인도 초기 불교미술의 太陽戰車 圖像

김동현 중앙아시아학회 2008 中央아시아硏究 Vol.13 No.-

Iconography of the sun­god riding on a chariot drawn by horses is one of various schemes symbolizing the sun in ancient art. The concept of mythical chariot­riding sun god who travels the sky from east to west is found in a vast range of regions of the ancient Mediterranean world, West Asia, South Asia and more. However the establishment of the chariot­riding sun god iconography in art is observed in the Greek sun god Helios. The natural and diverse representations of Helios, who rises resplendently in his two­wheeled chariot drawn by four winged­horses, which was represented en face or also in profile, changed into a schematized and heraldic form by arranging the driver en face and the steeds deployed to its right and left symmetrically in profile influenced by the West Asian tradition. The iconography of chariot­riding Helios was introduced to India through the Greco­Bactrian Kingdom, and this is evidenced by the coin of Plato of the mid­second century B.C.E. It was, however, through northwest India during the Śaka­Parthian period that the chariot­riding sun god was introduced, which was regularly depicted in Indian art in symmetrical and frontal view. The chariot­riding sun iconography was used for the Vēdic mythical sun god, Sūrya. This study investigates various Buddhist canons such as Sutta­Nipāta, Buddhacarita, Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, and also Chinese translated versions of Fosuoxingzan, Fangguangdazhuangyanjing, Fobenxingjijing to demonstrate the iconographical context of the appearance of the chariot­riding sun in the early Indian Buddhist art. I would like to gratefully acknowledge that my research is indebted to and derived from the works of earlier scholars like Benjamin Rowland who laid the foundation of exploring Buddha's solar nature in Buddhist art. Sūrya in its chariot and enclosed in the solar roundel appears above the Trāyastriṃśa Heaven in the Nanda's Attempt to Escape in the Peshawar Museum which was excavated from Sahrī Bahrol. The appearance of Sūrya in the sky indicates that the space in this relief was set up as the Trāyastriṃśa Heaven, so the Sūrya was simply represented as the sun itself in the sky. A standing bodhisattva in the Royal Ontario Museum bears insignia of Sūrya on the top roundel of its turban. This type of bodhisattva, wearing a turban, and posed with his right hand in abhayamudrā and left hand placed on his waist is commonly identified as the bodhisattva Siddhārtha, the prince. Prince Siddhārtha in the same manner is found in some narrative scenes from Buddha's life story such as the Marriage or the Resolution for the Great Departure. A variety of Buddhist sūtras frequently mention that Gautama Siddārtha is of the race of Ikṣvāku or ādicca (aditya), which is a kinsman of the sun. The solar symbol on the turban of the prince thus seems to indicate his genealogy. The chariot of Sūrya is sometimes associated with the Defeat of Mara or Buddha's Enlightenment. Buddha's life stories often use metaphorical expression to describe the enlightened one saving the world of ignorance as the rising sun dispelling the darkness. Of the pillars that compose the vedikā of Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya, one contains the image of Sūrya under the image of bodhigara, the house of bodhi­tree which was chosen as an aniconic symbol of the Buddha's enlightenment. As Janice Leoshko suggests, this composition is explicated as a metaphorical symbol of enlightenment. Likewise, the seated Buddha in bhūmisparśa mudrā, which symbolize the victory over Māra, and the Sūrya image in a series of narrative scenes from the lintel relief stored in State Museum, Lucknow also can be explained as the light symbolism of enlightenment. Sometimes Buddha himself was depicted just like a sun god in his solar chariot. Prince Siddhārtha was described en face riding in a quadriga in a Gandhāran narrative relief showing the prince meets the sick. This corresponds with the sce... Iconography of the sun­god riding on a chariot drawn by horses is one of various schemes symbolizing the sun in ancient art. The concept of mythical chariot­riding sun god who travels the sky from east to west is found in a vast range of regions of the ancient Mediterranean world, West Asia, South Asia and more. However the establishment of the chariot­riding sun god iconography in art is observed in the Greek sun god Helios. The natural and diverse representations of Helios, who rises resplendently in his two­wheeled chariot drawn by four winged­horses, which was represented en face or also in profile, changed into a schematized and heraldic form by arranging the driver en face and the steeds deployed to its right and left symmetrically in profile influenced by the West Asian tradition. The iconography of chariot­riding Helios was introduced to India through the Greco­Bactrian Kingdom, and this is evidenced by the coin of Plato of the mid­second century B.C.E. It was, however, through northwest India during the Śaka­Parthian period that the chariot­riding sun god was introduced, which was regularly depicted in Indian art in symmetrical and frontal view. The chariot­riding sun iconography was used for the Vēdic mythical sun god, Sūrya. This study investigates various Buddhist canons such as Sutta­Nipāta, Buddhacarita, Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, and also Chinese translated versions of Fosuoxingzan, Fangguangdazhuangyanjing, Fobenxingjijing to demonstrate the iconographical context of the appearance of the chariot­riding sun in the early Indian Buddhist art. I would like to gratefully acknowledge that my research is indebted to and derived from the works of earlier scholars like Benjamin Rowland who laid the foundation of exploring Buddha's solar nature in Buddhist art. Sūrya in its chariot and enclosed in the solar roundel appears above the Trāyastriṃśa Heaven in the Nanda's Attempt to Escape in the Peshawar Museum which was excavated from Sahrī Bahrol. The appearance of Sūrya in the sky indicates that the space in this relief was set up as the Trāyastriṃśa Heaven, so the Sūrya was simply represented as the sun itself in the sky. A standing bodhisattva in the Royal Ontario Museum bears insignia of Sūrya on the top roundel of its turban. This type of bodhisattva, wearing a turban, and posed with his right hand in abhayamudrā and left hand placed on his waist is commonly identified as the bodhisattva Siddhārtha, the prince. Prince Siddhārtha in the same manner is found in some narrative scenes from Buddha's life story such as the Marriage or the Resolution for the Great Departure. A variety of Buddhist sūtras frequently mention that Gautama Siddārtha is of the race of Ikṣvāku or ādicca (aditya), which is a kinsman of the sun. The solar symbol on the turban of the prince thus seems to indicate his genealogy. The chariot of Sūrya is sometimes associated with the Defeat of Mara or Buddha's Enlightenment. Buddha's life stories often use metaphorical expression to describe the enlightened one saving the world of ignorance as the rising sun dispelling the darkness. Of the pillars that compose the vedikā of Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya, one contains the image of Sūrya under the image of bodhigara, the house of bodhi­tree which was chosen as an aniconic symbol of the Buddha's enlightenment. As Janice Leoshko suggests, this composition is explicated as a metaphorical symbol of enlightenment. Likewise, the seated Buddha in bhūmisparśa mudrā, which symbolize the victory over Māra, and the Sūrya image in a series of narrative scenes from the lintel relief stored in State Museum, Lucknow also can be explained as the light symbolism of enlightenment. Sometimes Buddha himself was depicted just like a sun god in his solar chariot. Prince Siddhārtha was described en face riding in a quadriga in a Gandhāran narrative relief showing the prince meets the sick. This corresponds with the scene in ...

금속으로 표현된 해와 달-조선시대 五峯圖에 부착된 日月鏡을 중심으로

명세라 동악미술사학회 2023 東岳美術史學 Vol.- No.34

조선시대 일월경은 해와 달을 상징하는 거울로, 오봉도의 해와 달 부분에 부착된 금속 기물이었다. 중국의 도교 경전에서 악한 기운을 막기 위한 목적으로 사용된 것으로 처음 언급되었으며, 명대와 明代에는 결혼이나 開國 시 왕족이 사용했다는 기록이 있다. 그러나 같은 시기 장정의 갑옷 좌우에 일월경을 붙였다는 기록이 있어 일월경을 어느 하나의 성격으로 규정하기 어렵고, 다양한 목적으로 제작되었다고 볼 수 있다. 조선시대 오봉도에 일월경이 부착된 경우는 정전 당가와 흉례에 사용된 혼전 당가에서다. 이때는 철사를 이용하여 일월경을 부착했다. 일월경에 관한 기록은 1590년 선조대 문정전 어좌에처음 나타나며, 그 이후 궁궐 어좌와 혼전 당가에서 사용했다는 기록이 계속 나타난다. 그러나1757년에 흉례시 혼전에 설치된 오봉도에 일월경 사용이 중단되었고, 金泥와 銀泥로 해와 달을그리라는 규정이 생겼다. 그러나 정전에 설치된 오봉도에는 여전히 일월경이 부착되었는데, 이는1829년 창경궁 명정전에 설치된 오봉도에 일월경이 부착된 것을 확인할 수 있기 때문이다. 일월경은 고종대 부활한다. 대한제국기 덕수궁 중화전과 명성황후의 혼전인 경효전에 일월경이 설치되었다는 기록이 있고, 일제강점기에 촬영된 유리건판 사진에서 확인할 수 있다. 그러나 해방 뒤 이러한 일월경은 모두 제거되었는데, 당시엔 일월경이 조선의 정기를 꺾기 위해 일본인들이 만들어 붙인 것으로 여겼기 때문이다. 이렇게 오봉도에 부착된 일월경은 장식적이면서 성스러운 목적이 있었다고 보인다. 일월경은성스러운 상징인 “日月(해와 달)”과 장식적인 목적의 “鏡(거울)”이 결합된 용어로, 선계와 이상화된세계를 상징하는 오봉도에 그려진 일월은 성스러운 성격을 갖고, 경은 빛을 반사하는 물질로서 반짝이는 효과를 주는 것으로 해석된다. In the Joseon Dynasty, the sun-moon mirror was a metallic object attached to the Five Peaks Screen. It was first mentioned in the Taoist scriptures as an object to ward off evil spirits. The record shows it was used when the royalties married or founded a dynasty(開國) during the Ming dynasty. However, it was also attached to the sides of the armor. Therefore, it is hard to say that it was used for a sole purpose but was created for various purposes. The Sun-moon mirror attached to the Five Peaks Screen was installed in the Royal Audience Hall and on the canopy in Honjeon, used in the funeral rites during the Joseon Dynasty. It was attached using metal wires. It is believed to have first appeared in 1590 during Seonjo’s reign on the royal throne of the Munjeongjeon and continued to be used in the thrones and canopies in Honjeon. However, in 1757, the Sun-moon mirror was no longer used on the Five Peaks Screen to be installed in Honjeon. The sun and moon were to be drawn with golden brush stroke(金泥) and silvery brush stroke(銀泥). However, the Five Peaks Screen still had the Sun-moon mirror attached, as seen in the Myeongjeongjeon in 1829. The Sun-moon mirror was introduced again during Gojong’s reign. There is a record of the installation of the Sun-moon mirror at Deoksugung Palace’s Junghwajeon Hall during the Korean Empire and at Gyeonghyojeon Hall of Empress Myeongseong, and in the photographs taken during the Japanese occupation. However, after the liberation, these Sunmoon mirrors were removed because it was believed to have been done by the Japanese to weaken the spirits of the Joseon people. As such, the Sun-moon mirror attached to the Five Peaks Screen appears to possess both a decorative and sacred purpose. The Sun-moon Mirror combines the sacred symbols of the sun(日) and moon(月) with the mirror, which serves a decorative purpose. The sun and moon drawn on the Five Peaks Screen, which symbolizes the ideal and heavenly world, were considered sacred, and the mirror reflects light, serving a glittering purpose.

광복 직후 이순신 선양과 표준 영정의 봉안

제장명(Jang-Myeong Je) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2022 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.37

어느 국가나 영웅을 기리는 행위를 통해 국민통합을 이루고 자 한다. 영웅 선양사업은 정권의 체제유지와 긴밀한 연관을 갖고, 국민들의 의식과 정서에 의식적, 무의식적으로 상당한 영향을 끼치게 된다. 한국 역사상 가장 존경받는 영웅으로 이순신 장군을 손꼽는데는 이견이 없다. 이순신은 임진왜란 이후 우리나라 역사에서 꾸준히 기억되어 왔으며, 오늘날 우리나라 최고의 영웅으로 인식되고 있다. 본고에서는 일제로부터 광복한 직후 이승만 정권 시기를 중심으로 이순신 선양사업은 어떻게 이루어져 왔는지 정리해 보았다. 특히 당시는 광복 직후의 혼란기였고, 6·25전쟁이 있었던 국가 위기 상황이었다. 어느 때보다 국민 통합이 요구되는 시점에서 이순신은 통치에 가장 유용한 수단으로 기능하였다. 이승만 정권의 이순신 선양 배경에는 반일과 반공이라는 두 가지 이데올로기가 있었다. 이 논리를 뒷받침하기 위해 이순신 기념활동의 제도화가 다방면으로 추진되었다. 특히 충무공기념사업회가 조직되어 이순신 선양활동을 활발히 전개해 나갔다. 이승만도 직접 이순신 전적지를 참배하고 각종 기념식과 동상 제막식 등에 참석하였다. 충무공기념사업회가 주관하는 각종 선양활동이 추진되는 과정에서 이순신 상(像)도 새롭게 형성되었고, 나아가 오늘날 표준 영정도 이 시기에 이루어졌다. 요컨대, 이순신이라는 역사적 영웅에 대한 선양활동은 국가체제 유지에 가장 유용한 수단으로 기능하면서 국민 통합을 이루는 데 핵심적 기능을 수행한 사실을 확인할 수 있었다. Any country seeks to achieve national unity through acts of honoring heroes. The hero promotion project is closely related to the maintenance of the regime and has a significant impact on the consciousness and emotions of the people. There is no doubt that Admiral Yi Sun-sin is the most respected hero in Korean history. Yi Sun-sin has been steadily remembered in Korea's history since the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and is recognized as Korea's best hero today. This paper summarized how the Yi Sun-sin promotion project has been carried out, focusing on the Rhee Seung-man regime immediately after liberation from Japanese colonial rule. In particular, at that time, it was a period of confusion right after liberation, and it was a national crisis situation where there was the Korean War. At a time when national unity was more required than ever, Yi Sun-sin served as the most useful means of governance. There were two ideologies behind the Rhee Seungman regime's promotion of Yi Sun-sin: anti-Japanese and anti-communist. To support this logic, institutionalization of Yi Sun-sin's commemorative activities was promoted in various ways. In particular, the Chungmu Gong Memorial Association was organized to actively promote Yi Sun-sin. Rhee Seungman also visited Yi Sun-sin's battlefield and attended various ceremonies and statue unveiling ceremonies. In the process of promoting various enhancement activities organized by the Chungmu Gong Memorial Association, Yi Sun-sin's statue was newly formed, and furthermore, today's standard portrait was also made during this period. In short, it was confirmed that the promotion activities of Yi Sun-sin, a historical hero, performed a key function in achieving national unity while functioning as the most useful means for maintaining the national system.

정조의 ‘충신’ 현창사업과 이순신에 대한 기억의 재구성

민장원 조선시대사학회 2019 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.89

The memory of Yi Sun-sin was constantly reconstructed according to the situation and purpose of the times. These days, he is called the ‘Sun of the Nation’, ‘An outstanding hero of national salvation’, the ‘Candle of the people’ and is remembered as a great figure representing Joseon Dynasty. Notable is the fact that all of the above memories are written in 『李忠武公全書』, the collected works of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, during the period of King Jeongjo. Among countless figures of the Joseon Dynasty, Yi Sun-sin is still being talked about by many people even after 400 years since his death. This is because his achievements and loyalty were handed over to generation after generation through the compilation of 『李忠武公全書』. As such, King Jeongjo's policy that gives honor to Yi Sun-sin and the subsequent compilation of 『李忠武公全書』 are important factors that contribute to the memory Yi Sun-sin. This article aims to identify the historical significance of honoring Yi Sun- sin and the reconstruction of the memory about Yi Sun-sin in the period of King Jeongjo. It is also an attempt to take a step back from the ‘Historical viewpoint of heroism’ that was formed after the modern era and examine honoring Yi Sun-sin ‘historically’ in the original state of the dynastic government. King Jeongjo made Yi Sun-sin into the ideal model of ‘loyalist’ on Daebodan, the political stage at the time, while praising Yi Sun-sin’s descendants by describing them as ‘posterity of loyalist’. The series of honoring policies began with the 60th anniversary of ‘戊申亂’, rebellion against the King in 1728, 12th year of King Jeongjo’s reign(1788). King Jeongjo focused on the fact that the descendants of the Yi Sun-sin family fought against the rebels or died during of rebellion of 1728. Their ‘loyalty’ to the king was no less than what was required of the subjects in King Jeongjo’s political management initiative at the time. In the political context of the above, the memory about Yi Sun-sin was reorganized once from ‘meritorious subject’ to ‘loyal subject’ through compilation of 『李忠武公全書』 in the 19th year of King Jeongjo’s reign(1795). 이순신에 대한 기억은 시대적 상황과 목적에 따라 끊임없이 재구성되었다. 근래에는 ‘민족의 태양’, ‘구국 성웅’, ‘민중의 촛불’ 등으로 불리며 조선을 대표하는 위인으로 기억되고 있다. 주목할 점은 이상의 기억들이 모두 정조대 편찬된 『이충무공전서』에 발딛고 있다는 사실이다. 조선시대의 수많은 인물들 가운데 이순신은 사후 약 400여 년이 지난 시점에도 많은 이들에게 회자되고 있다. 이는 그가 세운 공적과 충절이 정조의 『이충무공전서』 편찬을 통해 후대로 전승되었기 때문이다. 이처럼 정조의 이순신 현창사업과 그에 따른 『이충무공전서』 편찬은 이순신에 대한 기억의 역사에서 중요한 지점이 아닐 수 없다. 이 글은 정조대 이순신 현창의 시대적 의미와 이순신에 대한 기억의 재구성 양상을 규명하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 근대 이후에 형성된 ‘성웅사관’에서 한 걸음 물러나, 이순신 현창을 왕조 정부라는 원초적 굴레 속에서 ‘역사적’으로 고찰해보고자 하는 시도이기도 하다. 정조는 이순신을 대보단이라는 ‘정치적 무대’에서 국가적으로 현창하며 ‘忠臣’의 이상적 표상으로 전형화 하는 동시에, 그 후손들을 ‘忠良之孫’이라 칭하며 우대하였다. 그 일련의 현창사업은 정조 12년(1788), 戊申亂 1주갑을 계기로 시작되었는데, 정조는 이순신 가문의 후손들이 무신란(1728) 당시 반란군에 맞서 싸우거나 순절한 사실에 주목하였다. 그들이 보여준 왕에 대한 ‘忠’은 당시 정조의 정국 운영 구상에서 조정 신하들에게 요구되는 바와 다름없었다. 이상의 정치적 맥락 속에서 정조 19년(1795)의 『이충무공전서』 편찬 등을 통해 이순신에 대한 기억이 조정의 ‘功臣’에서 ‘忠臣’으로 한차례 재편되었던 것이다.

이순신의 牙山 낙향과 무과 수련과정

김일환(Kim, Il Hwan) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2018 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.30

아산은 임진왜란기에 조선을 침략한 일본수군을 격파하고 불멸의 전공을 세운 수군명장 이순신을 배출한 고향이다. 이순신은 아동기에 서울에서 아산으로 이주하여 생애의 대부분을 아산과 연결되어 살았다. 그러나 현재까지 이순신일가의 아산으로 낙향의 동기나 이유를 분명히 알지 못했고 아산에서의 삶의 기반, 이순신의 성장과정에서 보여준 학술연마, 師承관계와 무인으로 인생행로를 전환하게 되는 과정, 武學 수련의 내용과 과정 등 어느 하나도 정확히 알 수 있는 근거가 없다. 이순신가의 큰 변화를 가져온 인물은 조부 이백록이었다. 이백록은 지금까지 통설과는 달리 중종대 사림파세력과는 직접적인 관련이 없었다. 그것은 기록상 그의 형 이백복과 착종된 결과였다. 그는 문음으로 관직에 나와 평시서봉사로 벼슬하다가 파직되었고 중종의 국상기간에 3자인 李 貴의 혼사를 호사스럽게 치렀다는 이유로 적발되어 綱常을 어긴 죄로 廢 錮되고 錄案에 올라 자손들의 벼슬길도 막히게 되었다. 아들인 李貞은 국왕에게 소청을 넣어 부친의 억울함을 풀어달라고 노력했지만 실패하여 허사가 되었다. 이백록의 사후에 李貞은 가족을 데리고 부인 초계 변씨의 친정이 있는 아산으로 낙향하였다. 당시 아산은 제대로 된 사족사회가 형성되지 못할 정도로 척박한 고장이어서 이순신, 이요신형제가 문과에 급제하기에는 매우 열악한 교육적 환경이었다. 이순신이 문과시험을 준비하다가 무과로 전향한 것도 이런 이유가 있었다. 그런데 이순신이 무과로 전향하면 친가, 외가, 처가 모두 무인적 배경이 있어 유리한 상황이었다. 이순신은 21세에 무과로 전향을 결정하고 아산지역의 한량집단과 교유하면서 무과준비에 열정적으로 노력하였다. 선조 5년에 처음으로 무과에 응시하였지만 낙마로 부상당하여 실패하였다. 하지만 부상을 치료하고 열심히 재수련하여 선조 9년 식년시 무과에 급제할 수 있었다. 이순신은 위난에 빠진 국가를 구해낸 한국 역사상 최고의 전쟁영웅으로 인식되고 있다. 이런 이유로 아산의 지역적 정체성을 확립하는데 대단히 큰 비중을 가진 역사인물이다. 이순신이 보여준 구국정신과 진지한 삶의 태도는 그대로 아산의 지역적 정체성으로 자리 잡았다. 이제 이순신은 아산과 분리할 수 없는 지역의 역사적 표상이 된 것이다. 하지만 그런 위상에 걸맞게 이순신과 아산의 지역적 관계성을 해명하는데는 아직도 해결해야할 과제가 너무 많이 남아 있다. Asan is the home of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, who defeated the Japanese navy that invaded Jo-seon during the Japanese Invasion to Jo-seon during the Im-jin War. Yi Sun-sin moved to Asan as a child and lived most of his life connected to Asan. But so far, we have not been able to clearly understand the motive or reason for the family s migration to Asan, and there is no compelling evidence that helps us become aware of such things as Yi’s foundation of life in Asan, academic performance that Yi Sun-sin has shown in his growing path, the process of making him a warrior, and the contents and process of the training. Yi Sun-sin family s great change was due to his grandfather, Yi Baek-rok. Unlike what people have believed so far, Yi Baek-rok was not directly related to the Sa-rim faction of Jung-jong period. He worked as Pyong-si-seo-bong-sa, a kind of position of a public office by a process of Moon-eum, which is a system where a position is given to descendants by benefits of his ancestors. Meanwhile, he was found to have violated the national moral rules while holding his son, Yi Gui’s marriage in a luxury way during the period of king Jung-jong’s death; at that time, big ceremonies were not banned during national sorrow. This affair made him not able to get any official position later, including his descendants. After the death of Yi Baek-rok, Yi Jung, the father of Yi Sun-sin, moved to Asan where his wife, Byeon in Cho Kye area, stayed. At that time, Asan was socially barren and not an area where private family could develop, so Yi Sun-sin’s brothers would not be able to pass the gwageo test((科擧). This was the reason why Yi Sun-sin changed his mind to take a test for military service while preparing for the civil service exam. If Yi Sun-sin turned into military position, he could get a number of advantages because he had families close in a background of military. Yi Sun-sin, who decided to transfer to military position at the age of 21, formed a close relationship with a group of Han-ryang(閑良) in Asan, and showed enthusiasm for the preparation. He first applied for the military position in the fifth year of Sun-jo, but failed because he was injured by having fallen from a horse. However, he cured the injury and re-retrained hard, so he was admitted to a military department in the ninth year of Sun-jo. Yi Sun-sin is a historical figure who is very important in establishing Asan s regional identity. Yi Sun-sin is considered the greatest war hero in Korean history who saved the nation from the Im-jin War. Asan, which produced such a historical figure, has become a regional identity of Asan as shown by Yi Sun-sin s spirit and attitude in life. Now, Yi Sun-sin has become a historic symbol of the area that cannot be separated from Asan. However, there are still too many tasks left to be solved in explaining the regional relationship between Yi Sun-sin and Asan.

허저족 ‘최초 송혼샤먼’ 신화에 나타난 ‘射日’의 상징 의미

朴修珍(Park, Soo-jin) 중국어문학연구회 2020 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.124

The present study examines the myth of “the first shaman” in the “sun-shooting myth (射日神話)” of the Hezhe Tribe. Although the Hezhe Tribe’s myth follows a narrative structure and elements similar to those of the myth of “Yi shooting ten suns (羿射十日),” a literary myth of China, the Hezhe(Nanai) Tribe’s narrative expresses their own unique symbolism. Their narrative emphasizes the shamanistic reason; after shooting the sun, the protagonist is able to communicate with “Buni,” the world of death, and the narrative shows that an individual who masters communication becomes the shaman in charge of rituals and communicator of the universe. The Hezhe(Nanai) Tribe’s “first shaman” myth “The Story of the First Soul-guiding Shaman” does not emphasize the superhuman abilities of the protagonist that is manifested in the process of the narrative progression. Rather, it focuses on the results that appear after the “sun-shooting (射日).” Hezhe(Nanai) Tribe’s narrative tells a story that the road to the world of the dead opened up after the sun was shot down as a result, this world full of people who could not die became a world where people could die. The protagonist shoots down two of the three suns which reorganize the world. Therefore, in comparing the Hezhe Tribe’s myth and the Chinese myth, it can be seen that the cultural cognition and philosophy that are embedded in these two myths are fundamentally different. This study first examines the symbolic meaning of the “sun” in the Hezhe Tribe’s culture. The Hezhe Tribe acknowledges the sun as a universal force that oversees life, culture of Manchu-Tungus in Siberia. As such, the power of the sun is the power of the shaman, and it is the power and the ability to reorganize the universe. Secondly, “archery” has many symbolic meanings in the Hezhe culture, and it has a strong ceremonial significance. For the Hezhe Tribe, shooting has the meaning of fighting the evil spirits (辟邪) along with the symbolic meaning of ceremonial “hunting.” The bow and arrow are used as a tool to “hunt” the power of the sun. Thirdly, the protagonist becomes a soul-guiding shaman after gaining the power of the sun through “the act of shooting the sun with a bow.” The soul-guiding shaman plays the role of reorganizing and mediating the universe in the middle of life and death, at the center of the universe. This shows the deep connection between the soul-guiding shaman and the power of the sun. Through the event of a human, a universal existence, shooting the sun, the protagonist becomes a shaman, an existence that mediates the world and maintains the order between life and death at the center of the universe. Through these discussions, the present study reveals that the first shaman narrative of the Hezhe Tribe is a typical myth of shamanistic universal recreation that developed based on the shamanistic culture of the Manchu-Tungus region in Siberia.

The Interchanges between Koguryŏ and Sun-Wu and “Under the Fruit Horse

Park, Dae Jae(박대재) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2013 International Journal of Korean History Vol.18 No.1

배송지(裵松之, 372-451)의 『삼국지주(三國志注)』에 인용된 『오서(吳書)』일문(逸文)에 의하면, 고구려(高句麗)와 손오(孫吳) 사이에 해상을 통한 교류가 있었다고 하는데, 이 기록은 다른 사서에서는 보이지 않은 것이다. 229년부터 손권(孫權)은 조위(曹魏)를 견제하기 위해 그 배후의 요동(遼東) 공손씨(公孫氏) 정권과의 정치적 연대를 모색하였다. 그러나 233년 공손씨 정권에 파견되었던 손오의 사신단은 공손씨 정권의 배신과 감금을 피해 달아나다가 우연히 고구려에 도착하게 되며, 이로 인해 고구려와 손오 사이의 정치적 교섭이 시작되게 된다. 손오는 조위에 맞서기 위해 고구려를 새로운 전략적 연합 상대로 선택하였으며, 두 나라의 정치적 관계는 236년까지 지속되었다. 양마(良馬)가 생산되지 않던 강남지역의 손오는 조위의 기마 군대에 맞서기 위해 군마(軍馬)가 필요했으며, 이것이 손오가 고구려에 전략적으로 접근한 중요한 목적 중에 하나였다. 고구려의 말은 그 복속지역인 동예(東濊)의 과하마(果下馬)와 같은 키가 작아 과일나무 밑을 지나갈 수 있는 말이었다. 그러나 과하마에 대한 역사 기록에 의하면, 이들은 작지만 강하고 빠른 말들로써 군마로서의 능력을 갖추고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 아마도 235년 손오의 사신인 사굉(謝宏)이 고구려로부터 가져간 80마리의 말들도 이와 같은 과하마였을 것이다. 고구려와 손오의 교류가 조위의 간섭에 의해 236년에 단절되었지만, 242년 고구려가 다시 압록강 하류의 서안평(西安平)을 차지하게 되면서 손오와 해상으로 연결될 수 있는 길이 열리게 되었다. 이러한 손오와 고구려 사이의 교류 재개 가능성 때문에 조위는 244년에 관구검(?丘儉)의 군대를 보내 고구려를 침공하였다. 즉 244-246년 조위가 고구려를 대규모로 침공했던 것은 조위의 주적이었던 손오와 고구려 사이의 연결을 끊고, 고구려의 군마가 강남지역의 손오에 유입되는 경로를 차단하기 위한 전략적 군사행동이었다. According to the annotations of Sanguo zhizhu (三國志注) written by Pei Songzhi (372-451), there were exchanges between Kogury? and Sun-Wu through a sea route, a record originally from Wushu that cannot be seen in other historical documents. From 229 A.D., Sun Quan of Wu attempted a diplomatic approach to the Gongsun family faction in Liaodong to counterbalance Cao-Wei. Yet Sun-Wu’s diplomats sent to Liaodong, hearing the news of Gongsun faction’s betrayal, changed their course and accidently arrived at Kogury? in 233. This was a starting point from which Kogury? and Sun-Wu began political exchanges. Then Sun-Wu chose Kogury? as a diversionary power against Cao-Wei, and this strategic relation was maintained until 236. One of the reasons that Sun-Wu, which hardly had any satisfactory horses, actively implemented this exchange was to import war-horses from Kogury? and fight against Cao-Wei’s cavalry. “Under the Fruit Horses”-diminutive horses on which one could ride under the branches of a fruit tree-were one of regional products from Kogury? and its territories such as Dongye. However according to the historical record, these horses were small but strong and fast, and seemed to have a practicality as war-horses. Assuredly, in 235 the eighty horses of Kogury? that Sun-Wu’s envoy, Xie Hong, took to Sun-Wu were these “Under the Fruit Horses.” Although Sun-Wu and Kogury?’ exchanges were severed by Cao-Wei’s interference in 236, in 242 Kogury? captured Xi’anping at the lower Yalu River and again opened up the possibility for an exchange with Sun-Wu through a sea route. This provoked Cao-Wei to launch a military expedition led by Guanqiu Jian (?丘儉) in 244. Thus, Cao-Wei’s full-scale invasion of Kogury? from 244 to 246 was closely linked to the strategic purpose to disconnect Kogury?’s ties with Sun-Wu, a mortal enemy of Cao-Wei, and halt their importation of war-horses into the southern region of the Yangzi River and to Sun-Wu.

정조의 ‘충신’ 현창사업과 이순신에 대한 기억의 재구성

민장원 ( Min Jang-won ) 조선시대사학회 2019 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.89 No.0

The memory of Yi Sun-sin was constantly reconstructed according to the situation and purpose of the times. These days, he is called the ‘Sun of the Nation’, ‘An outstanding hero of national salvation’, the ‘Candle of the people’ and is remembered as a great figure representing Joseon Dynasty. Notable is the fact that all of the above memories are written in 『李忠武公全書』, the collected works of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, during the period of King Jeongjo. Among countless figures of the Joseon Dynasty, Yi Sun-sin is still being talked about by many people even after 400 years since his death. This is because his achievements and loyalty were handed over to generation after generation through the compilation of 『李忠武公全書』. As such, King Jeongjo's policy that gives honor to Yi Sun-sin and the subsequent compilation of 『李忠武公全書』 are important factors that contribute to the memory Yi Sun-sin. This article aims to identify the historical significance of honoring Yi Sunsin and the reconstruction of the memory about Yi Sun-sin in the period of King Jeongjo. It is also an attempt to take a step back from the ‘Historical viewpoint of heroism’ that was formed after the modern era and examine honoring Yi Sun-sin ‘historically’ in the original state of the dynastic government. King Jeongjo made Yi Sun-sin into the ideal model of ‘loyalist’ on Daebodan, the political stage at the time, while praising Yi Sun-sin’s descendants by describing them as ‘posterity of loyalist’. The series of honoring policies began with the 60^th anniversary of ‘戊申亂’, rebellion against the King in 1728, 12^th year of King Jeongjo’s reign(1788). King Jeongjo focused on the fact that the descendants of the Yi Sun-sin family fought against the rebels or died during of rebellion of 1728. Their ‘loyalty’ to the king was no less than what was required of the subjects in King Jeongjo’s political management initiative at the time. In the political context of the above, the memory about Yi Sun-sin was reorganized once from ‘meritorious subject’ to ‘loyal subject’ through compilation of 『李忠武公全書』 in the 19^th year of King Jeongjo’s reign(1795).

서명응의 선천역학 정립과 시대적 의의

조희영(Hie Young Cho) 철학연구회 2012 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.98

What was Science of Changes(易學) in the Joseon Dynasty and what was Sun-Chen-Yeok-Hak(先天易學), which was the best of Sang-soo-Yeok-Hak(象數易學)? To solve the questions like these, we will try to find out the meaning by investigating Sun-Chen-Yeok-Hak around 『Sun-Chen-Sa-Yeon(先天四演)』 written by Seo-Myeng-Eung (徐命膺) who was Dae-Je-Hak(大提學) in the reign of Young-Jo and Jeong-Jo. The term of Sun-Chun(先天)was first used by Shao-Yong(邵雍) in the hostory of Science of Changes and later Chu-Hsi(朱熹) and Cai Yuan-ding(蔡元定) formulated the system of thought. Sun-Chen-Yeok-Hak in the Song Dynasty(宋代) was divided into two categories ; one was Hoo-Chun-Yeok(後天易), the existing I-Ching (『周易』), and the other was Sun-Chun-Yeok(先天易), without letters around 「Ha-Do(河圖)」only consisting of images(pictures) and numbers made by Fu His(伏羲). They theorized on Sun-Chun-Yeok around 「Sun-Chun-Sa-Do(先天四圖)」 that was the picture about Sun-Chun, thinking of 「Ha-Do」as the origin of Sun-Chun. This theory succeeding to the Joseon Dynasty had great effects on the learning and thought in the Joseon Dynasty and most of the scholars ceased on the level of imitating Sun-Chun-Yeok-Hak in the Song Dynasty. But Seo, Myeong Eung was different. Myeong Eung acknowledged 「Ha-Do」not only as the origin but he re-interpreted or spread new theories on Confucianism, the Tao Te Ching theory (Thought), astronomy, music, medicine and the Chinese system of musical sounds. Taking 「Ha-Do」as a reference, the significant difference to Song Dynasty is the shocking statement of 8 notes from the 64. In 「Sun-Chen Sa Do」 he altered the shape of 「Nae-Do(內圖)」 in the 「Bang Won Do(方圓圖)」. This is a statement that no other scholar has made and unique to Chosun`s Sun-Chen theory. Moreover, his Shim Sung theory(心性論) gives importance to the Shim(心) and stresses to keep the Jung(中). This is because he felt that this was the main ideological point inherent in 「Had-Do」Queen. He regarded Jung and Shim as the highest virtues and takes them as reference to stress the awakening towards reason. Approaching objects through reason he says one will open his(her) mind. This is the main point of the theory of Kwan Mul(觀物). The Jung exceeds creating the balance(均衡) between people and objects. The shim connects people thereby making penetration(貫通) possible. If the mind is open, a discerning eye for the diachronic and awareness for the problems among class-wise, region-wise, and country-wise polarization is achieved; making possible as a general survey(通 觀). The modern value of the Jung, the Shim and the Ree(理 -principle) emphasized by Soe, Myeong Eung does not fall behind as compared to the period of the time. penetration and a general survey were not pointed out by him as conditions for the subject of the period communication(疏通); its importance has actually been more imprinted at present times.

≪난중일기≫에서 본 이순신의 꿈과 인격의몇 가지 측면: 분석심리학적 입장에서

이부영 ( Bou-yong Rhi ) 한국분석심리학회 2022 心性硏究 Vol.37 No.2

이순신 ≪난중일기≫를 중심으로 이순신의 인격의 몇 가지 의식적 측면을 살펴보고 이순신의 꿈을 분석심리학적으로 해석함으로써 무의식의 목적의미를 추론하고자 하였다. 그의 인간성은 알려진 바와 같이 충, 효를 철저하게 실천했고 나라를 위해 헌신한 영웅의 상과 일치한다. ≪난중일기≫에는 그의 강직함과 함께 매우 인간적인 감성, 오해와 정치적 박해를 겪어야하는 말할 수 없는 고통, 절망과 고독, 육친을 잃은 통곡이 숨김없이 묘사되고 있다. 일기쓰기와 이순신의 ‘아니마’의 또 다른 표현인 달밤의 시, 피리와 거문고 소리, 그리고 또한 불가해한 꿈을 보고 점을 쳐서 미래를 알아봄으로써 그는 그의 고독을 스스로 치유했다. 미래의 영웅을 키우고 이끌어준 어머니의 위대한 역할과 융이 말하는 모성콤플렉스와의 관계를 살펴보았고, 이순신이 평생 괴로워한 ‘흉인’, 원균이 이순신의 ‘그림자’로서 이순신이 의식화해야 했던 무의식의 열등한 인격이었다고 추정했다. 이순신의 죽음을 둘러싼 추측은 근거 없는 것으로 확인되었다. ≪난중일기≫에 기술된 이순신의 꿈 중 꿈의 내용이 조금이라도 기술된 꿈 32개와 이순신의 조카 이분(李芬)이 남긴 ≪이충무공행록≫에 수록된 꿈 3개, 총 35개를 살피고 특히 원형적 꿈을 분석심리학적 입장에서 해석하였다. 그 결과 첫째로 받은 인상은 꿈이 이순신에게 ‘신격에 의해 선택된 사람’이라는 사실을 되풀이 알려주고 있다는 사실이다. 이순신은 이를 바로 그대로 받아들이지 않았다. 그러한 태도 때문에 오히려 자아의 팽창에 빠지지 않았다. 동시성현상이라고 할 수 있는 꿈과 이에 대한 이순신의 태도를 소개했다. 건강을 해치거나 편견에 빠질 위험을 경고하는 꿈도 있었고 ‘아니마’상, ‘자기’의 상징, 창조적 변환의 상징도 꿈에 나타났다. 그리고 무엇보다 그가 왕권을 행사할 수 있는 자격을 갖춘 사람임을 시사하는 꿈이 있었다. 그는 이를 몰랐거나 알았더라도 그런 생각에 관심이 없었을 것이다. 왜냐하면 그는 현세적 왕보다 더 위대한 호국신이 될 것이기 때문이다. 이순신은 항상 천명(天命)을 살폈다. 그리고 천명은 그를 영웅의 길로 인도하면서 영웅신화에 불가결한 고행의 시련을 주었다. 박해자와 위로하는 자가 함께 그의 길을 인도했다. 그의 어머니, 원균, 선조, 그리고 영의정, 유성용까지 모두 이순신 영웅신화를 구체화하는데 기여했다. 이순신은 죽고 신이 되었다. This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, ‘Keomungo’, and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the ‘Heaven’ through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin’s attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term ‘mother complex’. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin’s rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of ‘slanders,’ certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal ‘shadow’ projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin’s eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with ‘the disciple of gods’ and ‘royal dragon’ in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer’s instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin’s mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative ‘Persona’ by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven’s Decree (天命). Furthermore, the ‘Heaven’ presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.