장지연의 「自强主義」와 『新民說』 : 차용으로 이루어진 자강

임상석 동양한문학회 2023 동양한문학연구 Vol.65 No.-

This paper analyzes that Jang Jiyeon’s “Jagangjuui”, the one of representative leading articles in Korean enlightenment movement, is composed of reconstituting and borrowing of Liang Qicao’s Xinminshuo. Through mutual comparison, it is proved that almost 70% of the former’s sentences are borrowed from the latter but Jang specifies himself as the author of the former. The former is publicized in Daehanjaganghoe Monthly, the bulletin of the most prestigious enlightenment movement society, Daehanjaganghoe to announce its own official purposes and principles. Considering its foremost purpose, self-strengthen and independent, the former’s composing process, unauthorized borrowing can be regarded as a kind of deviation. Also, adopting traditional rhetorics of Literary Sinitic to propagate modern ideas such as nationalism, progressivism and adventurous spirit, the former can be belong to products of Colonial Sinographic Sphere. It is clear that Jang did not recognize the risk of Literary Sinitic, the solid attribute shared by Liang, could be harmful to essential task of Korean enlightenment movement, nationality and an ethnic community. Since the greater part of Jang’s self-identity had matured in Joseon, the nation of toadyism and tributary system, he met difficulties in self transition, from universal Literary Sinitic writer, a traditional intellectual in Sinographic sphere, to a national journalist in Korean enlightenment media. For the moment, the Jang's “Jagangjuui” as the borrowing reconstitution of Liang’s Xinminshuo could contribute to enhance effects and contents of Korean self-strengthening but borrowed “Doctrine of Self-strengthen” would damage self-strengthening and independent in the end. The first priority of Korean enlightenment movement in Colonial Sinograph Sphere is confrontation to imperialism, yet borrowing "Jagangjuui" demonstrates remaining shadows of Sinocentrism. 이 글은 한국 계몽운동을 대변하는 논설 가운데 하나인 장지연의 「자강주의」가 양계초의 『신민설』을 차용하여 재구성하는 과정을 통해 형성되었음을 분석했다. 양자의 대조를 통해 전자의 70% 가량이 후자의 차용이었음을 확인했는데, 그럼에도 장지연은 전자에 “저자 장지연”이라 명기했다. 대한제국기의 대표적 계몽운동 단체인 대한자강회의 공식 기관지인 『대한자강회월보』의 전체적 취지를 천명한 글이 「자강주의」였고, 이것이 차용으로 구성된 것은 일종의 탈선이라 할 수 있다. 국가사상, 진취와 모험 등의 근대적 가치를 한자권 전통의 文言 글쓰기를 활용해 주장했다는 점에서 「자강주의」는 식민지 한자권의 범위에 속하는 성과물이기도 하다. 양계초와 공유한 보편의 문언이 국적과 민족이라는 새로운 절대적 가치에 위배 될 수 있다는 점을 장지연은 명확하게 인식하지 못한 것으로 보인다. 이는 사대와 조공의 조선에서 古文家로서 성장한 장지연이 국적을 전제로 한 자강의 국한문체 언론인이란 새로운 자기정체성을 온전하게 내면화 하지 못했기 때문이다.「자강주의」로 재구성된 『신민설』의 대안은 자강의 함의와 영향력을 강화하는 단기적 역할을 수행했다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 빌려온 “자강주의”라면 장기적으로 자강의 목표는 멀어질 수밖에 없다. 식민지 한자권에서 진행된 대한제국기 계몽운동에서 제일의 당면과제는 제국주의였으나 중화의 그늘도 여전한 질곡이었음을 빌려온「자강주의」가 증명하고 있다.

대한협회의 민권 인식과 근대 민권운동

성주현 한국민족운동사학회 2017 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.90

대한협회는 1907년 11월 10일 尹孝定ㆍ張志淵 등 대한자강회 간부들과 천도교의 대표로서 權東鎭ㆍ吳世昌 등을 참여하여 10명으로 조직하였다. 대한자강회가 해산된 지 겨우 3개월 만에 그 구성과 목적이 크게 다르지 않은 대한협회가 창립될 수 있었던 것은 일제가 한국의 배일적인 지식인들을 한 단체로 규합하고 회유하여 적극적이고 직접적인 반일투쟁에의 참여를 막기 위한 것으로 풀이된다. 대한협회의 강령을 보면 “교육의 보급, 산업의 개발, 생명재산의 보호, 행정제도의 개선, 관민폐습의 교정, 근면저축의 실행과 권리, 의무, 책임, 복종의 사상을 고취”라는 7개 항목으로 되어 있다. 그 중에서도 가장 핵심적으로 관심을 가진 것은 ‘생명재산의 보호’인 민권이었다. 대한협회가 민권에 관심을 가진 것은 ‘민’에 대한 인식의 변화였다. 그동안 전근대적 피지배층이라는 ‘민’의 인식은 서학과 동학의 보급, 동학농민혁명의 경험, 서구문명의 유입 등 복합적인 요인을 통한 근대적 인식의 반영이라고 할 수 있다. 이와 같은 상항에서 대한협회는 민권을 강조하였고, 이를 국민계몽을 통해 고취시키고자 하였다. 대한협회의 민권은 국민의 생명과 재산 보호라는 차원을 넘어서 이를 위한 국민교육을 전개하고자 하였고, 이를 위해 적극적으로 활동하였다. 대한협회는 이를 토대로 전근대 정치체제인 전제군주제를 폐기하고 입헌정체의 전환을 제기하였다. 그리고 이를 위해 정당의 필요성을 주장하였다. 대한협회는 민권을 보호하기 위해 적극적으로 활동하였다. 대한협회의 민권운동은 두 가지였다 하나는 민권계몽운동이었고, 다른 하나는 민권침해저지운동이었다. 전자는 본회와 지회가 연설회를 통해 적극적으로 계몽하였으며, 후자는 부정한 관리로부터 재산이 침탈 내지 침해를 당하였을 때는 지회와 본회가 연결되어 적극적으로 대응하였고, 부당한 조치를 철회시켰다. 대표적인 활동이 평양의 대한협회 회원 ‘김진구재산피침사건’이었다. 이외에도 지회에서 민권침해저지운동에 적극적으로 대응하였다는 것은 당시 ‘민’에 대한 인식과 민권에 대한 인식의 변화가 적지 않았음을 잘 보여주고 있다고 할 수 있다. The Korean Association was organized by 10 people, such as Yun Hyo-jeong, Jang Gi-yeon who were executive members of Korean Self-Strengthening Society and Kwon Dong-jin, Oh Se-chang as representatives of Cheondogyo in 10 November, 1907. Merely three months after dissolution of Korean Self-Strengthening Society, the Korean Association, which its composition and purpose was not so dissimilar from the society, could be established was to gather anti-Japanese Korean intellectuals as a single association, and to prevent to participate in actively and directly anti-Japanese struggle. The doctrine of Korean Association was composed of 7 provisions, “dissemination of education, industrial development, protection of life and property, improvement on administrative system, correction of evil customs of the government and the people, implementation of diligence and saving, and inspiration of idea of right, duty and obedience. The most important provision among them was the protection of life and property, that is people’s right. That the Korean Association was concerned about people’s right came from changing recognition of people. The traditional recognition of people, which they were subjugated class, was changed into modern recognition by complex factors, such as dissemination of Western learning and Donghak, and experience of Donghak Peasant Revolution and influx of Western civilization. In this situation, the Korean Association stressed on people’s right and through this they sought to inspired the national enlightenment. The idea of people’s right of Korean Association transcended the dimension of protection of people’s life and property, and they tried to develop the national education. On the basis on this, the Korean Association abolished the absolute monarchy which was traditional political system, and proposed to change the constitutional monarchy. For this, they insisted on the necessity of political party. The Korean Association actively tried to protected the people’s right. The people’s right movement of Korean Association were twofold. The one was people’s right enlightenment movement, and the other was movement for prevention from people’s right violations. For the first movement, they actively enlightened the people through speeching meeting of the association and its branches, and for the second movement, the association coped with illegal pillage of property of officials through cooperation between the association and its branches and withdrew unfair dealings. The representative result was ‘Kim Jin-ku affair of property invasion’ who was a member of Korean Association in Pyongyang. In addition, that the branches actively coped with the movement for prevention from people’s right saw the changing in the recognition of people and people’s right.

Interpreting the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations of 1882 between Chosŏn and the Qing: How logics of appropriateness shaped Sino–Korean relations

Jung Mee Park,Chun-Ping Wang 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2020 International Area Studies Review Vol.23 No.1

Prior research on Qing China’s relationship towards Chosŏn Korea in the late 19th century suggested that China’s influence over Korea was a continuation of the tribute system. However, the Qing’s awareness of Westphalian laws altered Sino–Korean relations. In 1882, Qing China signed the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations with Chosŏn Korea. Unlike the previous treaties that China signed with western states, the Qing negotiated terms economically beneficial to China in the agreement. The Qing officials determined much of the terms found in the Regulations. The Qing officials had leverage over Chosŏn officials partly because China had amassed cultural capital through centuries of tributary exchanges. The logics of appropriateness (LoA) or ‘bounded rationality’ of the tribute system shaped the Qing’s and Chosŏn’s responses, even in treaty negotiations. We argued that the Regulations reflected the Qing’s attempts to ‘modernize’ tributary relations with Westphalian LoA in light of the Qing’s own domestic crisis. Domestic insurrections such as the Taiping Rebellion led members of the self-strengthening (Ziqiang) movement to focus on foreign affairs and adopt Westphalian international laws. The Qing’s goals to self-strengthen via an unequal agreement with Chosŏn, however, failed when westerners criticized China’s perceived suzerain authority over Korea. The criticisms highlighted the cleavages between the tributary and Westphalian systems as individuals attempted to justify their roles within these institutions.

단재 신채호의 구국론

황묘희 한국민족사상학회 2011 민족사상 Vol.5 No.2

단재 신채호는 자주자강 애국계몽운동의 실천에 구국론의 근거를 두고 국권을 회복하여 근대국가를 수립하려면 민족주의와 자주정신을 바탕으로 한 애국자강, 민족교육․문명교육․상무교육을 통한 교육자강, 강국의 바탕이 되는 민족자본의 축적을 위한 실업자강을 실천하는 자주자강독립론을 주장하였다. 그러나 1910년 망명을 떠난 그는 보다 적극적이고 독립운동 방략으로 자신의 구국론을 선회하였고, 이후 만주, 중국 등지에서 항일무장투쟁을 전개하며 활동하였다. 특히 1910년 일제에 의해 국권을 무력으로 강탈당하자 자강개혁을 통한 애국계몽 차원의 독립운동이 현실적 한계가 있음을 인식하고 강력하고 실천적인 무장투쟁 구국론을 바탕으로 한 독립운동방안을 모색하여 갔다. 그리고 3‧1운동이 한국민의 자발적 항일의지로 폭발하여 거족적 민중항일투쟁으로써 국내외에 확산되어 가자 항일독립운동의 주체가 민중임을 인식하게 되었다. 이후 3‧1운동에서 표출된 거대한 민중의 항일의지를 근간으로 한 민중주체 항일투쟁론을 정립시켜 나갔고, 의열단의 <조선혁명선언>의 집필을 계기로 무정부주의 사상을 본격적으로 수용하여 더욱 강력한 무장항일투쟁방략을 모색하였다. 그의 민중주체투쟁론은 파괴적이고 폭력적인 개별적 민중직접혁명론으로 진화되어 이는 1920년대 이후 그의 구국론의 핵심을 이루게 되었다. 이는 1920년대 이후 새로운 민족독립운동 방략의 한 축을 이루며 나라 잃은 민족의 분노를 민중 스스로 직접 분출할 수 있는 돌파구가 되어 주었으며, 민족의 현실적 생존을 구하기 위한 정당한 항일투쟁의 수단임을 분명하게 표출시켜 주었다. Shin Chae Ho claimed to regain the national sovereignty in order to establish a modern state based on nationalism and to practice patriotic spirit of the enlightenment. His thought of patriotic enlightenment such as the theory self-strengthening education, the theory refomation of confucianism, the theory of cultivation of national spirit, the view of modern nation, the theory of new citizen and so on which were stated in order to restore sovereignty in the country showed the clearest tone among several thought at the time, denying to compromise with Japanese government. But he thought need way of strong and independence movement, because Japanese invaded Korea by armed forces. Also, when 3.1 independence movement droke out, the mass of the people leaded an anti-Japanese struggle. Since then he groped new an independence movement practice by the mass of the Korean people. And he accepted anarchismm, he wanted to be unfold more powerful independence movement. This fact, since 1920 a new way of the independence movement, and the mass of the people expressed their anger against Japan that was a direct way to a save the nation movement.

洋務運動期 民族意識 發展의 一端

崔熙在(Choi Hee-Jae) 동양사학회 2003 東洋史學硏究 Vol.85 No.-

In historical context, Sino-centrism was so flexible that it could had been sustained even in the period of military conquest of Chinese mainland by the northern nomadic peoples, by asserting that the essence of Chinese superiority lay in culture. With the intrusion of Western forces in the 19th century, however, such Sino-centrism gradually came to face serious challenges. As a result, there began to emerge new concerns for national interest and nationality, especially beginning in the late Tongzhi and early Guangxu period. During that period, with the task of 'pacifying the exterior'(安外) looming large amid the restrengthening of foreign aggressions, efforts to reinforce China's defense capabilities both in inland frontiers and coastal areas continued, bringing in considerable results. Also in domestic politics there proceeded rather noteworthy improvements since the importance of 'self-rule'(自治) came to be reemphasized in relation to the desired 'self-strengthening.' In relation with such developments, efforts at adjusting foreign policies started during just that period. Their primary aim was to protect and recover national interests as well as to enhance national prestige in the face of the strengthened aggressions from the Western and some other neighboring countries. Such efforts now came to be made rather notedly as to revise the existing unequal treaties with the West, along with attempts to promote commercial and industrial interests of China. In addition, overseas Chinese, both laborers and merchants, formerly considered as 'abandoned people'(棄民), now came to be regarded as 'Chinese subjects and offspring'(臣民赤子). So measures to protect them and to utilize their wealth for famine relief and maritime defense began to be launched in earnest, accompanied by the establishment of consulates in major foreign cities. Also in relation with some neighboring tributary nations such as Korea, more aggressive policies came to be adopted, especially after Japanese annexation of Liuqiu Kingdom in 1879. Such developments the author thinks can be termed 'incipient nationalism', which paved way for the more full-fledged nationalistic efforts after the defeat in the 1894-95 Sino-Japanese War. In all, the significance of such 'incipient nationalism' which took concrete form during the early Guangxu period cannot be disregarded in that it broadened the scope of the Self-strengthening Movement.

<혈의 누>와 <만세보> 논설을 통해 본 이인직의 정치사상 – 자강론과 연방국가론을 중심으로

윤영실 한국근대문학회 2020 한국근대문학연구 Vol.21 No.1

이 논문은 ‘정치소설’과 ‘신소설’로 양분된 근대계몽기 문학사에서 이인직의 ‘신’소설들이 지닌 ‘정치성’을 새삼 문제삼기 위해 『혈의 누』에 대한 정치적 재해석을 시도했다. 특히 이인직의 『혈의 누』를 『만세보』의 논설들과 겹쳐봄으로써 1906-7년 무렵 이인직의 정치사상을 규명하는 데 초점을 맞추었다. 먼저 동경정치학교 이래 이인직의 언론관이 형성된 궤적을 살펴보고, 『만세보』에서 정치, 문학, 학술을 아우르는 이인직의 다방면의 글쓰기들이 모두 뚜렷한 정치적 당파성을 띠었음을 규명했다.(2장). 다음으로 국제법학자 아리가 나가오의 사상적 영향들을 검토하면서, 『혈의 누』의 옥련 서사를 보호국 통치와 자강운동의 정치적 알레고리로 분석했다.(3장) 마지막으로 자강론 안의 다양한 붕달들의 배치 안에서 이인직의 민권론과 삼진연방론을 검토함으로써 이인직의 정치사상이 지닌 특이성을 좀더 구체적으로 규명하고자 했다. 특히 『혈의 누』의 서사시간(1902년)과 서술시간(1906)의 간극에 주목함으로써, 서사의 표층이 제시하는 자강론적 정치 비전이 작가 자신의 회의적 시선과 패배감에 의해 어떻게 균열되는지 분석함으로써, 이후 식민지 통치 체제 옹호로 치달아간 이인직의 행보를 규명할 수 있는 단초를 마련하고자 했다.(4장) 상이한 근대국가 기획들이 경합하던 대한제국 말기에 『혈의 누』가 소설 형식을 통해 담아냈던 정치적 당파성은 ‘현실’의 서사적 구성에서 ‘정치’와 ‘소설’이 근본적으로 교착하고 있었음을 보여줄 것이다. This article reinterprets Tears of Blood, presumably the first ‘new novel’ of Korea, in terms of politics in order to revisit the modern Korean literary history, most of which generally divides early modern Korean novels into two categories, ‘new novels’ and ‘political’ novels. First of all, it examines how Gunpei Matsumoto’s journalism theory influenced Yi’s political writings in journalism, the object of which was the nation-state building. Then it analyzes Theories of the Protectorate System written by Nagao Ariga and its influence on Self-strengthening Movement in Korea. In the historical and intellectual contexts, Ok-ryeon’s narrative of Tears of Blood can be reinterpreted as an allegory of the political vision of self-strengthening movements under the protectorate system. Finally, it examines Yi’s political thoughts of people’s rights and the federal system more specifically in the configuration of political factions of the time, which reveals his skeptical prospects of Korean nation-state building in spite of the message of the novel.

1920년 9월 원산지역 만세시위와 저항의식 형성의 기제

오미일(Oh, Mi-Il) 부산경남사학회 2017 역사와 경계 Vol.102 No.-

이 글은 1920년 9월 23일 밤 원산에서 발생한 만세시위를 ‘서발턴’ 개념에 기초하여 분석한 글이다. 서발턴(subaltern) 개념은 계급 분석이나 부문운동으로 설명하기 어려운 지역사회의 다양한 직업군의 저항운동을 해명하기 위해 시도해 볼 수 있는 접근 방법이라고 생각한다. 1919년 원산의 3 · 1운동이 기독교단과 천도교단에 의해 조직적으로 전개되었는데 비해, 이 시위는 하층 민중들에 의해 전개되었다는 점이 특징이다. 수천 명의 서발턴 민중을 시위대열로 이끈 것은 이십 명도 안 되는 一心團員이 아니라, 일상에서 체험적으로 획득된 민족 차별과 억압에 대한 내재된 저항의식이었다. 일제 통치에 대한 저항의식이 형성되고 발현되는 기제는 사회문화적 저항공간인 자강단체와 교회였다. 1908년 무렵부터 ‘애국’과 ‘민족’은 이미 지방에서도 대중의 담론으로 확산되어 있었다. 학교와 교회(예배당)를 공간으로 전개된 다양한 학습과 학술 · 문화 행사는 서발턴 민중으로 하여금 현실의 식민지 상황과 지역문제에 대해 각성하게 만들었다. 9월 만세시위는 바로 이러한 지역적인 저항의식의 공감대에 기초하여 발생했던 것이다. This study analyzes the Wonsan Demonstration of Independence Movement (Manse) held in the night of September 23, 1920 based on the concept of ‘subaltern.’ The concept of subaltern is considered an approach that can be attempted in order to explain the resistance movement of the local public, which is hard to explain with an analysis of class. In 1919, the March 1st Movement in Wonsan was methodically developed by the Christian Body, and a characteristic of this demonstration is that it was developed by the masses. What led thousands of subaltern masses into protesters was not the members of One Mind Group, fewer than 20 persons, but the inherent spirit of resistance against ethnic discrimination and oppression in the Joseon masses. The mechanism by which the spirit of resistance against the Japanese rule was formed and manifested was self-strengthening organizations and churches, which were spaces of socio-cultural resistance. Since around 1908, ‘patriotism’ and ‘nation’ had already proliferated in provinces as a popular discourse. A variety of learning and academic/cultural events developed with schools and churches (chapels) as spaces allowed the people to awaken themselves concerning the situations of the colony in reality and social issues of the regions, and in this social atmosphere, sympathy of local resistance was formed.

일본제국의 한국지배와 근대적 한국상의 창출-대한협회를 중심으로-

함동주 일본사학회 2007 일본역사연구 Vol.25 No.-

With the victory in the Russo-Japanese War, modern Japan accelerated its pace for the construction of an empire. Japan's pace for colonizing Korea caused a great deal of anxieties and discussions in Korean society. This article, in particular, focuses on the formation of contradicting images of Korean society after the Russo-Japanese War. The first of such images was built by Japanese, who attempted to define Korea as a society to be colonized. The second image was built by a large group of Korean intellectuals who accepted Western/Japanese discourse on the superiority of Western/Japanese civilization. This group emphasized the need for self-strengthening through the embrace of civilization from Japan. The third can be called an image of self-reliance and independence for emphasizing Korean potentials for independence. These three groups were both interconnected and contradicting. First of all, Japan's image of Korea was in accordance with the image by the civilization group in that both emphasized Korea's backwardness, ignorance and corruption. It should be noted that the civilization group embraced a large part of Japanese excuses for colonizing Korea. In contrast, Shin Chae-Ho tried to negate Japanese explanations. He denied Japan's argument for Korea's lack of independent spirits and government corrupts by giving highest value to national independence. In short, Shin's indulgence into historical study was an attempt to overcome Japanese argument for colonizing Korea. In this way, the period after the Russo-Japanese War witnessed critical clashes in views on Korea's past, present and future, with deep political implication over Japan's colonization of Korea.

일제시기 백산상회(白山商會)의 창립과 변천

오미일 ( Mi Il Oh ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2014 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.26

기업사적으로 볼 때 백산상회는 자본금 1백만 원의 조선인 무역회사로서는 최초였다는 점에서, 더구나 지방에서 성립되었다는 점에서 당시 매일신보에서도 기사화할 정도로 주목을 받았다. 그러나 파산 과정에서 드러나듯이, 경제적 실력양성이란 관점에서 본다면 백산무역주식회사는 모범사례라고 할 수 없었다. 또한 백산상회는 안희제가 비밀결사운동과 상해 임시정부에 자금을 조달한 매개체로 거론되어 왔으나, 이에 대한 연구는 초보적인 수준을 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 이 글에서는 백산상회의 실체에 접근하기 위해 종래 연구에서 이용하지 못했던 『부산일보』 『조선시보』의 기사 특히 광고면의 등기공고와 회사광고등을 활용하여 몇 가지 사실을 밝혀낼 수 있었다. 첫째 백산상회에 관한 종래 연구에서 가장 논란이 되었던 것은 안희제의 귀국 시기와 개인상점 백산상회의 창립시기였다. 종래 <백산공 가장급유사약록白山公家狀及遺事略錄>에 의거하여 1914년 9월에 귀국하여 바로 창립했거나 혹은 1916년 전후에 설립한 것으로 보았다. 그러나 여기에서는 백산상회의 연원을 1912년 전후로 볼 수도 있는 자료를 제시했다. 개인상점 백산 상회의 정확한 설립 시기를 확정하기 위해서는 무엇보다 상업등기공고 자료의 발굴이 시급하다. 둘째 (주)백산무역은 차입금과 이월결손금으로 한 번도 배당을 하지 못했고 이는 주주들의 추가불입 거부, 경영진의 주식 失權처리로 이어짐으로써 결국 회사 내분을 야기하게 되었다. 그런데 백산무역의 차입금 부채나 이월결손금은 경영 실패로 인한 것이 아니라 모두 합자회사에서 그대로 인계된 것이었다. 1년 여 기간의 합자회사 시절에, 더구나 일제시기 중 가장 호황이었고 사업 환경이 나쁘지 않았던 시기에 큰 채무를 지게 된 것은 단순히 경영상의 문제 때문이라기 보다 이때 많은 회사자금이 독립운동 자금으로 제공되었기 때문인 것으로 생각된다. Although Baeksan Trading Company (白山商會) is mentioned as acornerstone of the independence movement by Ahn Hee-je (安熙濟), studies on this have regained at an elementary level. They focus onBaeksan Trading Company among many Korean companies during theJapanese colonial period not because it was a major example of theself-strengthening movement but because it played an important rolein developing his independence and social movements. As shown in thebankruptcy process, Baeksan Trading Company was not a model casefrom the perspective of economic self-strengthening. This article aims to raise issues that empirical studies have cometo a standstill and Anh Hee-je has been deified as ‘#36 in theProvisional Government of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai’ and toapproach the reality of Baeksan Trading Company mentioned as acornerstone of his independence movement. For this purpose, it waspossible to reveal some facts using articles of 『Busan Ilbo (釜山日報)』and 『Chosun News (朝鮮時報)』and in particular registrationpublication and company advertising on advertising pages. First, the most controversial issues in previous studies on BaeksanTrading Company were when Ahn Hee-je returned and establishedBaeksan Trading Company. Conventionally, based on <BaeksanGonggajang geup Yusayakrok (白山公家狀及遺事略錄)>, it is speculatedthat he founded it right after his return in September 1914 or around1916. However, this article presents data showing that it could beestablished around 1912. In order to exactly determine BaeksanTrading Company was founded, there is an urgent need to find dataon the commercial registration publication. Second, Baeksan Trading Co. , Ltd. (白山貿易株式會社) had neverdistributed profits to stockholders due to the debt and loss carryforward. This led to stockholders` opposition to the additional paymentand forfeiture of management right and eventually caused internalconflicts. However, all debts or loss carry forwards were not causedby management failure but taken over from its limited partnership. Itis considered that Baeksan Trading Co. Ltd as a limited partnershipowed a huge debt for about a year which reached a peak of theeconomic boom during the Japanese colonial period not simply becauseit was attributed to management issues but because substantialcompany funds were used for independence movement.

티모티 리차드(Timothy Richard) 선교사와 청말(淸末) 중국의 개혁운동

박형신 한국교회사학회 2012 韓國敎會史學會誌 Vol.33 No.-

Timothy Richard(1845-1919), a Welsh missionary, acted as the spearhead of the missionaries in China who were interested in the reform of the late Qing society. Being sent by the Baptist Missionary Society, he worked in the areas including North China and Shanghai from 1870 to 1916 and his works included relief, literature, education, and social reform as well as evangelism. Sublating the hagiographical writings on him published in the first decades following his death and the socialist historiography utterly criticizing him as the agent of imperialism from the other side, this study tries to take a look both at his missionary motivation for the reform of Chinese society and politics and at his problematic toleration of the imperialistic Western Powers that was implied in his suggestions. Richard was convinced that Western civilization was benefited from the discovery of “the workings of God in Nature.” Communicating with the highest Chinese officials like Zhang Zidong and Li Hongzhang of the Self-Strengthening Movement, which was started in the 1860s, he made an effort to provide the society with scientific education and reform ideas in many areas including agriculture, industry, commerce, transportation, education, and religious education. Serving as the general secretary of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese (SDK/SDCGK) since 1891, he had a great opportunity to help the Chinese society with writing essays, translating books, publishing books and periodicals. Especially, his translation of History of Nineteenth Century and the periodical titled The Review of the Times edited by Young J. Allen were very popular among the Chinese intellectuals seeking the ways to reform Chinese society. It is important to note that, in terms of the ideology of reform, he did not agree on the overriding Chinese motto of reform, ‘zhong-ti-si-yong,’ which meant ‘the Chinese in mindset and the Western in technology.’ Rather, his idea started from the Western Civilization, not Chinese traditional value system. His suggestion was based on his conviction that Western civilization, comprising of the materialistic development based on natural sciences and ‘the true Christian civilization,’ was superior to Chinese civilization. Thus, his suggestion tends to be a universal reform including modernization, opening of the nation to foreign nations, improvement in commerce and international trades, Western education in sciences, and toleration of Christian education. Even though he did not deny the classical education coming from Chinese tradition and only did ask adding Western subjects to the current education, his respect for Chinese tradition rather came from missiological considerations and his reform ideas came from Western and Christian influences. Furthermore, at the base of Richard’s political activism was his evangelical conviction that made him a missionary to China. In addition to his evangelical faith, through his experiences in China, he developed a type of social gospel emphasizing the Kingdom of God seeking for the salvation of both ‘body’ and ‘soul’ and both ‘individuals’ and ‘nation.’ His effort of reform was at its peak at the 1898 Reform Movement, in which the young rising reformers like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao co-operated with the Emperor Guangxu to drive forward more progressive reforms following after the Chinese’s defeat at the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). He was very influential to the top leaders of the movement in many directions. However, a series of foudroyant ideas that he suggested were not accepted or administered by the leaders and the Court. For example, he suggested 1) a protectorate by the Powers, 2) an annexation or union of China with Japan, the United States, and the British Empire at least in some areas including defence and diplomacy, and 3) a united cabinet with the same number of Chinese and foreign representatives. His ideas were shared by Chinese officials and, in fact, even some similar ideas were coined by Chinese themselves in the great crisis of the fall of the Empire in the encroachments by imperialist Western Powers. His ideas listed above, in spite of the consideration of the context, had implications of Western colonialism trespassing Chinese sovereignty. They especially show the lack of his understanding in the commercial expansion of the Western colonialists. However, despite this point, it does not seem that he was directly connected to the officials or colonialists of the Britain or other Western countries. His idea of protectorate, annexation, or united cabinet was foreign to the current British position in diplomacy. In conclusion, Richard’s reform idea, first, came from his revised evangelical faith including the idea of the Kingdom of God and missiological consideration seeking for cultural adaptation. second, he contributed to the late Qing reform movement in promoting the discourse of reform and educating the younger reformers. Third, his reform had limitations due to his own political and cultural identities as a British subject. He, in his imperialists-friendly suggestions, came to be in the line of supporting the Western colonialists and he never approached republican ideas, which some progressive Chinese already had in their mind by the end of the century.