описывал современную ему жизнь, но и подметил зарождение новых конфликтов, характерных не для феодального общества, а для Нового времени. Тикамацу является фигурой эпохальной. В драмах Тикамацу отражена вся феодальная Япония эпохи Гэнроку. Анализ произведений Тикамацу показывает широту его литературного кругозора. Делается вывод о том, что драматург черпает образы для своих пьес из старинных японских хроник, романов, театральных пьес, сборников сказок, новелл. Тикамацу расширил жанровые границы театральных пьес, соединял высокую драму и комедию. Замечательные актеры снискали себе славу, играя в драмах Тикамацу. Японский театр бережет как святыню наследие Тикамацу во всем богатстве традиций театра дзёрури и театра Кабуки. The article is devoted to the work of the great Japanese playwright Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653-1724), revealing the humanistic foundations of his works. The legislative and ethical prohibitions and regulations that existed in the Tokugawa feudal society, censorship restrictions and government supervision of the theater are shown. The Japanese city theater, which was formed and flourished in the 17th-18th centuries, is considered. joruri and kabuki. The stages of the life and professional path of Chikamatsu, the emergence of the genre of everyday drama are analyzed. It is emphasized that Chikamatsu created 24 everyday and more than 100 historical dramas, almost each of them became an event in the theatrical life of Japan at that time. The main theme of all the everyday dramas of Chikamatsu is the contradiction between duty and human feelings, which inevitably leads to a clash with the morality established in feudal society. The outcome of the struggle has always been decided in feudal society - the old way of life wins, but the author s sympathy was on the side of the vanquished. This is his loyalty to the spirit of his time, humanism and genuine innovation of the playwright, who ideologically opened the era of New Time in Japan. Chikamatsu showed on the Japanese stage the drama of his contemporary, a little man who, at the cost of his life, defends the most precious thing he has - love and a good name. Chikamatsu not only realistically described his contemporary life, but also noticed the emergence of new conflicts that were characteristic not of feudal society, but of the modern era. Chikamatsu is an epochal figure. The Chikamatsu dramas reflect the entire feudal Japan of the Genroku era. Analysis of the works of Chikamatsu shows the breadth of his literary horizons. It is concluded that the playwright draws images for his plays from old Japanese chronicles, novels, theatrical plays, collections of fairy tales, short stories. Chikamatsu expanded the genre boundaries of theatrical plays, combined high drama and comedy. Wonderful actors have earned fame through their performances in the Chikamatsu dramas. Japanese theater cherishes the heritage of Chikamatsu as a shrine in all the richness of the traditions of joruri theater and kabuki theater.

통신사를 통해 본 물적 교류 ―신미 통신사(1811년)의 예물 교환을 중심으로―

정성일 ( Chung Sung-il ) 부산광역시 시사편찬위원회 2018 항도부산 Vol.36 No.-

이 글은 1811년 일본을 방문한 조선의 통신사를 통하여 양국 사이에 이루어진 비경제적 측면의 물적 교류에 관하여 분석한 것이다. 조선이 일본으로, 일본이 조선으로 보낸 예물을 한국과 일본 양측의 기록을 대조하면서 양국이 주고받은 예물의 종류와 수량을 검토하였다. 이를 통해 확인된 사실은 크게 세 가지이다. 첫째, 예물 교환의 주체가 이중 구조로 되어 있었는데, 조선 정부와 일본 막부 사이, 그리고 조선 정부와 대마도(대마번) 사이의 예물 교환이 그것이었다. 둘째, 예물 교환의 내용을 보면 그것을 주는 쪽과 받는 쪽의 정치·외교적 위상에 따라 여러 형태의 격차와 차등이 내재되어 있었다. 셋째, 양국의 예물은 각국의 특산품과 공예품 중에서 상대국이 가장 선호할 것으로 기대되는 물품으로 구성되었으며, 상호주의에 입각하여 되도록 서로 주고받는 예물의 전체적인 가치를 비슷하게 유지하려고 애썼다. 다만 이 글에서 해결하지 못한 과제도 여전히 남아 있다. 통신사가 일본에서 받아온 일본 쇼군의 국서가 아직까지 한 점도 국내외에서 발견되지 않고 있는 것을 상기해 본다면, 앞으로 새로운 자료 발굴을 통해서 일본 측 예물(일본의 回禮單)의 소재를 추적하는 작업도 학계의 공통된 과제 중 하나이다. 아울러 조선에서 일본으로 보낸 예물이 일본 내에서 어떻게 분배되었는지에 대해서도 추후 연구가 필요함은 물론이다. This article analyzes the exchanges of material resources by the Korean Embassy sent to Japan (K. Tongshinsa) in 1811. Through verifying the kinds and the quantities of diplomatic gifts exchanged between the two nations, we can certify the gifts distributed to people who participated in the diplomatic events. The results of the analysis can be summarized into three sides. First, the subjects of diplomatic gifts composed a dual structure. For example, one aspect is the relation between the Joseon government and the Japanese Tokugawa bakufu. Another aspect is the exchange between the Joseon government and Tsushima domain in Japan. Second, various differences and discrimination were built into the contents of the diplomatic gifts through the differential treatment according to the status of the participants when the diplomatic gifts were exchanged between the two nations. Third, the diplomatic gifts of the two nations consisted of commodities anticipated to be most preferred by people of the other nation. In short, the exchanges of diplomatic gifts between Joseon Korea and Japan show characteristics of diplomatic structures, the economic activities related to the production of diplomatic gifts, and the preference for diplomatic gifts by people of the other nation in the early modern period.