조소앙의 삼균주의와 민족혁명론

김인식 (사)한국인물사연구회 2011 한국인물사연구 Vol.16 No.-

Normally when we define the Principle of Three Equalities we focus on the meaning of the three components as in the equalities among political groups, economic and educational classes, or the equalities among individuals, nations, and states. While this understanding is a reasonable interpretation of his theory, what is evident is the realization that his Principle was foremost a practical theory, a prescription for the nation’s political and economic groups or classes to emerge after Korea’s independence from the Japanese colonial rule. In other words, ‘Three Equalities’ were concerned with the society that would emerge after completing a ‘National Revolution’ that would destroy the colonial pillagers of the Japanese Empire and fully restore the land and the sovereignty to the nation of Korea. In order to achieve the Principle of Three Equalities in a peaceful way, a national revolution or a mission to ‘restore the nation’ must be carried out thoroughly. In this sense, Jo So Ang’s ‘Theory of National Revolution’ is a premise and a prerequisite to the Principle of Three Equalities and constitutes an integral part of the theoretical structure of the latter. Jo So Ang, like others, considered that the primary task of a national revolution was to oust the Japanese colonial power by force and to restore full sovereignty to ethnic Koreans. But his Theory of National Revolution incorporated a deeper content: it was a concept that, as an integral part of the Korean revolution, clearly systemized not only the target and the aim of the revolution but also a methodology concerning the motive, its driving power and the leadership. Because Jo So Ang did not favor a social revolution within the ethnic Koreans nor abandon the sovereignty asthe ethnic Korean people, he could not surrender the hegemony in the national movement and nation-building efforts to the communists who pursued a social revolution and internationalism. To Jo So Ang, the driving force of a national revolution did not lie in a certain class but in the whole nation that included farmers, laborers, small and medium merchants, and intellectuals with the Korean Independence Party as the leader. This understanding gave substance to the logic that, while the Provisional Government must come to power to lead the process of restoration and nation-building, the established nation should be governed by one party rule of the Korean Independence Party. Jo So Ang’s Theory of National Revolution resulted in an idea of one party rule based on the claim of the Korean Independence Party to succeed the legacy of the March 1st Movement and the legitimacy of the Korean Provisional Government. In this sense, his Theory of National Revolution was a hegemony theory that traversed the whole period from the ejection of the Japanese to the establishment of a formal government of new democratic republic at the conclusion of the Provisional Government’s mission.

민족혁명과 시민혁명: 타이와 미얀마

박은홍 ( Eun Hong Park ) 한국동남아학회 2014 동남아시아연구 Vol.24 No.2

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit`s military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win`s military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnicrevolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow`s argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

나치독재의 ‘문화혁명’ 담론과 독일영화의 혁명화 프로젝트

최용찬 한국독일사학회 2007 독일연구 Vol.- No.13

During the so-called "total crisis" in the later phase of the Weimar republic the National Socialists declared publicly that only their Cultural Revolution(CR) could stop the collapse of the western civilization through the social and cultural reformation and renaissance, that they should construct the New People Community as a cultural utopia, Kulturvolksgemeinschaft under the Nationals Socialists' Reich. It was very interesting that their public declaration did not remain a political rhetoric, but was really put into practice after the seizure of the political power, so that it had a power to fabricate the reality differently. In this context it is important to raise questions: in which historical context was the National Socialists' Cultural Revolution discours come into being? What was the real order of their cultural revolution discours? How important did the Nazis consider the film revolution project? And which supports did the Nazis really act out to realize the cinema revolution project? Here I will reply shortly to these critical questions respectively. Firstly, the critical problem, how the Nazis appropriated the cultural crisis of the later Weimar republic, is examined. So it comes to a conclusion that the Nazis emphasized the inevitability of their cultural revolution especially in the face of the Weimar crisis. Secondly, it is natural that the order of the Nazis' cultural discours is illuminated by the deep observation on the German cinema revolution project, because the cinema revolution was the backbone of the Nazis' cultural revolution. Thirdly, it make clear how the movies circles, especially the cinema newspapers reacted against the revolution project of the German cinema. It is very valuable to keep an eye on this point, because their positive reaction was made full use as a pretext for its radical performance. As a result, this research will first of all help to analyze the cultural revolution discours of the conservatives, then to make a rough sketch the cinema revolution project as a main program of the cultural revolution of the Nazi dictatorship, and finally to redefine the nature of the Nazi dictatorship as a cultural dictatorship.

1917년 러시아혁명과 여성: 일상생활의 연속성과 변화

기계형 ( Ki Kye-hyeong ) 한국여성사학회 2010 여성과 역사 Vol.- No.12

1917년 러시아혁명의 과정은 그 이전까지 관념의 형태로 상상되거나 갈망되었던 가치들이 구체적으로 시도되거나 포기되었던 일련의 프로젝트로 점철된다. 특히, 러시아혁명에서는 프랑스혁명이래 중요한 사회정치적 의미를 지닌 `여성해방`의 궁극적 해결이 시도되었다는 점에서 각별히 중요하다. 사회의 성별역할을 문제제기하고, 평등한 젠더체계를 달성하는 하나의 실천운동으로서 페미니즘이 제기한 수많은 과제들에 대한 실천이 러시아혁명의 초기에 이루어졌기 때문이다. 부르주아혁명의 발발에서부터 내전의 종결이라는 엄청난 격동의 시기에 상이한 계급 출신의 여성들이, 비록 참여의 수준에서 편차가 있지만, 다양한 방식으로 혁명에 참가했다. 그들은 여성농민, 여성노동자, 중간계급여성, 귀족여성 등 출신성분에서 다양했으며, 자유주의적 입헌주의자, 볼셰비키, 멘셰비키, 사회혁명당 등 정치적 입장 또한 상이했다. 이 논문에서는 여성들이 계급적, 신분적, 정치적 입장의 차이에도 불구하고 강압적인 가부장제와 여성에 대한 차별이라는 공통의 경험이 있었음에 방점을 찍고 여성을 하나의 범주로 전제하고 있다. 이 논문에서는 1917년 2월부터 1920년 말까지 시기를 한정해, 러시아여성들이 전통적 가부장제에 깊이 뿌리박고 있는 가족관계와 젠더관계에 도전하고 역사적 행위자로서 적극적으로 참여했음을 확인하고자 한다. 요컨대, 이 논문은 러시아혁명의 시기에 여성들과 여성의 일상생활에 일어난 변화와 함께, 여성들의 경험이 지닌 역사적 의미를 살펴보고자 한다. The meaning of Russian Revolution for Russian women has long been a disputed question. The Russian Revolution was not only a social revolution, but also a revolution of everyday life. This article examines participations and roles of Russian women from February Revolution to the end of Civil War. This article will concentrate its attention on women`s behaviors and attitudes toward the Russian Revolution. During the Revolution, women had challenged to family relations and gender relations deeply rooted in traditional patriarchy and actively participated as historical actors. Women of different social classes participated in the turmoil of 1917 in different ways. Peasant women, working-class women, bourgeois feminists, and socialist feminists joined the Revolution in various ways. Above all radical women challenges to patriarchy and gender discrimination that shaped their lives as powerfully as did ethnicity or religion during revolution. After all, experiments in early Soviet Russia had meant that they gave women various voices. Zhenotdel, one of the most important achievement of the revolution contributed for women to draw into the revolution and soviet system building process, integrate women to the revolution and set a lot of strategies for everyday life. In this context, government policies toward women of 1930s were an obstacle of getting possibilities as a strategy of everyday life.

중국혁명과 북·중·소 관계, 1946~1950

한상준 국립순천대학교 인문학술원 2024 인문학술 Vol.12 No.-

국공내전 시기 북·중·소 관계는 밀착되었다. 중국혁명의 성공은 중공의 생존과 직결된 문제였다. 따라서 중공은 중국혁명의 성공적인 완수를위해 소련 및 북한과의 관계를 강화시켰다. 우선 중공은 국공내전 기간 ‘소련일변도’ 정책을 추진하였다. 국공내전의 승리와 중국혁명의 성공을 위해 중국은 소련의 협조와 지원이 절대적으로 필요했기 때문이다. 1948년 이후 중국혁명 성공 가능성이 뚜렷해지자, 중공은 소련에 대한 밀착을 더욱 강하게 추진하였다. 1949년 10월 중화인민공화국의 탄생은 중국혁명의 성공이 맺은 결실이었다. 신중국 수립직후 마오쩌둥은 소련을 방문하여 중·소 간 새로운 동맹조약을 맺었다. 그리하여 체결된 「중소우호동맹상호조약」은 중공이 추진했던 ‘소련일변도정책’의 최종적인 완성을 의미했다. 중국혁명의 성공 여부는 북한의 생존과 안전에 관련된 중대한 문제였다. 따라서 국공내전 시기 북·중의 이해는 근본적으로 일치하였고, 북중관계는 밀착·강화되었다. 특히 중공이 북한 지역을 후방기지로 활용할 수있었던 점은 중공의 동북지역 전투 승리에 상당한 기여를 하였다. 그런데 정치·안보적 이유뿐만 아니라 경제적 관점에서도 북중은 서로의 협력을필요로 하였다. 한편, 1949~1950년 약 3만 5천여 명의 중국인민해방군소속 조선인 부대가 북한으로 들어갔다. 조선인 부대는 북한의 군사력을크게 강화시켰다. 그런데 중국이 조선인 부대를 북한에 보냈던 내부적 배경에는 국내 경제의 어려움에 따른 감군의 필요성도 존재하였다. 중공은 국공내전에서 승리하면서 중국혁명을 완수하였다. 중국혁명의결과 공산주의 혁명이 동아시아 주변으로 확산될 수 있는 발판이 마련되었다. 그런데 중공정권은 공산주의 혁명을 주변으로 확산시키는 데 적극적이지 않았다. 왜냐하면 중공의 성격과 당면 목표가 이전과는 달라졌기때문이다. 중국혁명 성공 이후 중국공산당은 ‘혁명정당’에서 ‘집권정당’으로 바뀌었고, 중공이 추구했던 혁명의 목표도 무력을 통한 정권 창출이 아니라 사회주의 체제의 안정적인 건설에 있었다. During the Chinese Civil War, relations between North Korea, China, and the Soviet Union became close. The survival of the Chinese Communist Party depended on the success of the Chinese Revolution. Therefore, China strengthened ties with the Soviet Union and North Korea for the successful completion of the Chinese Revolution. First of all, China consistently pursued the policy of ‘Soviet unilateral policy’ during the civil war. This is because China absolutely needed the cooperation and support of the Soviet Union for the victory of the civil war and the success of the Chinese revolution. As the success of the Chinese revolution became more certain after 1948, the Chinese Communist Party tightened its ties to the Soviet Union. The birth of the People’s Republic of China in October 1949 was the result of the success of the Chinese Revolution. Shortly after the establishment of the New China, Mao Zedong visited the Soviet Union and tried to sign a new treaty of alliance between China and the Soviet Union. The “Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance” thus concluded meant the final completion of the “Soviet Unilateral Policy” promoted by China. North Korea’s survival and security were crucial to the success of the Chinese Revolution. As a result, North Korea’s and China’s interestsduring the national civil war were fundamentally consistent with each other, and relations between North Korea and China were strengthened. In particular, China’s ability to use the North Korean region as a rear base contributed significantly to China’s victory in the battle in the Northeast region. However, not only for political and security reasons, but also from an economic point of view, North Korea and China needed mutual cooperation. Meanwhile, a troop of about 35,000 Korean soldiers belonging to the Chinese People’s Liberation Army entered North Korea between 1949 and 50. The Korean troops greatly strengthened North Korea’s military power. However, the internal circumstance for which China sent Korean troops to North Korea was the need to reduce troops due to domestic economic difficulties. Through its victory in the civil war, the Chinese Communist Party completed the Chinese Revolution. The Chinese revolution laid the groundwork for the communist revolution to spread around East Asia. However, the communist regime did not actively seek to spread the communist revolution. This is because the nature and immediate goals of the Chinese Communist Party have changed from those in the past. After the success of the Chinese Revolution, the Chinese Communist Party transformed itself from a ‘revolutionary party’ to a ‘government party’, and its goal for the revolution was not to create a regime through force, but to build a stable socialist system.

혁명, 수행의 언어들: 해방과 민주주의 상상력

고명철 ( Ko Myeong-cheol ) 한민족문화학회 2020 한민족문화연구 Vol.71 No.-

한국문학이 아니라 ‘한국어문학’의 영역에서 혁명의 동력은 무엇이며, 이 양자는 서로에게 어떻게 작동했을까. 한국어문학의 범주로 논의할 때 중요한 문학적 쟁점은 한국문학이 함의하고 있는 개별 국민국가의 정치적 독립성과 자족성에 대한 논의로부터 유연성을 확보할 수 있다. 말하자면, 한국어문학은 국민주권의 강고한 정치문화적 프레임으로부터 풀려남으로써 대한민국의 국민으로서 문학의 주체가 아니어도 한국어라는 겨레말을 공유하고 있는 문학의 주체를 두루 포괄한, 그래서 국민국가의 안팎이 낳은 근대의 다층적 문제를 새롭게 인식할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 근대 자체에 대한 래디컬한 물음과 성찰을 통해 근대극복의 과제를 문학적으로 실천하는 길을 궁리할 수 있다. 이것은 문학과 혁명의 상호침투적 논의의 물꼬를 튼다.첫째, 혁명과 주체에 대한 논의로, 한국어문학에서 민중혁명과 정치적 상상력은 중요한 문학적 쟁점이다. 무엇보다 19세기 말 동학농민혁명이 주목되고 그것이 지닌 민중혁명의 가치가 새롭게 탐구되면서 한국어문학의 지평에서 비로소 근대 문학의 중요한 민중혁명의 시계열(時系列)을 구성한다. 그래서 단재 신채호의 민중혁명은 근대 조선문학에서 선구적이며 카프 이후 본격화된 계급 각성으로서 민중의 발견과 이것을 근간으로 한 조선혁명의 특수성을 띤 일제 식민주의로부터 민족해방을 동시에 내다본 예언자로서 정치문화적 속성을 띤다.둘째, 혁명과 근대에 대한 논의로, 해방과 민주주의 상상력에 대한 논의는 한국어문학에서 혁명의 문학적 실천 또는 문학의 혁명적 실천으로서 중요한 쟁점을 이룬다. 우선, 19세기 말부터 20세기 전반부는 온전한 근대 국민국가로서 정치적 지위를 보증 받지 못한 채 반(反)식민주의를 향한 해방의 정념과 그 문학적 실천이야말로 민중혁명의 동력을 섭취한 한국어문학이 전력투구해야 할 근대의 과제였다. 뿐만 아니라 민중혁명의 동력을 자기화한 문학의 정치적 상상력을 논의할 때 민주주의에 대한 사안은 반식민주의의 문학운동을 실천하는 것 못지않게 매우 절실한 문제였다.이처럼 한국어문학에서 혁명은 ‘해방과 민주주의 상상력’의 차원에서 문학의 정치적 수행의 언어의 몫을 실천하고 있다. 이 같은 수행은 한국사회에만 국한되는 특별한 혁명이 아니라 좁게는 아시아, 넓게는 세계의 퇴락한 체제를 혁신시킴으로써 새로운 체제를 기획하고 실천할 수 있는 혁명의 동력을 지닌 한국어문학의 지평을 심화 확산시킬 필요가 있다. 그리하여 한반도의 분단체제를 종식시키는 한국어문학의 혁명적 실천을 수행할 수 있다. 왜냐하면 평화체제로의 이행은 한반도를 구속시켰던 분단체제와 완전히 단절하고 새로운 민주주의 체제를 기약하는 만큼 한국어문학은 이러한 혁명의 동력을 최대한 이끌어낼 필요가 있기 때문이다. What is a power of revolution in terms of not Korean literature but ‘Korean language literature(한국어문학)?’ And how have been both sides operated work together? What an important literary agenda at the category of Korean language literature can obtain the flexibility from what Korean literature emerges a political independence and self-sufficiency for a nation state. In other words, as it is not jailed from a strong political frame of sovereignty, what Korean language literature embraces literary subjects sharing literary subjects of Korean people can newly recognize modern multilayered problems of nation state. And it can explore road to practice overcoming modern problems through radical question and introspection on modern itself. In fact, this opens the door of interpenetrating discussion of literature and revolution.The first, in argument on revolution and subject, what people revolution and political imagination is an important literary agenda in Korean language literature. Above all, in the late of 19th century Donghak Peasant Revolution(동학농민혁명) has been remarked, it’s value has been newly studied. Meanwhile, it has structured people revolution time series in terms of Korean language literature’s horizon. Hence, Dangae Shin-Chaeho(단재 신채호)’s people revolution is a pioneering, as significant acknowledging class after dismantling KAPF(Korea Arista Proleta Federatio), what he does not only discovery people’s existence but also prophet to get emancipation to independence against Japanese colonialism in terms of a special Chosun’s revolution, emerges features of political culture.The second, in argument on revolution and modern, what an emancipation and democratic imagination emerges significant agenda as revolutionary literary practice or literary revolutionary practice in Korean language literature. First of all, in the late 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the spirit of emancipation for anti-colonialism and its literary practice without being guaranteed political status as a fully modern nation, were the tasks of Korean language literature, which had gained the power of the people revolution, and were the tasks of the modern era. Besides, when we argue on a literature by selfcontroling people revolution i.e. literary political imagination, the democratic agenda is so problematic comparatively to practice anti-colonialism literary movements.Like this, the revolution in Korean language literature practices literary political performance language’s role in terms of emancipation and democratic imagination. Such conduct needs to deepen and spread the horizon of Korean literature, which has the power of revolution to plan and implement a new system by innovating the degenerate system of narrow Asia and wide world, not just limited to Korean society. Therefore, what the ending division system of Korean peninsula is capable of practice of Korean language literature’s revolution problem. Because the transition of peace regime cuts absolutely off division system severed imprison Korean peninsula and promises a new democratic system, Korean language literature should fully draw out the power of revolution.

The industrial revolution and land evolution: The fourth industrial revolution and land policy in South Korea

Park, Jung Ho(박정호) 한국지적정보학회 2020 한국지적정보학회지 Vol.22 No.2

클라우스 슈밥이 2016 세계경제포럼에서 4차 산업혁명을 언급한 이후 이는 세계적인 이슈가 되었다. 한국에서는 2016년 인간과 인공지능과의 바둑대결과 2017년 대통령 선거 등을 통하여 사회적 · 정치적 이슈가 되었다. 본 연구에서는 산업혁명과 토지진화를 개념적으로 검토하고 4차 산업혁명 차원에서 한국의 토지정책을 분석하고자 하였다. 산업혁명과 함께 토지 이용은 진화하였다. 산업혁명 초기 서양에서는 토지가 상품으로 인식되기 시작하였으며, 영국에서는 많은 농지가 목장으로 바뀌었다. 4차 산업혁명과 관련된 한국의 국가 토지정책은 다소 명확하지 못하며, 이는 두 가지 차원에서 해석될 수 있다. 첫째, 4차 산업혁명이 아직 시작되지 않았으나 사회적 · 정치적으로 이슈가 되면서 국가토지정책에 언급되었다. 둘째, 현대 사회는 4차 산업혁명의 초기에 속한다. 따라서 4차 산업혁명의 개념이 다소 명확하지 못하며, 결과적으로 관련 국가 토지정책도 다시 명확하지 못하다. 두 가지 경우 모두 국가토지정책이 4차 산업혁명에 의한 변화에 적절히 대응하는데 어려움이 있다. 한국에서는 정부가 산업혁명에 의하여 발생하는 변화에 대응하는 경향이 있다. 한편, 4차 산업혁명의 경우 민간부문 주도로 변화에 대응하고 공공부문이 민간부문을 지원하는 접근방식이 바람직하다고 판단된다. Since Schwab referred to the fourth industrial revolution at the 2016 World Economic Forum, it has been a global issue. In South Korea, it has become a social and political issue, embodied by events such as the game of Go played between human and artificial intelligence (AI) competitors in 2016, and its discussion in presidential election campaigning in 2017. This study reviews the industrial revolution and land evolution conceptually and analyses land policy in South Korea in terms of the fourth industrial revolution. With industrial revolution, land use evolves. For instance, following earlier industrial revolutions land began to be seen as a commodity in the West, and a notable amount of land was changed from arable farmland to pasture in England. National land policy as regards the fourth industrial revolution in South Korea is somewhat unclear. It is interpreted from two different perspectives: the first holds that the fourth industrial revolution has not started yet, but it has become a social and political issue, resulting in it being referred to in national land policy. The second asserts that contemporary society is in the earliest stages of the fourth industrial revolution, meaning the concept of this revolution is somewhat vague and national land policy also is unclear. In any case, it is difficult for national land policy to respond to changes prompted by the fourth industrial revolution properly at the current time. In South Korea, the government tends to respond to changes caused by industrial revolutions. In this study, the question of whether it is appropriate for the government to respond to such changes caused by the fourth or new industrial revolution is also reviewed. It is argued that the private sector-led response to the industrial revolution is appropriate in terms of consistency, and the public sector needs to support the private sector through measures such as deregulation or subsidies.

4월혁명문학과 부산

이순욱 ( Soon Wook Lee ) 부산광역시사편찬위원회 2010 항도부산 Vol.26 No.-

The April Revolution is remembered, among others, as a time of forced silence. In particular, lives and experiences in regions represent most of the memories for the revolution, which seems to be different from Korea`s unique social and cultural atmosphere where almost everything is revolving around Seoul. In that sense, focusing on the April Revolution poetry presents a new perspective to use literature to reconstruct the regional political and social history. This paper aims to examine under what circumstances poetry about the April Revolution were created in the Busan region as well as their characteristics during the Masan protest followed by the April Revolution, The scope of poems were limited to those published in newspapers, the most mobile type of media. First, the defining factors for the creation of the April Revolution poems were provided by newspapers. Except for the currently unverifiable 『Minju Sinbo』, more than 50 poems were published in 『Kookje Sinbo』and 『Busan Ilbo』. Major regional writers created most of the poems, while some citizens and students played as important writers. The number of creations was concentrated on April and May in the year, which was supported by enthusiasm for the revolution, social atmosphere of the time and mostly by the mobility of newspapers. Since June, revolutionary poems became a formality, showing a noticeable decrease in the number of creations, which is due mainly to the publication of a collection of revolutionary literature. The dominating poetic form of the revolutionary poetry was memorial poems, followed by political poems and poesie―temoignage. This demonstrates that those poems brought the criticism of and the fight against the rule of President Rhee, Syngman to the fore and pursued democratic, equalitarian and nationalistic values, while paying tribute to the noble sacrifice of the fallen, renewing their commitment and succeeding the revolutionary spirits. It is difficult to find poems that elaborate on historical experiences of the April Revolution in Busan. In other words, the Busan region had few literary works that embody the democratic movement against the dictatorship during the April Revolution. They just show the characteristics of literary works representing the April Revolution in general spurred by the experiences from the Masan protest, so much so that it is hard to extract their originality. Nevertheless, paying attention to the region by linking the historicity or the thisness of the struggles that Busan and Masan have respectively is meaningful, because this can emphasize the reconstitution of the pieces excluded from the diachronic and synchronic trends of the April Revolution literature, History is not a single current, but an interaction of many different forces, Therein lies the importance of the April Revolution literary works produced in Busan which was not directly connected, but directly affected by the Masan protest, which sparked the April Revolution.

1871년 영해동학혁명의 사료와 자취

김기현 동학학회 2014 동학학보 Vol.0 No.30

Today, humanity is the best value in the pursuit of human free will to live, to receive equal treatment, to protect human dignity, trying to make the quality of life will improve. In this respect the history of the Younghae-Donghak Revolution find the truth, and the descendants of those who took part in the revolution was honors will want. Jewoo-Choe the founder of a new religious Donghak on his last birthday October 28, 1863 in the village of Jikcheon in Youngduk korea. in front of so many disciples "by respecting human freedom as God and equality to the advent of the new world, the world will know that," he preached. He is saying, and then right to the moon on November 20 Government of the Joseon Dynasty sent a secret civil servant to arrest the following year on March 10 (lunar) was executed. The Younghae-Donghak Revolution is the founder of Donghak Jewoo-Choe 7th anniversary of the execution of the March 10, 1871 (lunar), it happened. 600 people took part in the revolution that was at the Rock Screens in Gyeongsang Younghaebu Sumyeon Woojungdong camped gathered in the valley. They are wearing a lampshade on the head and wore a blue coating. They caught two cows up the Mt. Hyeongjebong Sky-god memorial ceremony. After this, the Younghaebu about 10km away and then entered the authorities. Authorities towards the door of the cannon to shoot the crowd four people died. Participants are responsible for capturing the Mayor, seize the sin of asking and after killed, shot a cannon after authorities received police chief were also killed. Participants arsenal to destroy the armed revolution was. They noon the next day, while civil rule handed the money to the poor people. The Military officers caught 96 people during the revolution, standing participants executed or died of engagement. But Sihyeong-Choe the Second Donghak religious reader, Pilje-Lee general, Sawean-Kang instructor staff, Nakgyun-Kim warriors, Seongmun- Jeon, five leaders at Mt. Ilwolsan escape from such a survived. Looking at historical records, during the Younghae-Donghak Revolution, the participants stated information being captured and tortured in Kyonamkongjuk, the journal of military operations in the Younghaebu Jukbyunmunchuk, punishing the contents of the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and the like. The record of civilians leaving the Dowungisea, the Sinmiabyeonsiilgi, the Naamsulok, and so on. During the revolution, university participants 6, Confucian intellectuals in 23 patients, one person on local government officer, a commissioned officer, industrial, commercial, bobusang such as walks, etc. They gathered to see the article of DuBung-Nam’s. letters of the "Righteous Army to prevent the national crisis, this became" The Younghae- Donghak Revolution is to achieve freedom and equality, modern civil revolution. Compared with the Younghae-Donghak Revolution of the French Revolution when the revolution of human dignity, freedom and equality is similar in that you want to recover. 오늘날 인류사회에서 인간이 추구하는 최고의 가치는 자유로운 의지로 살며, 평등한 대우를 받으며, 인간으로서의 존엄성을 지키고, 삶의 질이 향상되도록 노력하는 것이다. 이 논문의 목적은 영해동학혁명에 대한 역사의 진실을 밝혀, 당시 혁명에 참가한 사람들과 후손들의 명예를 회복시키는 데 있다. 새로운 종교인 동학을 창시한 최제우는 그의 마지막 생일날인 1863년10월28일 영덕 직천마을에서 수많은 제자들 앞에서 "인간존엄성을 신과 같이 함으로서 자유(자존)와 평등(무극대도)의 새로운 세상이 도래한다(후천개벽)는 것을 세상에 알리라"고 설교했다. 그는 이 말을 한 후, 한 달도 못되는 11월20일 정부가 비밀로 파견한 공무원(암행어사)에게 체포되어 다음 해 3월10일(음력) 처형되었다. 영해동학혁명은 동학을 창시한 최제우의 처형 7주년이 되는 음력 1871년 3월10일(양력 4월29일)에 일어났다. 혁명에 참가한 600여명은 당시 경상도 영해부 서면 우정동 병풍바위 아래 집결하여 산골짜기에 야영을 했다. 이들은 머리에 갓을 쓰고 푸른색 도포를 입었다. 이들은 소를 두 마리 잡아서 형제봉 산에 올라가 하늘 신에게 제사를 지냈다. 그 후 10km 가량 떨어진 영해부 관청에 진입하였다. 관청문 앞에서 군중들을 향해 대포를 쏘아 4명이 죽었다. 혁명참가자들은 책임자인 부사(시장급)를 붙잡아서 포박하여 죄를 묻고 난 뒤 죽이고, 대포를 쏜 수석포교(경찰서장급)도 죽인 후에 관청을 접수하였다. 무기 창고를 파괴하여 혁명참가자들이 무장하였다. 그들은 다음 날 정오까지 민권통치를 하면서 가난한 두민(시의 동장급)들에게 돈을 나누어 주었다. 이들 혁명참가자 중에 96명이 관군에 붙잡혀서 처형되거나 교전으로 죽었다. 그러나 제2대 동학교주 최시형, 이필제 장군, 강사원 참모, 김낙균 무사, 전성문 등 5명의 지도자는 일월산 울연전에서 탈출하여 살아났다. 영해동학혁명을 기록한 사료로는, 혁명 참가자 중에 붙잡혀서 고문을 받고 진술한 내용인 교남공적, 관군의 군사작전일지인 영해부적변문축, 처벌 내용이 적힌 조선왕조실록 등이 있다. 그 밖에 민간인이 남겨둔 기록으로 도원기서, 신미아변시 일기, 나암수록, 등이 있다. 혁명참가자 중에는 대학생 6명, 지식층인 유학자 23명, 현역장교 1명, 공무원인 이방 1명, 공업, 상업, 보부상, 등이다. 그들은 “나라의 위기를 막기 위해서 의병이 되자”는 남두병의 글을 보고 모여들었다. 영해동학혁명은 프랑스혁명과 비교될 정도로 자유와 평등을 실현한 근대 시민혁명이었다.

4차 산업혁명시대 콘텐츠와 문화콘텐츠

김기덕 인문콘텐츠학회 2019 인문콘텐츠 Vol.0 No.52

It can be said that it was around 2000 that the concept of contents and cultural contents emerged in Korean society including the Human Contents of Association. This period was in sync with the atmosphere of the times when digital technology spread on a full scale. The full-scale spread of this digital technology in this period is currently defined as the 3rd industiral revolution. Therefore, the emergence of such terms as contents, cultural contents and human contents and their social utility are closely related to the 3rd industrial revolution. This study attempted to discuss this relatedness from a perspective of the 'media'. That is, the full-scale spread of digital technology understood as the 3rd industrial revolution led to the diffusion of the media as its specific presentation, which is thought to have necessarily resulted in requiring contents contained in the media, and furthermore cultual contents and human contents. This study started by asking a question of 'how contents, cultural contents and human contents emerging in the 3rd industrial revolution will take shape if current technological development can be said to be the 4th industrial revolution. In this study, the core of the 4th industrial revolution technology is thought to be the context. Technologies currently presented as the emblem of the 4th industrial revolution is actually the deepening of digital technology in the 3rd industrial revolution. Accordingly, there are arguments that negate its classification. But technologies of the 4th industrial revolution is not simply the extension of digital technology but also its intelligence. The core of intelligence consists in collecting and grasping the user's context and assisting in applying it. Then the 4th industrial revolution can be the heyday of the contents specialist. If technologies of the 4th industrial revolution extract the user's context, the importance of contents will also be presented in planning cultural contents based on it and the planning of cultural contents will be made even easier. More ardent discussion over the orientation of cultural contents in the 4th industrial revolution is expected to set the direction for cultural contents studies and human contents studies. In addition, the accurate understanding and application of the core of technogies in the 4th industrial revolution is expected to make it easier to create contents in the cultural contents industry and produce the more abundant outcome. 한국사회에서 콘텐츠, 문화콘텐츠 개념이 출현한 것은 2,000년이었다. 이 시기는 디지털기술이 본격적으로 확산되는 시대분위기와 맞물려 있었다. 이 시기 이러한 디지털기술의 전면적 확산을 현재 3차 산업혁명이라고 규정한다. 필자는 3차 산업혁명의 핵심을 ‘미디어’의 차원에서 정리하여 보았다. 즉 3차 산업혁명으로 이해되는 디지털기술의 전면적 확산은 그 구체적인 표상으로서 미디어의 확산을 가져왔으며, 그 결과 필연적으로 그 미디어에 담기는 콘텐츠, 더 나아가 문화콘텐츠·인문콘텐츠를 요청할 수밖에 없었다고 생각한다. 과연 3차 산업혁명시대에 출현한 콘텐츠, 문화콘텐츠, 인문콘텐츠는 4차 산업혁명시대에서는 어떻게 될 것인가. 필자는 그것을 해명하기 위해 4차 산업혁명 기술의 핵심은 컨텍스트(context)라고 보았다. 현재 4차 산업혁명의 표상으로 제시되는 기술들은 실제로는 3차 산업혁명시대 디지털 기술의 심화이다. 따라서 그 구분을 부정하는 주장도 나오는 것이다. 그러나 4차 산업혁명의 기술들은 단순한 디지털기술의 확장만이 아니라 지능화(intelligence)되었다는 점에 있다. 지능화의 핵심은 사용자의 컨텍스트(context)를 수집하고 파악하여, 그것을 응용할 수 있도록 해준다는 점에 있다. 그렇다면 4차 산업혁명시대는 오히려 콘텐츠전문가의 전성시대가 될 수 있다. 4차 산업혁명의 기술들이 이용자의 컨텍스트를 추출해준다면, 그에 기반한 문화콘텐츠 기획에서는 역시 콘텐츠의 중요성이 제기될 것이고, 또한 문화콘텐츠 기획이 더 용이해질 것이다. 마지막 장에서는 이러한 이해선상에서 연구와 교육을 수행하는 인문콘텐츠학회 구성원들이 나아갈 방향을 제시해보았다. 그것은 기술친화적인 연구와 교육으로 압축될 수 있다. 아무쪼록 본 글을 계기로 4차 산업혁명시대 문화콘텐츠의 향방에 대한 보다 활발한 논의가 이루어져서, 문화콘텐츠학에 대한 방향정립과 함께 인문콘텐츠학회가 이 시대 문화콘텐츠산업을 선도할 수 있기를 희망한다.