고려 성종과 유학자 관료

채희숙 호남사학회 2013 역사학연구 Vol.50 No.-

The crucial drive for Seongjong’s coronation was support from the Officials as confucian scholars such as Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi. Undoubtedly Gyeonjong took part with an intention to hold the Hwangbo clan in check. In other words, Seonjong’s coronation was a collaboration of the Officials as confucian scholars and Gyeongjong to seek political conversion by reappointment of Jimong Choi at the end of Gyeongjong regime. The fact that Seongjong was born of Hwangbo family, which makes Seongjong acceptable as the Crown Prince also needs to be taken into consideration. The contribution of the Officials as confucian scholars such Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi gave way to their political initiation over the early reign of Seongjong. This also can be understood by Ryang Choi, Yung Wang, Mongyoo Lee, Eonyou Yoo, Hyeok Roh, Heui Seo, Gyemyoo Jeong, Shinoo Seol, Gyeomeui Lee who all were politically very active through the reign. Those officials were Confucian scholars except Gyeomeui Lee and Gyeomyoo Jeong and Shinoo Seol. It is understood that Seungro Choi has a great influence on the politics of Seongjong regime with the twenty-eight point policy memorial to the King. But the politics of Seongjong regime were not realized as Seungro Choi desired. The policies that Seongjong accepted were in fact the ones that are helpful to reinforce the royal authority or very customary. This was resulted in because Seungro Choi from the beginning tried to limit royal authority with Ideal image of king while Seongjong intended to strengthen his power and authority from the very beginning of his regime. While the power of Seungro Choi party who was dominant through the early period was weakened at the later period, Rang Choi and Heui Seo were still very active. The formers broke into the politics early Goryo wherease the latters passed the civil service examination at Gwangjong regime. Seungro Choi party who has set their stage from the very beginning of Goryo dynasty and the Gwageo passers had different political standpoints. The former tried to build up around their political interests, whereas the latter, or the rookies from Gwageo exam needed King’s help to establish their career in politics. Therefore the Gwageo passers of Gwangjong era had close relation with Seongjong which gave them powers to be politically active through whole Seongjong regime. This political alliance between Kingship and Gwageo passers who newly get into the office can be identified by the public service of Simeon Kim, a Gwageo passer in Seongjong era. Kim’s policies are contrasted with those of Seungro Choi who in his Policies of Resumption stressed that the King(Seongjong) should always be modest and humble and show courtesy to the public servants. Furthermore, Choi insisted the King set model by saying that if the King is polite with the servants, the servants will be loyal to the King. As it is stated above, the Gwageo passers, the existing ones from Gwangjong era and new ones, were closely related ti Seongjong, which in turn gave them ground to be active in politics throughout the whole reign. In contrast, Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi who debuted in the public office on the basis their family in early Goryo tried to fortify their political standpoint and thus had conflicts with Seongjong. Therefore it is identified that though they are the same Officials as confucian scholars, their political standpoints vary depending on their political background. 성종이 경종의 양위를 받아 즉위할 수 있었던 것은 최지몽과 최승로 등 유학자 관료들의 지원과 황보씨 계열의 세력을 견제하고자 했던 경종의 의지가 작용한 결과였다. 이러한 사실들은 최지몽의 공신책봉과 경종묘정 배향, 성종 즉위 후 최지몽과 최승로 등의 정치적 활동 등을 통해 짐작할 수 있다. 성종의 즉위에 기여했던 최지몽과 최승로 등 유학자 관료들은 성종 전반기의 정치를 주도하였다. 이것은 이 시기에 정치적 활동이 두드러지게 나타나는 최량, 왕융, 이몽유, 유언유, 노혁, 서희, 정겸유, 설신우, 이겸의 등을 통해서도 알 수 있다. 이겸의와 정겸유, 설신우를 제외하고는 모두 유학자 출신 관료라는 면에서 공통적이었다. 유학자 출신 관료들은 유교적 소양을 갖춘 성종을 추대함으로써 자신들의 입지를 강화할 수 있는 정치체제를 구축하고자 했던 것으로 보인다. 이는 최승로의 시무책을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 최승로는 상서문을 올려 성종대의 정치에 많은 영향을 미친 것으로 이해되어 왔다. 하지만 그의 시무책 22조 가운데 8개 조항만이 성종대의 정치에 영향을 주었고, 최승로가 바라던 대로 실현된 것도 아니었다. 성종이 수용한 시무책들을 살펴보면, 왕권강화에 도움이 되는 것들이거나 아주 의례적인 조항들이었기 때문이다. 한편 성종대 후반기에는 최승로 계열의 세력이 약화된 것으로 이해되었는데, 최량과 서희 등은 이 시기에도 활발한 정치적 활동을 펼치고 있었다. 최지몽과 최승로 등이 고려 초부터 관직에 진출했던 것과 달리 최량과 서희 등은 광종대 급제자였다. 최승로의 시무책을 보면 국초부터 관직에 등용되어 정치적 입지를 다져왔던 최승로 계열은 국왕보다는 자신들의 권익을 중심으로 하는 정치체제를 구축하려고 하였다. 반면 과거를 통해 관직에 등용된 최량과 서희 등은 자신들의 정치적 입지를 강화하기 위해 국왕의 도움을 필요로 하였다. 따라서 이들은 성종과 긴밀한 관계를 맺고 있었으며, 그것을 바탕으로 성종대 전시기에 걸쳐 활발한 정치적 활동을 할 수 있었던 것으로 보인다. 이것은 성종대 급제자였던 김심언이 성종 9년에 올린 봉사에서 신하의 도리를 강조한 것으로도 확인할 수 있다. 최승로가 유교적 정치이념을 내세워 국왕의 역할을 강조한 것과는 대조적이었다. 이와 같이 광종대 급제자들을 비롯해 과거를 통해 관직에 진출한 이들은 성종과 긴밀한 관계를 맺고 있었으며, 그것을 바탕으로 성종대 전시기에 걸쳐 활발한 정치적 활동을 전개하였다. 반면 고려 초 가문을 배경으로 관직에 등용되었던 최지몽과 최승로 등은 자신들의 정치적 입지를 굳히고, 이것을 지키기 위해 성종과 갈등을 빚기도 하였다.

연구논문 : 고려 성종과 유학자 관료

채희숙 ( Hee Suk Chae ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2013 역사학연구 Vol.50 No.-

성종이 경종의 양위를 받아 즉위할 수 있었던 것은 최지몽과 최승로 등 유학자 관료들의 지원과 황보씨 계열의 세력을 견제하고자 했던 경종의 의지가 작용한 결과였다. 이러한 사실들은 최지몽의 공신책봉과 경종묘정 배향, 성종 즉위 후 최지몽과 최승로 등의 정치적 활동 등을 통해 짐작할 수 있다. 성종의 즉위에 기여했던 최지몽과 최승로 등 유학자 관료들은 성종 전반기의 정치를 주도하였다. 이것은 이 시기에 정치적 활동이 두드러지게 나타나는 최량, 왕융, 이몽유, 유언유, 노혁, 서희, 정겸유, 설신우, 이겸의 등을 통해서도 알 수 있다. 이겸의와 정겸유, 설신우를 제외하고는 모두 유학자 출신 관료라는 면에서 공통적이었다. 유학자 출신 관료들은 유교적 소양을 갖춘 성종을 추대함으로써 자신들의 입지를 강화할 수 있는 정치체제를 구축하고자 했던 것으로 보인다. 이는 최승로의 시무책을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 최승로는 상서문을 올려 성종대의 정치에 많은 영향을 미친 것으로 이해되어 왔다. 하지만 그의 시무책 22조 가운데 8개 조항만이 성종대의 정치에 영향을 주었고, 최승로가 바라던 대로 실현된 것도 아니었다. 성종이 수용한 시무책들을 살펴보면, 왕권강화에 도움이 되는 것들이거나 아주 의례적인 조항들이었기 때문이다. 한편 성종대 후반기에는 최승로 계열의 세력이 약화된 것으로 이해되었는데, 최량과 서희 등은 이 시기에도 활발한 정치적 활동을 펼치고 있었다. 최지몽과 최승로 등이 고려 초부터 관직에 진출했던 것과 달리 최량과 서희 등은 광종대 급제자였다. 최승로의 시무책을 보면 국초부터 관직에 등용되어 정치적 입지를 다져왔던 최승로 계열은 국왕보다는 자신들의 권익을 중심으로 하는 정치체제를 구축하려고 하였다. 반면 과거를 통해 관직에 등용된 최량과 서희 등은 자신들의 정치적 입지를 강화하기 위해 국왕의 도움을 필요로 하였다. 따라서 이들은 성종과 긴밀한 관계를 맺고 있었으며, 그것을 바탕으로 성종대 전시기에 걸쳐 활발한 정치적 활동을 할 수 있었던 것으로 보인다. 이것은 성종대 급제자였던 김심언이 성종 9년에 올린 봉사에서 신하의 도리를 강조한 것으로도 확인할 수 있다. 최승로가 유교적 정치이념을 내세워 국왕의 역할을 강조한 것과는 대조적이었다. 이와 같이 광종대 급제자들을 비롯해 과거를 통해 관직에 진출한 이들은 성종과 긴밀한 관계를 맺고 있었으며, 그것을 바탕으로 성종대 전시기에 걸쳐 활발한 정치적 활동을 전개하였다. 반면 고려 초 가문을 배경으로 관직에 등용되었던 최지몽과 최승로 등은 자신들의 정치적 입지를 굳히고, 이것을 지키기 위해 성종과 갈등을 빚기도 하였다. The crucial drive for Seongjong`s coronation was support from the Officials as confucian scholars such as Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi. Undoubtedly Gyeonjong took part with an intention to hold the Hwangbo clan in check. In other words, Seonjong`s coronation was a collaboration of the Officials as confucian scholars and Gyeongjong to seek political conversion by reappointment of Jimong Choi at the end of Gyeongjong regime. The fact that Seongjong was born of Hwangbo family, which makes Seongjong acceptable as the Crown Prince also needs to be taken into consideration. The contribution of the Officials as confucian scholars such Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi gave way to their political initiation over the early reign of Seongjong. This also can be understood by Ryang Choi, Yung Wang, Mongyoo Lee, Eonyou Yoo, Hyeok Roh, Heui Seo, Gyemyoo Jeong, Shinoo Seol, Gyeomeui Lee who all were politically very active through the reign. Those officials were Confucian scholars except Gyeomeui Lee and Gyeomyoo Jeong and Shinoo Seol. It is understood that Seungro Choi has a great influence on the politics of Seongjong regime with the twenty-eight point policy memorial to the King. But the politics of Seongjong regime were not realized as Seungro Choi desired. The policies that Seongjong accepted were in fact the ones that are helpful to reinforce the royal authority or very customary. This was resulted in because Seungro Choi from the beginning tried to limit royal authority with Ideal image of king while Seongjong intended to strengthen his power and authority from the very beginning of his regime. While the power of Seungro Choi party who was dominant through the early period was weakened at the later period, Rang Choi and Heui Seo were still very active. The formers broke into the politics early Goryo wherease the latters passed the civil service examination at Gwangjong regime. Seungro Choi party who has set their stage from the very beginning of Goryo dynasty and the Gwageo passers had different political standpoints. The former tried to build up around their political interests, whereas the latter, or the rookies from Gwageo exam needed King`s help to establish their career in politics. Therefore the Gwageo passers of Gwangjong era had close relation with Seongjong which gave them powers to be politically active through whole Seongjong regime. This political alliance between Kingship and Gwageo passers who newly get into the office can be identified by the public service of Simeon Kim, a Gwageo passer in Seongjong era. Kim`s policies are contrasted with those of Seungro Choi who in his Policies of Resumption stressed that the King(Seongjong) should always be modest and humble and show courtesy to the public servants. Furthermore, Choi insisted the King set model by saying that if the King is polite with the servants, the servants will be loyal to the King. As it is stated above, the Gwageo passers, the existing ones from Gwangjong era and new ones, were closely related ti Seongjong, which in turn gave them ground to be active in politics throughout the whole reign. In contrast, Jimong Choi and Seungro Choi who debuted in the public office on the basis their family in early Goryo tried to fortify their political standpoint and thus had conflicts with Seongjong. Therefore it is identified that though they are the same Officials as confucian scholars, their political standpoints vary depending on their political background.

고려 성종대 실시되었던 사면과 그에 수반된 은전에 대한 분석-특히 송(宋)·요(遼)의 책봉 및 동(東)·서(西)·경(京)의 행차 때 실시된 것들을 중심으로-

윤훈표 ( Yoon Hoon Pyo ) 연세사학연구회 2019 學林 Vol.44 No.-

본 논문은 고려 성종대 실시되었던 사면과 그에 수반되었던 은전 등에 관하여 분석하였다. 제1대 군주였던 태조대부터 제6대였던 성종대에 이르기까지 총 16회의 사면이 실시되었다. 그런데 성종대에만 11회의 사면이 단행되었다. 그 이전에는 겨우 5회만 실시되었다. 성종을 제외한 다른 임금들은 재임 기간 중 평균적으로 단지 1회만 단행한 셈이다. 더불어 그에 수반되었던 은전도 매우 풍성한 편이다. 이렇게 전임 국왕들보다 자주 사면을 실시했던 이유를 밝히는 것이 본 논문의 기본 목표이다. 사면에서 가장 핵심적인 부분에 속하는 것이 동기다. 무슨 이유로 사면을 실시해야 하는가에 대한 답이기 때문이다. 성종은 전통적으로 내려오던, 즉 전임 임금들이 내세웠던 동기뿐만 아니라 새로운 경우들을 추가시켰다. 새로 추가되었던 것들 중에는 중국의 송, 거란으로부터 冊封을 받았거나 송으로부터 『藏經』이 전달되었던 것 등이 포함되었다. 이런 이유로 사면을 실시한 것은 성종이 처음이며 유일했다. 그 외에 책봉을 받은 뒤 지방에 행차하며 사면과 은전의 베풂을 선포하기도 했다. 송으로부터 받았을 때에는 西京에 행차해서 사면을 실시하였다. 거란에게 받았을 때에는 東京으로 행차하면서 사면을 단행하였다. 이 역시 성종이 최초이며, 더구나 동경 행차는 유일했다. 성종이 전임 국왕들과 달리 사면을 자주 실시했던 것은 특별한 정치적 목적이 있었기 때문이었다. 이를 통해 민심을 추스리며 스스로 추진했던 외교 및 국내 정책들의 지지도를 크게 높이려 했다. This study analyzed the amnesty and special favor which were carried out under King Seongjong, the sixth monarch of Goryeo. A total of 16 amnesties were conducted from King T’aejo, the first monarch, to King Seongjong, the sixth monarch. However, 11 amnesties were conducted only in King Seongjong era. Only five amnesties were carried out before King Seongjong. Therefore, except King Seongjong, other kings performed, on average, only one amnesty during their tenure. The main goal of this paper is to identify why King Seongjong had more frequent amnesties than other monarchs. One of the most essential parts of the implementation of amnesty is motivation. Motivation is the answer to why amnesty should be carried out. King Seongjong added new motivations as well as those traditionally brought down, i,e. the motivations of previous kings. One of the reasons for the new addition was that King Seongjong received an investiture from the Sung Dynasty and Qìdān in China. Or, after King Seongjong was delivered the Great Repository of Sacred Buddhist Texts, he carried out amnesty in order to share that joy with the people. King Seongjong is the first king to practice pardon for these reasons. On the other hand, after obtaining investiture, King Seonjong came to the province and declared a pardon. When King Seongjong received a investiture from the Sung Dynasty, he went to Seokyong(Western Capital) in northern territory and executed a pardon. When he received an investiture from the Qìdān, he went to Dongkyong (Eastern Capital) and ran a pardon. This was also the first time King Seongjong did. Unlike his predecessors, King Seongjong often used pardons because of his special political purpose. Through this, he tried to greatly increase the support of his own foreign and domestic policies.

조선 成宗代 兀狄哈에 대하여

김순남 조선시대사학회 2009 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.49 No.-

Many Udige clans, such as those known to Koreans as the Kolgan, Holjaon, Nimageo, Namnul, Geojeol, and Oeulmigeo established relationships with Joseon during the reign of King Seongjong. Most of these resided in the Tumen River basin area around the six garrisons (yukjin). Onseong emerged as the main center for these Udige clans. While there were numerous groups within the Udige clan, each of which had a fierce character, the Nimageo Udige was by far the most powerful. During the reign of King Seongjong, the Udige clan was able to improve their economic conditions through the abduction of Chinese nationals. The Udige clan maintained higher economic standards of living than its brethren the Odoli and Wuliangha clans. The Udige clan produced various grains, which they then exchanged with other tribal clans for other goods. For most of the reign of King Seongjong, the Udige were involved in hostilities with the Odoli and Wuliangha clans, frictions that had begun during the days of King Sejong. In this instance, Joseon found itself having to provide economic aid to the defeated Odoli or Wuliangha, as well as to the Udige who actively cooperated with Joseon. Udige support for Joseon, which had for the most part involved the Kolgan clan, began to be expanded to include other Jurchen clans from the reign of King Seongjong onwards. In addition to the Kolgan and Holjaon, the Nimageo, Namnul, and Yeomjin, as well as Udige clans from other areas, also provided support for Joseon. The Joseon government granted members of the Udige clan who helped Joseon with a variety of awards and government posts, the importance of which were based on the nature of their achievements. The government actively sought to collect information pertaining to various Udige clans from those clan members who cooperated with Joseon. In many cases, these individuals voluntarily provided information about the current state of various other Udige clans to Joseon. The Udige not only travelled to Seoul to relay such information, but often did so in an on the spot manner. Udige visits to Seoul, as well as their defection to Joseon, were only authorized after lengthy discussions and consideration on the part of the relevant government officials. Whenever some doubt emerged as to the motivation for the defection of a Udige, the Joseon government insisted that they prove their sincerity through such means as bringing people who had previously been kidnapped by their clan with them to Joseon. During the reign of King Seongjong, the Udige clan also resorted to staging raids in Joseon whenever their demands were not accepted. Such Udige incursions were carried out on occasion, with the first such raid occurring during the early reign of King Seongjong when an Udige clan from the Jianzhou area crossed the border. Military officials who failed to appropriately respond to such Udige incursions were punished. While in some instances Udige encroachments into Joseon during the reign of King Seongjong were motivated by a desire to invade Joseon per se, in the majority of cases, the real target of such incursions was the Odoli tribe with whom they were engaged in hostilities. Joseon generally refrained from choosing sides in such battles, preferring instead to try and persuade both sides to put an end to hostilities. During the late period of the reign of King Seongjong, the Udige clan staged a series of raids in Joseon that were designed to inflict damage on the military officials and people of Joseon. The Udige continued to encroach on the territory of Joseon until the latter was able to successfully lay siege to its main base. As a result of the so-called 'Josanbo Incident' in October of the 22nd year of King Seongjong in which a number of Joseon military officials were killed in a raid by the Udige, the Joseon government implemented a military campaign which had as its ultimate goal the conquest of the most powerful Udige clan at the time, the Nimageo. However, despite this m... 본 연구는 조선 북방의 여진 종족중의 하나였던 성종대 올적합의 생활 실태와 조선에의 내조와 침구의 양상을 파악함으로써 조선 기미정책의 실상을 천착하고 나아가 세조대 이후에서 선조대에 이르는 시기의 여진 연구의 공백를 채우고자 하는 것이다.

조선 성종대 ‘영돈녕이상(領敦寧以上)’집단의 성립과 정치활동

김원혁 ( Kim Won-hyeok ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2018 韓國史論 Vol.64 No.-

This study analyzed the political situation During King Seongjong's reign(1469~1494), especially focusing on establishment and political activity of ‘Youngtonnyung-Isang(領敦寧以上; the group having more than the chief of Tonnyungbu’s official rank). The period of King Seongjong's reign has been considered the time in which Daegan(臺諫) politically grew up, As King Seongjong gave the preference to Daegan and checked the higher minister for reinforcing the sovereign authority in the period of his directly reign. However, in fact, conflicting with Daegan at that time, King Seongjong was not at feud with higher minister. Therefore there seems to be a need to analyze Political activities related to the higher minister who have overlooked in the meantime, to understand The management of the political situation of King Seongjong's period. 'The group having more than the chief of Tonnyungbu's official rank' that was called as "Youngtonnyung-Isang(領敦寧以上)" was a political core among the higher ministers in period of his directly reign. Youngtonnyung-Isang was composed of the higher ministers, maintaining themselves exclusively through crossing over Buwongun(府院君) between the court office positions. This group had succeeded the roll of Wonsang(院相), which means that the politics of the minority of higher minister was persisted. On the other hand Daegan had a chance to participate in politics through the Gyeong’yeon(經筵). Consequently they politically grew more than before. However, King Seongjong began to conflict with Daegan. King Seongjong had to choose suppression about the Daegan's power or promotion of the new political group. King Seongjong selected the latter and composed Youngtonnyung-Isang. The means of the Youngtonnyung-Isang's political participation were the 'council of higher minister(收議)', ‘holding a Gyeong’yeon as the first class official', 'undertaking the minister of Yukjo'. King Seongjong gave proference to Youngtonnyung-Isang. On the other hand, King Seongjong's attitude toward Youngtonnyung-Isang was bounded to grow the king’s relatives in laws, because almost all the members of Youngtonnyung-Isang were the king's relatives in laws. King Seongjong called Youngtonnyung-Isang in just before his last moments, and assisted the price(燕山君) as Wonsang of prince. Their political activities show the political coalition between King Seongjong and Youngtonnyung-Isang, meaning the king's maternal relatives officially entering into bureaucracy. In addition, Youngtonnyung- Isang had great influence on domination of King’s relatives in laws at oncoming king's generation, in terms of the Youngtonnyung-Isang's descendants was being high class bureaucracy of king's maternal relatives in the period of king Injong reign and King myeongJoung reign.

조선 성종조 거버넌스체제 변화과정 분석

심재권 한국행정사학회 2019 韓國行政史學誌 Vol.46 No.-

Since the founding of the Joseon Dynasty, the eight kings before King Seongjong have mostly taken over the throne by themselves or inherited the throne from their fathers. In that respect, SeongJong’s succession to the throne was quite unusual. He did not take the throne himself, nor did he inherit it from his father, the king. He was not even the oldest son. His succession, moreover, cast doubt on the legitimacy of ‘GyeYooJungNan’ that caused by his grandfather, King Sejo, who abolished his 12-year-old nephew, Danjong, for strengthening his royal power. The political base of King Seongjong, who took over the throne at an early age, was very weak. There were political groups such as the Great Queen Jeong-hee, Han Myeong-hui and Shin Sook-joo who represented ‘WonSang(院相)’ as sponsors, but they also served as a limiting factor for the royal authority on the other hand. Perhaps the best thing that King Seongjong could do under these restrictions was to get a sincere royal education. King Seongjong received daily royal education(‘KyungYeon’) for these faithful monarchs from the beginning of the throne. So he went on to form what he called a good monarch, a sincere and diligent monarch. As part of his efforts to strengthen the royal authority after the abolition of regency by his grand-mother and the WonSang system, King Seongjong set up the HongMunKwan, appointed a close figure to him to SeungJeongWon, and appointed Kim Jong-jik who called as the representative of new and emerging forces to central government posts. This was intended to change the existing governance system. SeongJong's politics, which prevents power from being concentrated only on certain forces and makes good use of the check and balances among political groups, was certainly a “ninth-degree political strategy.” Based on the stabilization of this political governance system, King Seongjong achieved many achievements and became one of the greatest monarchs of the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, the process of establishing King Seongjong's reign was analyzed for data mining and network analysis by time. The study may also find its significance in understanding the political transformation of the Yeonsan-gun era after the death of King Seongjong. 조선 건국이후 성종이전까지 8대 국왕들의 왕위는 자신들이 스스로 쟁취하거나, 부왕에 의해 세자로 책봉되어 계승되는 경우가 대부분이었다. 그런 점에서 성종의 왕위 계승은 상당히 이례적으로 본인 스스로 쟁취한 것도 아니고, 세자의 신분으로 계승한 것도 아니며 하물며 적장자도 아니며 아버지가 국왕도 아니었다. 게다가 할아버지 세조가 왕권강화를 이유로 12살의 어린 조카 단종을 폐위시킨 계유정난의 정당성마저 의구심을 낳게 하는 계승이었다. 어린 나이에 왕위를 물려받은 성종의 정치적 기반은 매우 빈약했다. 후원자로서 정희왕후와 원상을 대표하는 한명회, 신숙주 등의 정치 그룹이 있었지만 이는 다른 한편에서는 왕권을 제약하는 요인으로도 작용하였다. 이러한 제약 속에서 어쩌면 성종이 가장 잘할 수 있었던 것은 성실하게 국왕 교육을 받는 일이었는지도 모른다. 성종의 이러한 성실한 군주의 모습은 초창기부터 조강, 주강, 석강 등을 매일 실시함으로써 소위 착한 군주, 성실하고 근면한 군주상을 형성해 나아갔다. 수렴청정제와 원상제 폐지이후 성종은 왕권강화의 일환으로 종전의 거버넌스에 변화를 주기 위해 홍문관을 설치하고, 승정원에 친위그룹을 배치하고, 새로운 신진세력의 대명사로 불리는 김종직 등을 중앙관직에 출사시켰다. 이를 통해 공신과 대신세력으로 대표되는 원상그룹과 종전의 사헌부와 사간원 중심의 대간세력들에게 변화를 주어 새로운 정치지형을 구축하여 왕권의 안정화를 도모하였다. 이처럼 특정세력에게만 권력이 집중되는 것을 방지하고 정치집단들 간의 균제와 균형을 잘 활용한 성종의 정치술은 가히 ‘정치 9단’이라할 만 했다. 성종은 이러한 정치체제의 안정화를 바탕으로 많은 업적을 달성함으로써 성군의 반열에 오르게 되었다.

고려 성종대 의제(儀制) 정비와 그 정치 문화적 의미

한정수 역사실학회 2023 역사와실학 Vol.81 No.-

This study first tried to understand the relationship between the direction of rituals and system organize and the relationship with Song Dynasty(宋) centering on the King Seongjong of the Goryeo Dynasty. Next, King Seongjong tried to examine the political and cultural significance of King Seongjong by examining how he organized national rituals and systems and their characteristics. The main contents are as follows. King Seongjong looked at the idea of a great king[大王意識] from the reign of King Taejo. Next, King Seongjong referred to the ancient Chinese system, ritual systems of Tang and Song dynasties, Taejo Yu Pung and Gwangjong's reform of Qingje Geonwon(稱帝建元), and Silla customs. As a result, rituals and institutions were reformed in many ways. In this respect, King Seongjong was an Enlightenment monarch. Also, King Seongjong has a new path It established a system of Ritual as the Dynasty of the "Je-wang(帝王)". The Song Dynasty saw the Goryeo Dynasty as a country that achieved the same civilization as them, or "Seogye Dongmun(書契同文)". As described above, King Seongjong actively utilized his relationship with the Song Dynasty. He completed the practicality of "the maintenance of ritual and system" by performing the cause of "Sadae(事大)". The political and cultural meaning was that King Seongjong pursued the reorganization of the agenda based on "the idea of Je-wang(帝王)". This later opened a new way for the Goryeo Dynasty in terms of advanced civilization and the pursuit of new politics. 본 연구에서는 먼저 성종대를 중심으로 의제 정비 방향과 대송 관계를 파악하려 했다. 이어 성종이 어떻게 국가 의제 정비를 전개했는가와 그 특징 등을 살펴보면서 그 정치 문화적 의미를 고찰하고자 했다. 주요 내용은 다음과 같다. 성종은 태조 이래 대왕 의식을 주목했다. 그리고 중국 고제 및 당․송 예제, 태조 유풍과 광종의 칭제건원 개혁, 신라 관련 토풍을 참작했다. 그 결과 다방면에 걸친 의례 및 제도 정비의 성과를 이뤄냈다. 이를 볼 때 성종을 ‘교화 군주(敎化君主)’로 평가할 수 있을 것이다. 더불어 성종은 새로운 길이라 할 ‘제왕’의 나라로서의 예제 정비를 했다. 이러한 고려를 송은 유교 예제 면에서 송과 같은 서계동문(書契同文)을 이룬 나라라 보았다. 이상과 같이 성종은 양국 관계를 적극 활용했다. 사대라는 명분을 행하면서 예제 정비라는 실리를 이뤘다. 그 정치 문화적 의미는 성종이 제왕에 입각한 의제 정비를 추구한 것이었다. 이는 이후 화풍 추구라는 면에 있어 고려왕조에 새로운 길을 열어 주었다.

성종 14년(1483), 신진사류, 그리고 道學으로의 轉回-추강 남효온과 그 師友의 동향을 중심으로-

정출헌 한국고전번역원 2018 民族文化 Vol.52 No.-

The Joseon Dynasty which was established with Confucianism as a national policy made steady progress in the history of thought from Buddhism to Confucianism by making use of national power. Thus, a genealogy of Neo- Confucianism was created such as that of Jeong Mongju to Gil Jae to Kim Sukja to Kim Jongjik to Kim Gwangpil and Jeong Yeo Chang to Jo Gwanggjo to Yi Eonjeok to Yi Hwang. However there is little revelation on the true nature of Neo-Confucianism that Neo-Confucian scholars such as Kim Gwangpil had in the period of King Seongjong. The loss of data must be the main reason, but a lack of close examination about material on their lives and the trends of the times were also crucial factors. This article focuses on the change in the study and thoughts of Neo-Confucian scholars in the 14th year of King Seongjong (1438) with the necessity of reflective investigation in mind. Interestingly, Kim Gwangpil moved to Yangju in the same year and finally pursued studies other than Sohak and his close friend Nam Hyo-On built Gyeongjijae, a study in Haengju and actively wrote Neo-Confucian articles such as the Essay on the Mind 心論, Essay on Human Nature 性論, Essay on Life 命論, Essay on Ghosts 鬼神論. Moreover, this is the time when Kim Si-Seup who had a huge impact on Neo-Confucian scholars at the time of Seongjong left Seoul heading towards Chuncheon with a wagon loaded with books, the Six Books 六經 and history books 子史. It was not an accident that Neo-Confucian scholars at the time of King Seongjong scattered in all directions living in the vicinity of Seoul and began to immerse themselves in new life and new study in the same year. It was a sign of the times caused by the deep frustration with political practices and the intellectual desires of Neo-Confucianism with King Seongjong getting into politics. The organization of Bamboo forest scholars and the incident of Seonggyungwan wall poetry in the 13th year of King Seongjong were indications that suggest the change. In the end, these young scholars did not pass Gwageo civil exam in the spring of King Seongjong’s 14th year, and took the opportunity to promote change in the direction of Neo-Confucianism through Neo-Confucian books such as Seongri Gunseo and Seongri Daejeon. However, except fr Kim Gwangpil, leading figures who struggled together such as Nam Hyo-On, Yi Simwon, and Yi Hyeonson ended up having their names removed from the genealogy of Neo-Confucianism. That is why I paid attention on their activities in the 14th year of King Seongjong. 유교를 국시로 내걸고 건국한 조선은 국가권력을 활용하여, 불교로부터 유교로의 사상사적 전환을 꾸준하게 진전시켜나갔다. 그리하여 ‘정몽주→길재→김숙자→김종직→김굉필․정여창→조광조→이언적→이황’으로 이어지는 도학의 계보를 만들어내기에 이르렀다. 하지만 김굉필․정여창으로 대표되는 성종대의 신진사류가 그 계보에서 차지하는 도학의 실체에 대해서는 밝혀진 것이 별로 없다. 자료의 일실이 주된 원인이겠지만, 그들의 생애자료와 시대적 동향에 대한 세밀한 탐구가 부족했던 것도 원인으로 작용했다. 본고는 그런 반성적 고찰의 필요성을 염두에 두고, 성종 14년(1483)에 보인 신진사류의 학문적․사상적 변화에 세밀하게 주목하고자 했다. 흥미롭게도 김굉필은 그 해 楊州로 물러앉아 비로소 『소학』이 아닌 다른 책을 읽어가며 강학활동을 시작했고, 남효온도 幸州에 敬止齋를 지어놓고 「心論」․「性論」․「命論」․「鬼神論」과 같은 성리학적 논설을 활발하게 집필했다. 뿐만 아니라 성종대의 신진사류에게 지대한 영향을 끼쳤던 김시습도 바로 그때 六經과 子史를 수레에 싣고 서울을 등지고 춘천으로 떠나버렸다. 이처럼 성종대의 신진사류들이 같은 해에 뿔뿔이 흩어져 서울 인근에 은거하며 새로운 삶과 새로운 학문에 빠져들기 시작했던 것은 우연이 아니었다. 성종 7년의 親政을 계기로 일어난 성리학에 대한 지적 요구와 정치현실에 대한 좌절이 빚어낸 시대적 징후였던 것이다. 성종 13년에 일어난 竹林羽士 결성과 성균관 壁書詩 사건은 그런 변화를 암시하는 강력한 조짐이었다. 결국 성종 14년 봄의 과거 낙방을 계기로 젊은 그들은 『근사록』․『성리군서』․『성리대전』과 같은 성리서적을 통해 도학으로의 轉回를 도모해갔다. 하지만 김굉필을 제외한 南孝溫․李深源․李賢孫처럼 함께 분투했던 선구적인 존재는 道學의 계보에서 지워지고 말았다. 본고에서 성종 14년의 잊혀져간 그들을 새삼 주목하게 된 까닭이다.

어을우동과 폐비 윤씨 처형의 시대적 배경에 관한 연구

신병주 한국고소설학회 2019 古小說 硏究 Vol.48 No.-

Queen Yun, who was the wife of King Seongjong of Choson, was deposed and capital purrished in 1479, and in the next year, 1480, another fernale named Eoeuludong(於乙于同) was capital punishied too. In retrospect, there seems to have been a connection between these two seemingly separated incidents. Seongjong was a king who greatly aspired for a Neo-Confucian society, and scandals surrounding both Queen Yun and Eoeuludong greatly offended him. Queen Yun, who suspected that the king was loving another royal concubine more than herself, committed out of jealousy the unthinkable crimme of slapping the king in the face, and Seongjong had to take a definitive action in response. Meanwhile, Eoeuludong was a wife of a Yangban figure from a house that also had a marital relationship with the Joseoni royal family. Yet she did not hesitate to have free sexual relationships with not only Yangban figures but commoners and slaves as well, so something had to be done as well, The official cause for having deposed Queen Yun put to death and capital punishing Eoeuludong was to establish just social norms and appropriate discipline. Seongjong had been trying to renovate institutions and rules, while spreacting the teachings of Neo-Confucianism throughout the society. The jealousy of Queen Yun and the scandalous affairs of Eceuludong were seriously impecting Seongjong's efforts, and he had no other choice but to deal with them with the deadliest means at his disposal. Some of his vassals were against such drastic measures, but Seongjong was determined to use these two females as examples whose sorts of actions would not be allowed in a Neo-Confucian society he was trying to create. At that moment, there was the mother of King Seongjong, Insu effects on the affair, In other words, these two females were sacrificed in a rather idealogical campaign. 성종 시대인 년에 단행된 왕비 윤씨의 폐출과 이어진 사사 賜 死과 년의 어을우동 於乙于同처형은 연결고리가 발견되고 있다 성리학 이념이 정착되는 사회를 지향하는 성종의 치세에 터진폐비 윤씨와 어을우동 사건은 성종으로 하여금 결단을 요구하게 했다 왕이 후궁을 가까이 한다고 이를 투기하고 왕에게 손찌검까지한 왕비의 기행은 성종에게 특단의 조치를 가하게 했다 왕실의 후손과 혼인한 양반 양반집 부인 어을우동이 양반은 물론이고 천한 신분의 사람들과 정을 통하다가 물의를 일으킨 것 또한 큰 사회 문제였다. 성종이 왕비 윤씨에게 사약을 내리고 어을우동을 처형한 명분은 조선의 사회 풍속과 기강을 바로잡는 데 있었다 성종은 조선 전기 문물과 제도의 정비에 힘을 쓰는 한편 성리학의 이념을 본격적으로 전파하고 수용하려고 노력한 왕이었다 이러한 상황에서 터진 폐비 윤씨의 투기와 어을우동 스캔들은 성리학의 이념 전파에 걸림돌이 되었고성종은 이들을 극형에 처하였다 신하들의 반대도 있었지만 성종은이들의 처벌을 시범 삼아 성리학 이념을 정착시키려는 의지가 강하였다 당시 대비였던 인수대비의 역할도 컸다 두 여인은 성리학 이념이본격적으로 구현되는 국가를 만들어 가겠다는 시대의 희생양으로도볼 수가 있다.

규범성과 계층성 -관각문학을 통해 본 성종대 왕실문화의 정립 과정

구슬아 동방한문학회 2022 東方漢文學 Vol.- No.91

Assuming that the process of establishing royal culture under King Seongjong's reign is related to the intention to strengthen royal authority, this study analyzed the admonish role of Gwan-gak literature and the way of writing skills. King Seongjong tried to increase his authority by newly establishing discipline within the royal family due to the special process of succession to the throne. In response, the officials put the brakes on King Seongjong's method of managing state affairs, which emphasizes hierarchicality, by embracing royal culture as an area of public opinion. The process of confrontation and coordination is well contained in Gwan-gak literature. First, in the early days of the regime, the royal members such as the queen strictly prohibited from participating in politics and showed their willingness to comply with norms by following exemplary examples. So, the officials expressed their expectations and admiration for the regime in their writings. However, King Seongjong tried to raise the hierarchy of his own lineage by promoting his biological father to king. The officials strongly protested on the basis of the ritual injustice. Accordingly, the writers of Gwan-gak literature disciplined King Seongjong by indirectly evoking the normative nature that the royal family should maintain as an example of a general family. Second, when Changgyeong Palace(昌慶宮) was completed, King Seongjong was suffering from internal feuds caused by eunuchs. He complained about the opposition of the officials with the hierarchical advantage of the king, and instead chose to solve this problem indirectly. Accordingly, Kim Jong-jik(金宗直), who received the royal order, wrote a direct and strict warning against eunuchs. However, behind it, it can be seen that the king, the top of the hierarchical order, contained a message of vigilance that requires complete control of royal members. Third, the officials presented the norms of behavior that he should show in the private domain, targeting wages, which is the center point of normativity and hierarchy. The writers of 「Hwanchwijeonggi(環翠亭記)」 respected the realistic position of the king to a certain extent. And at the same time, they insinuated the king to hold his heart firm even in a private space where tensions were eased. The writers of Gwan-gak Literature were well aware of the sensitive nature of King Seongjong, which was shown in the process of establishing royal culture. Thus, it showed the voice of self-purification that delicately achieved their political purpose of advising the king as a moral norm. 이 연구는 성종대 왕실문화의 정립 과정이 왕권 강화 의도와 관련되어 있다는 전제하에, 이 과정에서 창작된 관각산문을 통해 관각문학의 勸戒的 역할과 諷諫의 글쓰기 방식을 분석한 것이다. 성종은 특별한 왕위 계승 과정으로 인해 나름의 방식으로 왕실 내부 기강을 정립함으로써 왕권을 강화하고자 하였다. 신료들은 왕실문화를 공론의 장으로 포섭하는 가운데 계층성을 강조하는 성종의 국정 운영 방식에 대해 규범성을 강조하는 방식으로 제동을 걸었다. 이러한 대립과 조율의 과정이 관각산문의 안팎에 반영되어 있다. 먼저, 성종 즉위 초기에 왕실은 后妃의 정치 참여를 嚴禁하고 모범적 선례를 따를 것을 강조하는 后妃明鑑 찬술 등의 활동을 통해 규범성에 대한 자발적 준수 의지를 드러냈다. 이에 신료들은 왕실의 의지에 대한 예찬과 성종에 대한 기대감을 관각산문에 담아냈다. 그러나 친정 직전, 성종은 私親을 추숭하는 방식으로 혈통의 위계를 드높이려 하면서 그 의례적 부당성을 논하는 신료들과 첨예하게 대립하였다. 관각문인들은 私家의 모범으로써 왕실이 견지해야 할 규범성을 우회적으로 환기하는 방식을 통해 성종을 규계하였다. 둘째, 창경궁 낙성을 전후한 시기 왕실은 宦官을 둘러싼 내홍을 겪고 있었다. 성종은 친왕 세력 확보 및 군왕의 인사권 등 계층적 우위를 앞세워 신료들의 제동에 불만을 토로하고, 이 문제를 에둘러 해결하는 방식을 채택하였다. 성종의 명을 받은 金宗直은 사건의 당사자인 환관을 대상으로 직설적 경계의 의도를 담은 관각산문을 찬술하였다. 그러나 그 이면에 계층적 질서의 최상위자이자 왕실 내부의 구성원들을 완벽하게 제어해야 하는 존재로서 군왕이 관련 문제를 누구보다도 심절하게 경계해야 한다는 메시지를 담았음을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 관각문인들은 규범성과 계층성의 구심점인 군왕을 대상으로, 사적 영역에서 보여주어야 할 행동규범을 제시하였다. 「環翠亭記」의 작가들은 군왕의 현실적 입장을 일정 부분 존중하는 가운데 긴장이 완화되는 사적 영역에서도 마음을 다잡아야 함을 풍간의 방식으로 피력하였다. 아유나 찬미에 그치지 않고, 의사소통 방식에 민감하게 반응하는 성종의 성격을 고려하되 自淨의 정치적 의도를 사수하기 위해 고심한 관각의 글쓰기 방식이 새롭게 주목된다.